The Fijian of Part-Europeans: a Case Study of Wainunu-I-Caxe

THE FIJIAN OF PART-EUROPEANS: A CASE STUDY OF WAINUNU-I-CAXE

Ana Akata Kitolelei

A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Linguistics

School of Language, Arts and Media

Faculty of Arts, Law and Education

The University of the South Pacific

July, 2013

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to acknowledge and thank the following for their most valued assistance and support: my supervisor Associate Professor Dr. Paul Geraghty for his immeasurable guidance and patience. Vaula, sa x levu na noqu vaxavinavinaxa. the people of Wainunu-i-caxe for sharing their knowledge and giving their time to tell stories and answer questions the Faculty of Arts, Law and Education for the sponsorship of study (Graduate Assistant scholarship) and the grant to conduct my field research

Dr. Robert Early at Pacific Languages Unit, Emalus Campus, the University of the South Pacific, for reading through the chapters and offering his kind advice and assistance

Barbara Hauofa (through the coordination of the FALE Post Graduate committee) for editing all the chapters fellow colleagues for their words of motivation and time in proofreading chapters of my thesis: Alice Rore, Tilisi Bryce, Salesh Kumar and Rajendra Prasad and my family and loved one, you are my source of inspiration and comfort. Faieksia.

ABSTRACT

Fijian, originally the language of the indigenous race, is now spoken by over half of the population. There are two major dialect groups of Fijian, eastern and western. A Fijian variety that has been the brunt of jokes on local radio, in dailies and in conversation is that spoken by a kailoma. A kailoma (‘others’ in the census classification), also known as a Part-European or half-caste, is “someone descended from a European man married to an Indigenous Fijian or Rotuman woman [from Fijian]” (Macquarie Dictionary of English for the Fiji Islands 2006, p. 307). It is important to note that no linguistic study has been conducted on the Fijian of kailoma. There has also been little or no research conducted on kailoma customs, lifestyles and opinions. This paper will attempt to fill this lacuna by describing the speech of three neighbouring kailoma settlements of Batinivuriwai, Nakabuta and Wainivesi, located in Wainunu, Bua, Vanualevu. The research data was gathered through observation, tape-recording, questioning and generative lexicography over a period of six weeks in December 2007 and January 2008. One of the principle findings of this study is that vocabulary reflects both English and indigenous Fijian cultures. Many terms are borrowed from English and Wainunu-i- ive /x/ is generally used in positions where SF uses /k/. In borrowed words and in religious contexts, /k/ is retained. The past tense marker in Wainunu-i-caxe is ma, whereas it is in Standard Fijian, clearly a borrowing from Wainunu-i- be the beginning of beginning of similar studies in the language of kailoma and it can contribute significantly to contact linguistics.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract i Contents ii List of tables v List of figures and maps vi List of abbreviations vii

Chapter 1: Setting the Scene 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Aims and objectives 4 1.3 Study area 5 1.4 Methodology 8 1.5 Thesis structure 9 Chapter 2: Linguistic and Social Background 11 2.0 Introduction 11 2.1 Previous studies of Fijian 14 2.2 Previous studies of western Vanualevu 16 2.3 The province of Bua, Vanualevu 17 2.3.1 Wainunu district, Bua 22 2.4 Wainunu-i-caxe 26 2.4.1 David Whippy: the ancestor of the Whippy family in 33 Wainunu-i-caxe 2.5 Conclusion 36 Chapter 3: Sociolinguistic Description 37 3.0 Introduction 37 3.1 Traditional ceremonies 39 3.2 Family units 44 3.2.1 Kinship terms 48 3.3 Social domains 55 3.4 Religion 59 3.4.1 Language in religion 61 3.5 Language in the context of village tasks 63 3.5.1 Other economic activities 69 3.5.2 Education and villagers’ responsibility to the school 71 3.5.3 Media 74 3.6 Conclusion 77 Chapter 4: A Sketch Grammar of Wainunu-i-caxe 79 Communalect 4.0 Introduction 79 4.1 Phonology 80 4.1.1 Phonemes 80 4.1.2 Phonotactics 83 4.1.3 Stress 84 4.2 Word classes 84

Open and closed word classes 86 4.2.1 Noun and noun phrases 88 4.2.1.1 Pronouns 88 4.2.1.1.1 Independent pronouns 88 4.2.1.1.2 Possessive pronouns 90 4.2.2 Types of nouns 97 4.2.2.1 Common nouns 97 4.2.2.2 Proper nouns 99 4.2.2.3 Locative nouns 100 4.2.2.4 Temporal nouns 102 4.2.3 Articles 103 4.2.4 Demonstratives 103 4.2.5 Relative clause 105 4.2.6 Quantifiers 107 4.2.7 Prepositions 110 4.3 Verbs 113 4.3.1 Categories of verbs 113 4.3.1.1 Intransitive verbs 113 4.3.1.2 Transitive verbs 115 4.3.1.2.1 Transitive only verbs 116 4.3.1.2.2 Active transitive verbs 117 4.3.1.2.3 Passive transitive verbs 118 4.3.2 Verb phrase structure 119 4.3.2.1 Conjunction 119 4.3.2.2 Subject marker 123 4.3.2.3 Tense/aspect marker 126 4.3.2.4 Other preverbal markers 128 4.3.2.5 Verbal prefixes 135 4.3.2.5.1 Vei- 135 4.3.2.5.2 Vaxa- 138 4.3.2.5.3 Other prefixes: ta-/xa-/ra-/ca- and lau- 140 4.3.2.6 Verb suffixes: transitivity markers 144 4.3.2.6.1 One syllable suffixes 144 4.3.2.6.2 Two syllable suffixes 150 4.3.2.7 Incorporated noun 152 4.3.2.8 Adverb 1 153 4.3.2.9 Postverbal particles 155 4.3.2.10 Adverb 2 157 4.4 Syntax: sentence types 158 4.5 Reduplication 162 Chapter 5: Conclusion 167 5.1 Findings summarised 167 Bibliography 170 Appendices 178 Appendix A: Glossary 178

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Appendix B: A wordlist 183 Appendix C: Lexicon (in different domains) 210 Appendix D: Text 1: Na tei 212 Text 2: <: O Daucina, kei na qari ‘A story 216 of an ancestral spirit: Daucina and the crab’ Appendix E: 228 Sketch map 1: Batinivuriwai 228 Sketch map 2: Nakabuta 229 Sketch map 3: Wainivesi 230

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2.1 Fiji census 2007 10 Table 2.2 Estimated figures of Fijian speakers 13 Table 2.3 Population of Bua in the 2007 census 21 Table 2.4 Major religions and their adherence in Fiji 21 Table 2.5 Number of households and population in 27 Wainunu-i-caxe (census) Table 2.6 Number of households and population of 27 Wainunu-i-caxe (fieldwork) Table 3.1 Batinivuriwai kinship terms 50 Table 3.2 Families of different Christian 60 denominations in Batinivuriwai Table 3.3 Families of different Christian 61 denominations in Nakabuta Table 3.4 Families of different Christian 61 denominations in Wainivesi Table 4.1 Consonant phonemes in Wainunu-i-caxe 81 Table 4.2 Independent pronouns 89 Table 4.3 Possessive pronouns suffixes 91

Table 4.4 Demonstratives 104 Table 4.5 Prepositions 111 Table 4.6 Forms pronouns take as subject markers 124

LIST OF FIGURES AND MAPS

Figure 1.1 The Fiji Islands 6 Figure 1.2 Vanualevu 6 Figure 1.3 Wainunu-i-caxe (bracketed) in Wainunu 7 district Figure 2.1 Wainunu-i-caxe 29 Figure 2.2 Wainunu tea estate employees 30 Figure 2.3 The first Dyer family house 33 Figure 3.1 Three generations of women 48 Figure 3.2 At the wavu ‘jetty’ beside a bilibili, 71 Wainunu river Figure 3.3a Adi Elaine Primary School at Kaciwaqa 73 Figure 3.3b The current Adi Elaine Primary School 73 Figure 3.4 A sign of change 75

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

I have followed abbreviations used by Geraghty in persons and numbers (The History of the Fijian Languages, 1983), some are standard (e.g. adv, adj), while some are my own (e.g. that2, that3, etc).

I first person II second person III third person

1 singular incl inclusive excl exclusive 2 dual 3 paucal + plural adv adverb adj adjective anaph anaphoric apr appearance asp aspect art article bgn beginning caus causative verb coll collective marker comp complementizer conj conjunction cont continuous marker des desiderative dem demonstrative dir directional marker ev existential verb exc exclamation ext extreme FE Fiji English hab habitual imm immediately ind individual int interjection intr intransitive verb ints intensive ite iterative k a kind of L Latin lim limitation lit literally loc locative n noun

vii neg negator nom nominaliser non-ev non existential verb NP noun phrase num numeral part particle pas passive post-v post-verbal particle pst past pre-v pre-verbal particle prox proximate rec reciprocal redup reduplication SF Standard Fijian stat stative prefix sub subordinator sug suggestion ten tentative that2 that (near addressee) that3 that (away from speaker and addressee) there2 there (near addressee) there3 there (away from speaker and addressee) tr transitive vverb VP verb phrase Ø null

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CHAPTER 1: SETTING THE SCENE

1.1 Introduction

Generally speaking, while most native speakers of English are monolingual, inhabitants of South Pacific island groups such as Tonga and Samoa of Polynesia, and Kiribati of Micronesia, which are largely homogeneous societies, speak their vernacular and English but use the former more; the latter is by and large used for official purposes. In the multicultural societies of Melanesia, countries such as Vanuatu and Solomon Islands have speakers who are mostly either bilingual or multilingual. In the more diversified society of Fiji, different languages and dialects are also used. Fiji presents a variety of different languages, spoken by people of many different cultures, such as Fijians, Indians, Part-Europeans, Chinese, Rotumans, Europeans, other Pacific Islanders and Others (racial divisions adapted from the Fiji Islands Bureau of Statistics 2008). Note that ‘Fijians’ has changed to ‘Itaukei’ since July 2010.

The Fiji archipelago consists of more than three hundred islands, located midway between the Equator and the South Pole and between longitudes 174º east and 178º west of Greenwich and latitudes 12º and 22º south (Fiji Bureau of Statistics 2011). Its population, according to the most recent census of 2007, is 837,271, with 475,739 Fijian (see 2.0 Figure 2.1) (Fiji Islands Bureau of Statistics 2011). Fijian is spoken by over half of the population. A Fijian variety that has been the brunt of jokes on local radio, in daily newspapers and in conversations, is that spoken by those who are designated kailoma. An example of such conversation is during a solemn presentation of yaqona (kava), a kailoma may say: “sosoxo < na blad…mana eeee dina…klep klep” ‘may our bond in blood remain strong, may it come true…clap clap’. Indigenous Fijians would say ‘blood’ and cobo ‘clap with cupped hands’.

A kailoma, or Part-European or half-caste in general, is “someone descended from a European man married to an Indigenous Fijian or Rotuman woman [from Fijian]” (Macquarie Dictionary of English for the Fiji Islands 2006: 307). Leger (n.d.: 2) explains the difficulty faced by the census enumerators in Fiji of assigning a suitable term for “human hybrid”: “Over the years the mixed race with European and native descent has been labeled “half-caste”, “Pend [People of European and Native Descent]”, “Pmend [People of Mixed European and Native Descent]”, “Eurasian”, “Kai loma” and “vasu””. “Half-caste” was used in Fiji’s first census of 1881, recording 771 persons belonging to this group, and the term continued to be used in the censuses of 1891, 1901, 1911 and 1921 (Leger n.d.: 2). Pend was used in 1936, mostly to emphasize the native component, but changed again to Pmend in 1946 to cater for all “other affiliations” (ibid). “Kai- loma” is described as a person who does not belong in either community, but exists in the middle, while “vasu” is a person’s affiliation to community on the maternal side (Leger n.d.: 5). Some claim that “Part-European” was used in the 1930s, to do away with the loose term “half-caste” or perhaps brought about by the changing views of Europeans to recognise this group (Leger n.d.: 4). The different labels reflect the fluidity of the group and also the attitudes of the people who use the terms at different times.

This study will focus on the three kailoma settlements of Wainunu, Bua, Vanualevu: Batinivuriwai, Nakabuta and Wainivesi (see section 1.3). In these neighbouring communities, most of these kailoma are descendants of English- speaking males and Fijian-speaking females. My mother is a third generation descendant of a European married to an indigenous Fijian woman, and I was brought up in Batinivuriwai. Kailoma:

… are so varied in their looks (many are good looking). They have a wide range of physical features: their hair may be black, blond, red or brown, and lanky, curly or straight; their skin colour may range from

black to white with various shades in between; their eye colour ranges from brown to green, blue, grey or hazel. (Simpson 1974: 4)

Kailoma are generally viewed to be of fair complexion, but some are similar to indigenous Fijians, with dark complexion and frizzy hair, with a European surname. For a kailoma in Wainunu, this description generally applies, but I have not seen anyone with red hair, or with green eyes; though clear blue and hazel eyes can be seen in the Dyer family (see section 2.4) they are not common. Some individuals are very fair while most are dark-skinned, partially as a result of exposure to the hot sun since they work either in gardens or the sea. It is assumed that the first few generations would be of fair complexion to most contemporary Wainunu-i-caxe kailoma. Intermarriage has broadened the description of kailoma to include addition of Rotuman, Kiribati and Samoan backgrounds also. Part- Europeans are viewed by their surname rather than physical characteristics. My mother is a quarter European and kailoma. I am about 1/8th European and kailoma. I am still commonly seen as a kailoma. For the purpose of this paper, a kailoma would be those with an English or ‘European’ surname and those whose mother is a kailoma. It is to be noted also that the word kailoma is used both as a singular noun and a collective noun.

The term kailoma sometimes refers also to indigenous Fijians (viavia kailoma ‘want to be kailoma’) who are raised in urban areas and mostly speak Fiji English (a variety of English originally used by kailoma).

One may ask “What makes a kailoma different in Fiji? Is there anything special about them compared to the rest of the people in Fiji? If they are different, what then of the language they speak?” These are the questions that will be investigated in this research. As far as I am aware, there has been little or no research specifically on their customs, lifestyle, opinions, or the language that they speak. The language used by kailoma in Fiji is generally understood to be

3 code-switching between English and a variety of Fijian, where the latter is the communalect spoken in the area in which the speaker has been brought up.

I use the term ‘communalect’ to refer to the speech variety used by speakers in Wainunu-i-caxe. In the words of Pawley (2003: 10):

… most people refer to these speech traditions as “Fijian dialects”. However, the term is not always appropriate. Some of the so-called ‘dialects’ are not mutually intelligible and should be regarded as separate languages. It is convenient to use the neutral term ‘communalects’ to refer to a set of local speech traditions, in contexts where we want to leave aside the question of whether or not they are dialects of one language.

It is important to note that no linguistic study has been conducted on the Fijian of kailoma. Some studies however have been conducted on Fiji English, the variety of Fijian spoken by Indo-Fijians and varieties of Fijian (see section 2.2 for detailed description). It is generally assumed that kailoma speak Standard Fijian, but this is not entirely true. This study will confirm that Wainunu-i-caxe is a unique variety of Fijian and not Standard Fijian.

1.2 Aims and objectives

I have always been interested in languages; analysing speaker’s choice of words in both speaking and writing, the way words are strung together to express one’s thoughts to best effect, the level at which an addressee perceives and interprets what has been said and how they respond. I was born and bred in Batinivuriwai (my mother is kailoma and my father is Rotuman). Being a native speaker and part of this community allowed me observe and participate with speakers freely in conversations. The continuous jokes and stories about the communalect used

4 by these speakers about their ethnic background have prompted me to research their background and describe this communalect.

The focus of this thesis is to describe the Fijian variety spoken by kailoma in three settlements of an isolated part of Bua that some 300 Part-Europeans call home.

The main objectives of the research are:

(i) to provide a sketch of the background of speakers;

(ii) to provide a sociolinguistic description of contemporary Wainunu-i-caxe

(iii) to provide a sketch of contemporary Wainunu-i-caxe grammar, with texts and a wordlist.

1.3 Study area

This study is focused on three settlements in Wainunu, Bua, in Vanua Levu, the second largest island in Fiji. These are Batinivuriwai, Nakabuta and Wainivesi (see Figure 1.2; marked A, B and C respectively, and Figure 1.3). The joint region is called Wainunu-i-caxe for the purpose of this study, where most of the villagers are kailoma. The area is isolated and distant from any urban area and the villagers rely on the land and sea for daily living. The settlements are far from each other and it takes more than an hour’s walk from one settlement to another. There are forests in between and within each settlement, houses are scattered. I was raised in Batinivuriwai and am familiar with all three settlements, and the communalect used in these communities is my mother- tongue.

Figure 1.1: The Fiji Islands

(Source: Department of Lands and Surveys, Project Transverse Mercator. GIS Unit USP 2003, cited in Mangubhai and Mugler 2003)

Figure1.2: Vanualevu

Figure 1.3: Wainunu-i-caxe (bracketed) in Wainunu district

1.4 Methodology

The methods employed in this thesis are mainly observation and interviews for primary data, with secondary data from archival research, electronic sources, and journals and books. As a native speaker, I have also drawn linguistic material from my own intuition of the language.

A period of field research was conducted over six weeks in December 2007 and January 2008. Conversations were tape-recorded and subsequently transcribed and analysed. A list of vocabulary from a wide range of semantic domains was also collected (see Appendix 3).

Before engaging in fieldwork, I conducted appropriate archival research, looking at the linguistic and social background of the communalect. The primary data were obtained through observation, tape-recording, questioning and generative lexicography, a method of gathering information in which speakers give all the words they know in a particular domain, rather than being prompted, such as names of fish, plants, children’s games, etc.

Observations were made in many contexts, such as dialogues and group conversations in places of worship, playgrounds, traditional ceremonies and the like. In some cases, speakers were aware their conversation was recorded, and I found that usage in this situation did not reflect their true speech. For example, they would use /k/ instead of conversational /x/ (see 3.4.1).

The village head of Batinivuriwai was presented sevusevu (a traditional presentation of a bundle of usually dried kava roots) to inform and seek consent of the study. Individuals and groups who were observed and who I conversed with were aware of this study before the fieldwork began. Children, youths, middle aged and elders of both genders were my subjects. Respondents in Nakabuta and Wainivesi were also informed but without a sevusevu. All were

8 asked for consent, individually in individual observations and in groups in group observations.

For the purpose of language of religion, I went to the many denominations in the three communities and sat in their church services, observing without their knowing the purpose of my presence. Consent was given to proceed with the analysis of data collected. I spent a weekend in Nakabuta so that I could attend their church services, on Friday evening and the whole of Saturday, as they are Seventh-Day Adventists.

Popular sports that I observed are volleyball and touch rugby, both common in Batinivuriwai. Nakabuta plays volleyball for the most part and they are joined by those in Wainivesi on occasion, since Wainivesi villagers do not play in their own area because of the small number of players. Kava sessions in the evenings also presented opportunities for more observations and discussions.

1.5 Thesis structure

The thesis has five chapters.

Chapter 1 is this introduction, setting the scene for the overall study.

Chapter 2 is the linguistic and social background, covering previous studies on language and related fields. It begins with Fijian in general and narrows to the social background of Bua, Vanualevu.

Chapter 3 is a sociolinguistic description of the Wainunu-i-caxe community.

Chapter 4 is a sketch grammar of Wainunu-i-caxe.

Chapter 5 is the conclusion. The implications of the study are discussed, together with what the future holds for the speakers, and comments about the place of kailoma in Fiji society.

These are 5 appendices: a glossary of Fijian terms used in the text; a Wainunu-i- caxe wordlist, a lexicon list in different domains; four texts; and a map and sketches.

CHAPTER 2: LINGUISTIC AND SOCIAL BACKGROUND

2.0 Introduction

The Pacific is linguistically a particularly rich area of the world, and the Fijian languages contribute to this diversity. Fijian languages are Oceanic languages and are members of the Austronesian language family. Fijian, together with Rotuman and Polynesian languages, were once assumed to derive from Proto Central Pacific, a single language spoken by the Lapita people. Geraghty, though, argues that this theory of a single origin is not so clear cut: as it is not strongly supported by data, whereas there is evidence of a close relationship between Tokalau (for Eastern) Fiji and Polynesian (1996: 83). Fijian at some time later split into Proto Western Fijian and Proto Eastern Fijian.

Austronesian b Oceanic b Proto Central Pacific b Western Fijian/Eastern Fijian

Contemporary Fiji is a multiracial country, and its varied ethnic groups present different languages.

There are no census questions on language use, probably because language use is presumed to be determined by ethnicity. In the 2007 Census (see Table 2.1), Fijians make up 475,739 of the total population and this may represent the largest number of speakers of any language in the Pacific. But does this reflect the true number of speakers of Fijian? Geraghty (2001: 165) states:

We should bear in mind also that the Fijian language is not spoken only by Fijian people. It is the first language of practically all the Melanesian community, and of a considerable number of part-Europeans, Rotumans, Chinese, and various Pacific Islanders, as well as being a major language of inter-communal communication.

Table 2.1 Fiji Census 2007 2007 (16 Sep) Fijian 475,739 Indian 313,798 Part-European 10,771 Rotuman 10,335 Chinese 4,704 European 2,953 Other Pacific Islanders 15,311 All Others 3,660 Total 837,271 (Source: Fiji Islands Bureau of Statistics 2008)

To present an estimated number of Fijian speakers, careful approximations have been made after consultations with my supervisor, Associate Professor Paul Geraghty, and colleagues. These estimates are not based on any research. The approximations are drawn using the figures of the 2007 census. Of the 475,739 Fijians, 99% would know Fijian; the 1% can include those who claim they do not speak Fijian, such as some of those raised in cities and abroad. This 1% may speak Fiji-English most times. Of the 313,798 Indians, 5% would be able to speak Fijian, for example, those who live near indigenous Fijian communities, such as those in cane farms near Fijian villages and those (e.g. shopkeepers) in some remote islands and rural areas. This 5% may also include children of Indian husbands and Fijian wives. However, this 5% may not accurately reflect reality, as some Indians would claim to know Fijian but this may be Pidgin Fijian. Ten thousand of the 15,311 Pacific Islanders would know Fijian and these would include descendants of Solomon Islanders who were indentured labourers in the second half of the 19th century, 50% of Kioans and 20% of Rabians, of Tuvaluan and I-Kiribati descent respectively. Some Samoans, Tongans and I-Kiribati (as in Veisari, near Suva) would also know Fijian. About 75% of the 10,335 Rotumans would speak and understand Fijian as 80% of this population live on the other

12 islands of Fiji and only 2,002 live on Rotuma island. About 50% of Part- Europeans would also know Fijian, together with 20% of Chinese (especially the “old Chinese” who have been in Fiji for several generations). Out of the 2,953 Europeans, approximately 2% would know Fijian.

Table 2.2 Estimated figures of Fijian speakers in Fiji Population Number of speakers 2007 (approximations) Fijian 475,739 470,981 Indian 313,798 15,689 Part-European 10,771 5,385 Rotuman 10,335 5,167 Chinese 4,704 940 European 2,953 58 Other Pacific Islanders 15,311 10,000 All Others 3,660 0 Total 837,271 508,220

This overall approximation of Fijian speakers (508,220), not considering the ethnic categorization, is 60% of Fiji’s total population of 837,271. This estimation does not include speakers of Fijian who live abroad, which can be answered in another survey.

Fijian has two main regional varieties: Eastern and Western Fijian (Pawley and Sayaba 1971: 405–436; Lynch 2003: 126). There are also non-regional varieties which include: Pidgin Fijian, the variety spoken by Indo-Fijians, Chinese and foreigners such as some Peace Corps workers and missionaries; Standard Fijian, sometimes called ‘Bauan’, the variety used for everyday purposes; and Old High Fijian, the variety used by the early missionaries in translations, which is a mixture of Lauan, Viwan, with some influence from the structure of English (Geraghty 1984: 33, 49; Geraghty 2000: 1–8).

2.1 Previous studies of Fijian

The history of written Fijian and descriptive linguistic studies of Fijian is fairly recent, dating back to the 1800s. Missionaries introduced written materials in Fijian (Schütz 1978: 1). These first missionaries were William Cross and David Cargill, who landed on 12 October 1835 on Lakeba in the Lau group (Derrick 1946: 71). One of their first tasks was to translate the Bible into Fijian. The language had to be developed, codified and written. David Cargill, a trained linguist, developed the orthography that is similar to Tongan and the same orthography is used to this day (Mangubhai and Mugler 2003: 376). The first document to be published in the Fijian language was a “four-page primer and catechism” and a portion of St Matthew’s Gospel put out in March 1835 by the Mission Press in Tonga (Derrick 1946: 71; Schütz and Komaitai 1971: xi). The missionaries laboured at translation and in March 1839, the first Wesleyan Catechism was published in the Lakeba communalect, followed by the Gospel of St. Mark. Published materials continued in different communalects such as Bau, Rewa and Somosomo (Calvert 1983: 221). They soon realized it would be impossible to translate the Bible into all communalects. It was then decided to select the Bauan communalect as a standard:

After the pros and cons affecting the question had received their [missionaries] prayerful consideration, it was resolved to brave the discontent that would arise in Lakemba and its dependencies when their dialect was laid aside, also the proud, but futile opposition of the aristocratic Mbau, to the use of a dialect regarded as sacred, by the common people, and announce that henceforth, the scriptures would be printed in the Mbau dialect”. (William, n.d. cited in Schütz 1984, 65-66)

Bauan gained social prestige in 1843 due to historical circumstances. Bau’s influence, with Cakobau as chief, was felt beyond Bau, to distant islands where chiefs allied themselves with Bau for protection, power and superiority (Calvert

1983: 224, 233). The missionaries chose the communalect of Bau because of its strong alliances and knowing that Fijians would follow their chief if he turned to Christianity. The variety of Fijian in missionary translations did not, however, eventually become the standard—that distinction fell to Bauan. The “mission Fijian” was a mixture of Lauan and Viwan, with some influence from the structure of English. The work by the missionaries did not truly reflect a specific regional dialect, probably because they were “trying to regularize the paradigm or simply because they had not achieved a full understanding of the grammar”, and thus ended up with what Geraghty calls Old High Fijian (Dixon 1988: 1). Standard Fijian has since gained social prestige and has become the lingua franca, and as Schütz (1972: 107) summarises,

Since becoming the lingua franca, it (Standard Fijian) has been the official language for ecclesiastic, educational and central governmental activities. It seems safe to say that all adult Fijians today know Bauan. And it is likely that Bauan as a second language has had some effect on the various languages.

The New Testament was translated into the “Bauan dialect” by John Hunt on Viwa in 1846 and by June 1847 the first copies were ready. Apart from missionary work, the missionaries also tried to establish law and order and designed a “rule for civil government” and this work was also distributed to the chiefs and people of Viwa, but this proved not to be so successful (Derrick 1946: 101).

General linguistic works on Standard Fijian are: Milner’s Fijian Grammar, first published in 1956, with third and fourth editions in 1972 and 1990 respectively, which greatly assisted many to learn Fijian. Schütz and Komaitai (1971) was a more modern approach to teaching Fijian in 18 lessons. Schütz (1985) is the most thorough account of Standard Fijian grammar. Schütz’s work covered the history of the study of Fijian and all aspects of grammar, supported with copious

15 examples. Geraghty (1983) conducted a detailed study of the development of the communalects of Fijian including how Fijian is related to other languages in Oceania, in his book The History of the Fijian Languages.

As mentioned in Chapter 1, it is important to note that no linguistic study has been conducted on the Fijian used by the kailoma. Some studies, however, have been conducted on Fiji English (Kelly, 1975: 1943; Tent 2001: 209–245; Fox 2003; Macquarie Dictionary of English for the Fiji Islands 2006), the variety of Fijian spoken by Indo-Fijians (Siegel 1987) and varieties of Fijian including the communalects of Nabukeru of the Yasawa Islands (Raven-Hart 1953: 33–56), Lakeba of Lau (by Cargill edited by Schütz and Geraghty 1980), Nabukelevu of Kadavu (Pawley and Sayaba 1982: 35–93), Boumaa of Taveuni (Dixon 1988), Yasawa Islands (Triffitt 2000: 315–327), Nadrau, an Eastern Fijian language with linguistic characteristics of Western Fijian (Kikusawa 2001: 35–93), Nadroga (Geraghty 2002: 833–847), Waya (Pawley and Sayaba 2003), Navatu of Vitawa, Narewa and Naivuvuni of Rakiraki (Parke n.d.: 1–60). There has been little or no research conducted on kailoma customs, lifestyle, opinions, or the language that they speak. It is generally assumed that kailoma speak Standard Fijian, but this is not entirely true. This study will confirm that Wainunu-i-caxe is a unique variety of Fijian and not Standard Fijian.

2.2 Previous studies of western Vanualevu

The first document to be written about the dialects of Vanualevu was the United States Exploring Expedition report, published in 1846 (Geraghty 1973: 1). In this brief account of the dialects of Fijian, Hale writes, “in some words which are elsewhere pronounced with the double consonant ‘nd’ the natives of Vanualevu employ the single element ‘t’ as “vundi” ‘banana’, is pronounced “vuti””. A study of Vanualevu was made by the anthropologist Hocart (1952) who focused on kinship terms. He comments that the area of Wainunu and Ndreketi is

16 interesting, quite different from what is normally known as Fijian culture (1952: 229).

There has been little research on Part-Europeans in Fiji. Simpson (1974) discusses the Simpsons’ family history, their lifestyle and their ambivalence as to where they belong. He predicted that in the future there would be difficulties in land tenure and productivity, kinship will become less important, rural to urban drift will increase, and oral and written retelling of history will cease. Osborne (1998: 90), in her Masters thesis on the perceptions of Part-Europeans mainly from the greater Suva area, finds “there is a perception amongst some young Part-Europeans, in the study and in general, that they do not have an identified unique culture”. At the same time, many of her participants assert they have a culture, identified by physical appearance, spoken language, way of living, behaviour and surname, and this culture is strengthened by (and dependent on) the continuous contact and socialization of family members (1998: 67, 90).

2.3 The province of Bua, Vanualevu

Bua, one of the fourteen provinces in Fiji, is located on the south western side of the second largest island of Fiji. There are three states in Vanualevu, Cakaudrove and Macuata being the other two. Of the three, Bua currently is the most undeveloped province of Fiji.

The earliest detailed description of Bua people is by the missionary Rev. Thomas Williams, who in the mid-nineteenth century classified them as both Christian and Pagan:

November 11th 1847: - With the locality of this new Station (village of Tiliva) I am much pleased. It is embosomed in tropical luxuriance, on the edge of a very goodly river, and about a mile from the sea. The village of which my house forms a part is Christian: that on the opposite bank of the

river is Heathen…in physical appearance the natives are far behind those in Somosomo and Lakemba. (Henderson 1931: 413)

Accounts of cannibalism (euphemistically called “the customs of the land” (Derrick 1946: 73)), of treachery, of teaching Christianity, of victories and losses filled Rev. Williams’ journals. He also wrote of their life style, and of wars between tribes that were often triggered by religious differences between believers and non-believers.

To have a better understanding of the history of Bua, it is important to understand the state of Bua at that period of time:

In 1865, Mr. Wilkinson, according to his own account, was busying himself with a kind of census of the state of Bua, and then says “in 1865, I took a census of the state of Bua, as then constituted, which showed a population of over 35,000. I went through every town and village in the chiefdom, except the buli-ships of Wainunu and Dreketi”. The latter owing to one of the Retova’s wars, was at that time uninhabited. “Wainunu was considered to be too heathen and unsettled to allow of my visiting each town, and I therefore estimated the population at about 4000 which subsequent observation shows to be within the actual number”. Kubulau was in very much the same condition as Dreketi, by reason of the Wainunu wars; but when in 1865, the people were replaced upon their lands by the Tui Bua, and Tui Cakau jointly, they numbered over 3000. This would make the population of Bua, in 1865, considerably over 40,000…even then it was often repeated by old hands that “the people were fast dying off”. (Parham 1941: 100)

At the same time, even as missionaries were trying to encourage the indigenous people to leave behind their ‘heathen’ ways, Bua was a major trading place: following the “discovery” in 1801, it became one of the main parts of the Pacific

18 and Fiji to be known to the western world. News travelled like wildfire to traders in Manila, Australia, New England, the Dutch Indies, Guam and Russia and they came like bees to honey to Bua Bay (Quain 1948: 14). By 1814, the sandalwood trade ended because the supply had been exhausted. Traders still called at Bua, but to the northern coast for b̎ -de-mer. This trade also came to an end around 1850. Traders continued to pass through these regions to trade for coconut oil, turtle shell and timber but these were not profitable (Quain 1948: 15). The local people for their part, in return collected military supplies such as lead, kegs of powder, muskets and guns for use in local warfare.

In the 1840s, Tongans were in contact with the people of Bua Bay through missionary work. It is believed that Tui Bua had blood connections to Tonga and became involved with them because they had powerful warriors. The Wesleyan church in Fiji also had strong political power. Tui Bua, through this association with the Wesleyan church, would have the support of the British government since they saw to Wesleyan welfare. In 1855, Tui Bua declared himself a Wesleyan (Quain 1948:24), since he had a lot to gain as a member.

In 1863, the western concept of taxation was introduced to the people of Bua. Many did not agree with the wisdom of this foreign levy on the poor people. Tui Bua encouraged villagers to give the little possessions they had, through the ill- advice of Wilkinson, Tui Bua’s secretary and adviser. People were told to gather “40,000 yams, 7000 mats and every man a whale’s tooth” which were bought for a shilling each (Parham 1941: 102). In many cases, a poor man had to go begging for these valuable assets first. With having to pay their taxes, their land was also sold in large amounts; the profit was for the purchase of muskets and ammunition to be used against other tribes.

Apart from the war between different regions, conflicts also arose from the spillover of disagreements between different churches, especially between Catholics and Wesleyans. As Bua was at warfare with Macuata, Macuata

19 declared themselves Catholics (who had French missionaries) but the Wesleyans, with British support, were much stronger as they could round up more men and weapons to fight the people of Macuata (and those from Viti Levu who were opposed to Tongan influence).

… fights between Bua and Bau over some of the Yasawa islands in which Nayaqodamu [sic] and Ratu Epeli (Abel) took prominent parts…various local wars in which the Tui Bua became involved during the pre-Cession period. These included raids by the Solevu people in which French missionaries were involved…There were also wars between Tui Bua’s followers and those of Retova [sic] of Macuata, in which the Tongan chief Ma’afu took a hand; and there were feuds between Tui Bua and Cakobau; and there was the Wainunu war of 1873- 74. (Parham 1941: 102)

As a chief has an influencing power, Tui Bua was able to convert Bua villagers to Christianity when he himself did. They held off wars with powerful chiefs of other states. Tui Bua died in 1847. Batinamu, Tui Bua’s eldest son, was made his father’s successor because Vunidaga was disfavoured since he had converted to Christianity. In 1849 Cakobau tried to overthrow Bua but Bua was armed with modern weaponry and with Tongan warriors. Seeing that he did not stand a chance, Cakobau held off his warriors from being slaughtered. Bua was left in peace but this was short-lived. Conflicts brewed from within: conflicts between the two main denominations, Wesleyans and Catholics.

The province is currently home not only to Fijians but Indians and others also. Table 2.3 displays the population figures from the 2007 census.

Table 2.3 Population of Bua in the 2007 Census Race Population Fijians 11,183 Indians 2,366 Others 627 Total 14,176 (Source: Fiji Islands Bureau of Statistics, 2008)

Bua, like the rest of Fiji, has for the most part abandoned traditional religion and adopted Christianity, though some ethnic Pacific Islander groups still maintain their non-Christian religion (Table 2.4).

Table 2.4 Major religions and their adherents in Bua Religion Total Christian 11,835 Anglican 134 Assembly of God 596 Catholic 1630 Methodist 7,854 Seventh-Day 426 Adventist Other Christians 1,195 Hindu 1,863 Muslim 415 Other Religion 4 No Religion 59 Total 14,176 (Source: Fiji Islands Bureau of Statistics, 2008)

Over 80% of the populations of Bua identify themselves as Christians. Together with religion, education is an integral part of life. Many traditional customs are

21 retained and parts of modern lifestyle have been adopted. Major tribal warfare is gone, and if there are conflicts, they are mostly settled through the modern legal system. The natural environment is largely still undisturbed, especially inland, while nearer to the coasts, with the influence of westernisation, there are sugarcane farms, copra plantations, pine forests, rice farms and yaqona farms as sources of living.

2.3.1 Wainunu district, Bua

Bua is divided into districts, one of which is Wainunu (see Figure 1.3). In 1814, Arrowsmith published the first chart of the Fiji group in London, in which the coast of Wainunu Bay, from Lekutu River, was well described (Derrick 1946: 64). The “Wainunu Kingdom”, as Quain (1948: 448) called it, “included the land drained by the Wainunu River and extended along the coast of Wainunu Bay. Present day Wainunu District includes this same territory”. Wainunu, on the windward side of Vanualevu, is one of the wettest areas in Bua, receiving more than 762 centimetre of rainfall per year deposited by the south-east trade winds.

One of the distinctive geographical features of Wainunu is the Wainunu River. Cogea, Daria, Nabunikadamu, Nakawakawa and Saolo are to the west of the river, while Nadua, Davutu, Batinivuriwai, Nakabuta and Wainivesi are to the east. According to Derrick (1957: 235), Wainunu Bay is:

eleven miles wide and five deep, faces southeast, and is protected by an extensive crescent of barrier reef whose horns opening seawards, extend to Namena (or Direction) Island on the one hand and almost to Makogai Island on the other. Inland, to the north-west, lie the wooded slopes of Seatura; farther east is the straight sky-line of the Wainunu plateau; and the Wainunu River flows in a gap between. These south-eastern slopes enjoy an abundant rainfall, and are heavily wooded.

Wainunu, like other areas of Bua, is undeveloped in terms of modern infrastructure. Nabouwalu in the Vuya District is the seat of colonial administration of Bua and is its ‘town’; home to the province’s main hospital, jetty, post office, head offices of the Public Works Department, Police services, other government bodies, and some retail shops. Villagers of nearby villages sell their produce and ‘parcel of food’ (usually fried fish and cassava/taro) at a market here too. Apart from the road that runs around the whole of Vanualevu, no other significant development is found in this region. Employment opportunities are limited. The land and the sea are the people’s main sources of living. Many drift towards urban centres to find paid work.

There are three schools: Ratu Luke Memorial School in Daria, Adi Elaine Primary School in Batinivuriwai and Wainunu Seventh-Day Adventist Primary School in Nakabuta. There is a health centre with a doctor and a nurse at Daria. Wainunu has a chief, known as Tui Wainunu, who resides today in Nakawakawa.

There are ten main villages: Saolo, Nakawakawa, Nabunikadamu, Daria, Cogea, Navakasali, Nadua, Batinivuriwai, Nakabuta and Wainivesi, arranged from the east to the west, while Waidranudranu, Nakorolevu, Naliu, Naevuevu, aqiloqilo and Muanicula are the small settlements scattered among these main villages (brief descriptions follow). The two main ethnic groups are indigenous Fijians and kailoma, while a few Indians are scattered among villages. Indigenous Fijians, with some of Solomon Islands descent, are found in the named villages with the exception of Batinivuriwai, Nakabuta and Wainivesi, which comprise kailoma families. Waidranudranu, Nakorolevu, Naliu, Davutu, Taraqiloqilo and Muanicula are kailoma settlements, whereas the others are of indigenous Fijian. Some Indo-Fijians are in Waidranudranu, Nakorolevu, Daria and Wainivesi.

Saolo is located on the coast, inhabited by indigenous Fijians who speak the same language variety as those in Nakawakawa, Nabunikadamu, and Daria.

Nakawakawa is located on the coast, literally means ‘the ford’ (or the bridge). The community is the biggest village in Wainunu, it is situated between Saolo and Nabunikadamu. Villagers speak the same communalect as that of its immediate neighbours and Daria. Nakawakawa is also known as Waivure (‘water spring’).

Nabunikadamu is a village of descendants of Solomon Islanders. The first group came to Fiji as labourers around 1864. “Most of the labourers brought to Fiji came from the New Hebrides, the Solomons, or the Line islands…the smaller, blacker, and more vigorous Melanesians from the New Hebrides and the Solomons were more in demand” (Derrick 1946: 169). They worked under a three-year term and were often mistreated.

Late in 1871, the small cutter Meva left Levuka for Taveuni, taking Solomon Islanders from the brig Carl. The men had evidently been kidnapped, for when the cutter was twenty miles from Levuka, they murdered all the crew except one Fijian, who swam fifteen miles to land and gave the alarm. A government vessel was sent in pursuit, and caught the Meva at Yasawa, where the Solomon Islanders had been made prisoners by the chiefs and settlers. Shortly afterwards another fifty of the Solomon Islanders kidnapped by the Carl were transferred to Nukulau. (Derrick 1946: 172)

Due to the fall of profits and shortage of ships, some employers could not return their labourers to their homeland, hence many Solomon Islanders stayed on in Fiji. Many also chose to stay. Descendants of Solomon Islanders are spread throughout Fiji, in locations such as Wailoku (Suva), Kalekana (Lami) and Nabunikadamu in Wainunu. All are more Fijian than their ancestors, both physically and culturally. Those in Nabunikadamu speak upper Wainunu-i- communalect of indigenous Fijians in Wainunu. Wainunu-i-

24 into two sub-communalects, locally termed and . qoi and koi are the first person demonstrative ‘this’, 0 in SF. The q of qoi is a voiced prenasalised . velar stop [ g] while it becomes a voiceless velar stop in ( is a prefix meaning ‘with’, ‘possessing’, ‘characterised by’). This phonological difference is the only difference between these sub-communalects; the lexicon is the same. is spoken in Saolo, Nakawakawa, Nabunikadamu and Daria while is used in Cogea, Nadua and Navakasali (similar to Saolo, Nakawakawa and Daria).

Daria is “located east of Saolo on the Wainunu coast and today is the residence of the Buli of Wainunu District” (Quain 1874: 442). Around 1915, Hocart described Wainunu: “Wainunu goes to Solevu, which is situated on the south- west corner of Vanua Levu. Its chief village is Ndaria, which is made up of the old villages of Nasikecileka, Ndawandino, etc” (1952: 237). Dawadigo as it is now spelt, is part of Batinivuriwai, about an hour’s walk from Daria. Villagers understand there are three main sections of Daria: Nakorotiki (where Tui Wainunu lives), Daria, and the third, which is the school’s and health centre area. The school, Ratu Luke Memorial School (named after Ratu Luke, a local chief) was established by the district and assisted by the government. It educates students from Class 1 to Form 4. Children of Nakawakawa, Nabunikadamu, Daria, Cogea and Nadua come here for primary education (Classes 1 to 8) and are joined by some of the Batinivuriwai, Nakabuta and Wainivesi children for junior secondary. Before the installation of ‘EasyTel’ telephone (discussed in Chapter 3), villagers around Wainunu all came to Daria to use the only radio telephone in the district.

Cogea is a “modern village on the lower Wainunu River. Since the development of the gold industry at Yanawai, Cogea has become a thoroughfare through which all the men of the Bua Province must pass on their way to the mine” (Quain 1948). The gold mine has long ceased. Indigenous Fijians make up the

25 village and Batinivuriwai has close family ties with Cogea since a lot of kailoma men marry women from here. Cogea has a number of hot springs.

Navakasali is a situated to the north of Cogea and is home to indigenous Fijians.

Nadua is located on a hilltop, northeast of Cogea and north of Batinivuriwai. The people of Nadua are in frequent interaction with Batinivuriwai, as they also have similar family ties to Cogea. Some children in Nadua attend the primary school at Batinivuriwai rather than Daria.

2.4 Wainunu-i-caxe

Wainunu-i-caxe, the area from Davutu to Wainivesi, is referred to as Wainunu-i- caxe (eastern Wainunu) (see Figure 2.1). Wainunu-i-caxe, home to the kailoma, also refers to the communalect spoken in this area. Each village is spread out over about six kilometres on average. There is no head man (turaganikoro), houses are spread out in a disorderly fashion, home owners have their gardens of vegetables and root crops near their homes and there is no village green or . There are no strict observations of traditional Fijian customs and traditions such as females being dressed in ‘womanly’ attire (dress code), drinking of alcohol is not forbidden, and there is no restriction on conversing with anyone. Usually one of the elders is understood to be the head, as happens in the cases of Bertie Brown in Batinivuriwai, Henry Bhurrah in Nakabuta and Washington Simpson in Wainivesi. Some indigenous Fijians are married into the village, from nearby villages such as Nadua, Cogea, and Daria and further away such as Lovoni, Ovalau. All villagers are closely related, either through blood or marriage, and they speak Wainunu-i-caxe and some Fiji English. Wainunu-i-caxe came to be where it is mostly because of one man: David Whippy (see 2.4.1).

For the purposes of this study, Batinivuriwai includes Davutu, Nasevu, Kaciwaqa and Muanicula. Nakabuta includes Taraqiloqilo and Wainivesi includes

Nautoloulou. These settlements may not have been individually included in the 2007 census.

Table 2.5 Number of households and population in Wainunu-i-caxe (2007 census) Locality Households (n) Population (n) Batinivuriwai 33 170 Nakabuta 16 72 Wainivesi 5 27 Total 54 269 Total Population of Wainunu Tikina (district): 3,723 (Source: Fiji Islands Bureau of Statistics, 2008)

My own census, carried out during fieldwork in 2007, yielded the following figures (the differences of number may be due to the inclusion of Davutu, Nasevu, Kaciwaqa and Muanicula in Batinivuriwai, Taqaqiloqilo in Nakabuta and Nautoloulou in Wainivesi):

Table 2.6 Number of households and population of Wainunu-i-caxe (2007 fieldwork) Locality Households (n) Population (n) (est.) Batinivuriwai 61 240 Nakabuta 13 70 Wainivesi 10 30 Total 84 340

Davutu, a settlement, on the road from Nadua to Batinivuriwai, is the area where tea was grown, to which people once flocked for work. The elders in the village retell stories of their fathers and grandfathers working in this tea plantation. The following is recorded:

Although the Fijians were proved by Captain Robbie and others, in the early eighties of the past century, to be eminently suited for tea-growing, the cultivation of the plant is confined to the island of Vanualevu, where his Wainunu tea gardens are situated. These consist of three separate estates, in all some 1,000 acres of land, but of which only 120 acres at Masusu and 80 acres at Nadua are being cultivated at the present time. The yield of Assam hybrid averages about 500 lbs. an acre, and is sufficient to admit of a daily output at the Davutu factory of 400 lbs. of dried teas, all of which is locally consumed at a price equal to that paid for the best Ceylon blends (Cyclopedia of Fiji 1907: 179).

Furthermore,

Mr. George Chapman Barratt is the manager of the Wainunu Tea Gardens on Vanua Levu, which consist of three separate estates, viz., Masusu, Nadua and Rokobulidamu, comprising in all, some 1,000 acres of land. The acreage of this estate at the present time under cultivation in tea is 200 acres – 120 acres at Masusu and 80 acres in Nadua. There are also some 70 acres under cultivation in cocoa, coffee, cocoanuts and other tropical products. The estate also carries about 60 head of cattle and is owned by Hon. David Robbie, M.L.C. of Levuka. The tea grown on this estate is of a fine pungent flavor, bearing some similarity to the best Ceylon product (Cyclopedia of Fiji 1907: 278).

Figure 2.1 Wainunu-i-caxe

Figure 2.2 Wainunu tea estate employees

(Caption reads: Labourers employed in the Wainunu Tea Estate) (Source: Cyclopedia of Fiji 1907: 179).

Masusu is currently called Namasusu. Many Fijian place-names have alternate forms with and without Na-, e.g. Savusavu/Nasavusavu, Sigatoka/Nasigatoka.

Batinivuriwai is located southeast of Nadua, and is more populous than Nakabuta and Wainivesi. On the map (see Figure 2.1 and Appendix 5 Map), to the east of the Wainunu River, approximately midway from Cogea to the open sea (Cogea is at the source, Batinivuriwai is midway to the sea and Nakabuta and Muanicula at the rivermouth).

Nakabuta is situated on the coast, at the mouth of Wainunu River. Nakabuta is east of the river while Muanicula is west.

Muanicula is situated on a headland. It is an estate owned by the Dyers, who reside in a big rambling house. As recorded in the Cyclopedia of Fiji (1907: 279),

Mr. Michael Dyer owns a very valuable property, situated at the mouth of the Wainunu River, known by the native name “Maulicala”, the English translation of which is “the eye of the needle”. Mr. Dyer was born in

Ireland in 1841, but at the age of two years, both parents being dead, was taken across to Ohio in the United States. From Ohio he was taken to Chicago, where he went to school. When about 21 years of age Mr. Dyer left Chicago for Melbourne, from there on to his brother, who was farming at Daylesford, Victoria, then known as the Jim Crow goldfields. After staying at Jim Crow for about five years, he again visited the United States. After five years in the States, he decided, on the invitation of his brother (who was at that time engaged in cotton-planting), to visit Fiji, with the intention, of settling in the group. In 1871, while sailing round the islands in search of a property, he saw a good chance of making a deal with the chief of Maulicala. He seized the opportunity and settled on his present property. The first venture was with cotton, but, like other cotton- growers in Fiji, Mr. Dyer experienced failure after one-and-a-half years’ labour. He then grew yams, peanuts, &c…Mr. Dyer planted cocoanuts, which at the present time cover about 800 acres of land. Bananas were planted about twenty years ago, at the time when they were bringing 2s. per bunch on the beach at Levuka. Mr. Dyer built a cutter, called “Julia”, especially for the banana trade. This branch of the plantation was given up owing to the irregularity of the steamers calling at Levuka. This property covers an area of 1,700 acres; 800 acres are under cultivation, and over 3,000 cocoanut trees here flourish; 4,000 cocoa trees and a great number of coffee trees have just been planted. The estate has a water frontage of about 6 ½ miles. Mr. Dyer firmly believes that the existing land laws of Fiji should be simplified. In acquiring the land he experienced absolutely no difficulty, whilst at the present time, it would be impossible to obtain an estate like his. Another trouble to the planter is labour. In the early days local labour was worth about 1s. per week or a fathom of blue cloth, and the planter was assured of an honest day’s work. Now, labour is one of the vexed questions of the day, being hard to get, and also an expensive item in the working of the estate. Mr. Dyer is one of the first settlers to introduce horses in Fiji, and at one time had

about 300 head of horses and cattle, but, owing to the damage done by them to the young cocoanuts, they have been reduced to about 40 head. Although having been a great number of years in Fiji he has not experienced any damage to any extent by the dreaded hurricanes. Mr. Dyer is the oldest white settler on the Wainunu River, having been on his present holding for 35 years. He would take it as a personal insult if a white traveler failed to call on him. He has experienced no trouble whatever from the natives during his long stay on Vanua Levu, and has not had a day’s sickness there.

The Dyers still live on this estate and farm their land, but not commercially as described above. Most noticeable on the estate is the very house that the first Michael Dyer built (picture below), which is still standing.

Figure 2.3 The first Dyer family house

(Source: Cyclopedia of Fiji 1907: 279) (Source: Jokim Kitolelei 2007)

Taraqiloqilo is situated on the way to Wainivesi, further inland than Nakabuta. This is a recently established settlement of the Hughes and Abbie families, about the year 2000. They moved from Naliu (on the eastern side of Nakawakawa) to this present location.

Wainivesi is south east and inland of Nakabuta. Most of the households are located along the government road and tracks leading to the coast, e.g. Nautoloulou. Wainivesi is characterised by the surrounding forests, very fertile land and coolness.

2.4.1 David Whippy: the ancestor of the Whippy family of Wainunu-i-caxe

David Whippy was an American who became a beachcomber. He was the fifth child of a sea captain from Nantucket and followed the family tradition by beginning sailing at the tender age of 16 as a ship’s boy (Brown 1973: 91). He later worked in one of the family’s ships but was often rebellious and thus punished. He was popular among the crew for his sense of humour. On one of the ship’s trips to Callao in Peru, he hid out on land until the ship had sailed off. He travelled to Mexico and joined a ship that was to set sail for the Pacific, to trade in a place called “Feejee” (Brown 1973: 90-120). He joined this trip and was assigned the task of organizing and preparing b4-de-mer, known to the locals as dri (a sea-slug that is a special delicacy among the Chinese). He set foot on Fiji in 1822 and set about his work in Levuka while the ship went to other islands to trade (Derrick 1946: 67). He performed his duties, interacted with the indigenous people, and waited for the ship. Days passed until he recognized the sad truth that he had been abandoned. This did not come as a surprise since he was often mistreated by his elder brother, the captain of the ship (Derrick 1946: 94). One of the qualities he was best known for was his friendly nature, perhaps arising from his need to survive, and he became a favourite of Tui Levuka (the great chief of Ovalau). He stayed in Levuka for 20 years under the chief’s protection.

David Whippy then became a “Mata ki Bau” ‘envoy to Bau’, a title bestowed on him by Tui Levuka, for his honesty and skills in ensuring fair trading between traders and natives (Derrick 1946: 94). This position marked the end of his bachelorhood, as while accompanying Tui Levuka, he met the mother of his firstborn. His first ‘wife’ was Tulia from Namara, Tailevu; the second from Tokalau, Levuka, the third from Koro, and the fourth was Dorcas (a relative of Tui Levuka) whom he married in church (Brown 1973: 95-96). These four women gave him several daughters. It is unknown whether he lived with them consecutively or simultaneously.

Whippy was known as a healer and villagers called on him for medical advice. He nursed Reverend Cross (a missionary) back to life, which gave both indigenous people and foreigners more reason to admire him. He was a blessing to the foreigners as he arranged meetings for them with chiefs of different regions, and helped in translation between explorers and indigenous people. He was appointed as the United States vice consul in Fiji, as he led an exemplary life (Derrick 1946: 94).

In 1843, a war broke out between the people of Bau and Rewa and one of the traders (Pickering) supported Rewa. The traders had always kept away from the indigenous people’s conflicts and warfare, and Pickering’s support gave cause to Cakobau (the reigning chief of Bau) to bring Levuka under his rule. The angry chief gave a three-day deadline for traders to vacate Levuka after they refused to support his revenge on Pickering. Whippy lost his trading and shipyard services business, despite gift offers to Cakobau (Derrick 1941: 50). The Tui Levuka did not lend his support either since he had become irritated with the traders’ frequent brawls and disorderly behaviour. Whippy then searched for a new start. He travelled to Makogai, then to Solevu (Bua) and found a new residence in the village of Nawaido (Derrick 1946: 94). The place held only misery for the newcomers in the forms of hostile locals (who wanted their property) and the

34 rumoured unfavourable smell of mangroves, which intensified illness that later claimed 18 lives (Brown 1973: 106). Whippy was able to shake free of this with the assistance of Reverend Hunt, a missionary.

In February 1849, Cakobau granted Whippy’s request to return to Levuka, not out of generosity, but because he needed these kailoma for trading services (Derrick 1946: 94). Whippy returned to Levuka and constructed a school for 80 children, 9 of whom were his. Trouble continued and in 1852, the town of Levuka was raided and most of the traders’ buildings were burnt.

Nearly every second shop sold liquor; visiting planters were often involved in bouts of heavy drinking; and it was facetiously said that captains of ships needed no chart to approach the port – they had but to follow the thickening lines of rum bottles…Drunken chiefs and brawling whites disfigured the foreshore; and observers were puzzled how numbers of men with no visible means of earning a livelihood were able to pass their nights and days in drinking and gambling, and yet managed to pay their way (Derrick 1946: 195).

Whippy found it difficult to keep his business viable, and wanted a place away from the disorderly inhabitants and drunkards plaguing Levuka.

Whippy ended up at Wainunu. He remembered the fertile land from the time he was banished to Solevu, and on 26 October, 1860, he purchased a piece of land (9,000 acres) called Yadali for $398. This exchange of land between the landowners and Whippy did not involve money but goods: 5 kegs of powder, 5 muskets, 3½ pounds pig lead, 40 canes, an unidentifiable number of what appears to read “axes”, 1 barrel powder, 24 knives, 500 rounds of ball, 3 bolts of cloth at 200 yards each, and 10 iron pots (Brown 1973: 115).

In 1862, it was recorded that Whippy was a happier person because of his peaceful surroundings, the closeness of his family and the success of his crops such as cotton and cane. One of his employees was Jacob Andrews, a West Indian Negro. Andrews damaged some indigenous people’s possessions and Whippy had to send him away. Andrews went on to work for the chief of Cakaudrove and was given a piece of land in Kasavu (Cakaudrove) and two of Whippy’s sons, his friends, joined him. Kasavu is a village off Savusavu town and is home to a big number of kailoma families. It is commonly known in Vanualevu that they mostly speak Fiji English. In his will, Whippy left two hundred acres to this banished friend Jacob Andrews. To the present day, the rightful owner of this 200 acres is still unknown. The matter has been taken to court but no verdict has yet been delivered.

On 27 November 1871, Whippy was laid to rest at the Old People’s Cemetery in Wainunu at the age of 70 (Brown 1973: 119). In the course of this research in Nakabuta, the villagers confirmed that David Whippy’s body is buried in their graveyard, marked by a sharp piece of rock jutting out from a mound of soil, and this they say is where his head lies. It can be inferred that the Old People’s Cemetery that Brown (1973) refers to is the Nakabuta cemetery. On 30 September 2010, Whippy descendants gathered at Nakabuta to unveil a plaque at his grave in remembrance of David Whippy. The name Whippy is still borne by hundreds of descendants throughout Fiji.

2.5 Conclusion

Wainunu, one of the eight districts in Bua, resembles the other parts of Bua, with the exploitation of sandalwood then b4-de-mer, and with impact of missionisation, colonisation and gradual westernization, material wealth and education are now valued. Wainunu lacks modern development and villagers rely largely on the land and sea for survival. In Wainunu-i-caxe, kailoma communities are small in number and size, and are more similar in language and

36 culture to the indigenous Fijians than to the first paternal ancestors from other countries.

The geographic isolation of Wainunu plays a very important role in a kailoma’s choice of language. Compared to other kailoma communities, such as Kasavu or Levuka, Wainunu kailoma have a high degree of communication with indigenous Fijians. Chapter 2 has described the context kailoma live in, together with their history. The history of Wainunu-i-caxe began with events that happened during the 1800s. First, trading brought David Whippy to Fiji. Whippy’s reputation as an honest man gained him favour in Fiji and with Cakobau. Unfortunately, brawls and disorderly behaviour at Levuka encouraged Whippy to start a new peaceful life at Wainunu, and it was at Wainunu-i-caxe where he settled.

In the next chapter, we see how the factors of geography, connection to nearby communities, and the history of kailomas influence language repertoires in these kailoma villages. The environment can have an impact on a speaker’s language repertoire and for a Wainunu speaker, this can include Standard Fijian, surrounding communalects, and Fiji English. Non-indigenous Fiji citizens desire to know Standard Fijian, because it is a widespread vernacular. For non-Fijians, it can be guaranteed that the probability of meeting a Fijian speaker is high, thus it is important to form solidarity by using a language that both speakers identify with. This is reflected in statistics, which reveal that 60% of Fiji’s population speaks ‘Fijian’. Kailoma of Wainunu all speak Wainunu-i-caxe and know Standard Fijian, and some speak the Wainunu-i- ! will be discussed in the next chapter.

CHAPTER 3: SOCIOLINGUISTIC DESCRIPTION

3.0 Introduction

Growing up in Batinivuriwai, one of the three villages in Wainunu-i-caxe, I frequently heard the remark, “ ” ‘That’s really kailoma style’, a statement that can indicate disapproval or forbearance.

Larry Thomas, a part-European writer and film maker, states:

Being a “kai loma” or an “in between” or “mixed” has always fascinated me, because in this country where culture and tradition are important parts of our lives, I have always wondered where the “part-European” fitted in. In fact they don’t fit in and in my view they have their own sub- culture, traditions and language, while at the same time in a lot of cases, being able to identify with their Fijian, European, Indian, Chinese or Banaban ancestry, yet not being wholly accepted as part of and belonging to that culture. There is someone who will always have to say, “but he or she is a part…” (quoted in Osborne 1998: 1)

This quotation suggests the idea of belonging/non-belonging influencing one’s attitudes and language choice. Wainunu-i-caxe speakers are sometimes deliberate in not following indigenous Fijian customs and norms, such as not sitting but lying down at times in a yaqona ‘kava’ session, or not bidding farewell, and these behaviours are tolerated and accepted as kailoma style.

Behaviour and attitude influence a person’s choice of language. It can then be asked: How does their way of life influence the language they use or does language influence their behaviour? This is when we look at the relationship between society and language, the domain of sociolinguistics. “The

38 sociolinguistics of society is about the social importance of language to groups of people” in which,

not only do people use language to share their thoughts and feelings with other people, they exploit the subtle and not so subtle aspects of language to reveal and define their social relationships with the people they are talking to, with people who can overhear them, and even with people who are nowhere around. (Fasold 1984: 1)

This chapter will focus on the sociolinguistic situation in Wainunu-i-caxe. It begins with a discussion of attitude and language choice in the context of traditional customs. This will be followed by descriptions of family structures and kinship. Next, it explains the choice of communalects used in different social domains. Additionally, religion, certain activities and education will be discussed. Also the role of the media, villagers’ lifestyle and gatherings are explained. The chapter concludes by relating these aspects of social life to the discipline of linguistics.

3.1 Traditional ceremonies

A personal experience:

Example 1: To follow the Fijian custom of asking for permission to conduct research in a community, I was encouraged by my supervisor to sevusevu (formally present a small bundle of dried yaqona) to the villagers. I argued that I am originally from one of the three villages under study and that a formal presentation of a sevusevu was unnecessary; I preferred to inform the villagers of my intention. I went to one of my grand-uncles, who is considered the elder in the village, and mentioned that I had brought a sevusevu. He was in working clothes, soiled and wet from gardening. I expressed my request in the local dialect, Wainunu-i-caxe. He said, “OK” and asked for the yaqona. The yaqona was still in my bag; I took

it out and passed it to him. He clapped in cobo style ‘to clap with cupped hands as a mark of respect’, threw the yaqona in the house and said, “ . Vinaxa” ‘All right. Thank you’. All this was done standing outside their house. His wife, an indigenous Fijian, looking from the kitchen window, said, “Drau s ” ‘You are really kailoma’ and shook her head.

The sevusevu was done in the ‘kailoma style’, in the sense that the traditional custom was not followed completely. The sevusevu is usually presented in the presence of a group of people, and both presenter and receiver are male; everyone is seated, and there are prepared speeches with honorific titles. The granduncle’s wife’s comment reflects some villagers’ opinion that one should follow indigenous traditional customs, but no efforts have been made to address this.

From the receiver’s viewpoint, this kailoma’s response reflects acceptance, given that he also lacks the skill to deliver an honorific-titled speech (generally titles of status, clans, and states). This understanding is reciprocal among the kailoma. However, the grand-aunt, who is an indigenous Fijian, seeing what has just taken place, conveys her disapproval.

It is generally accepted that when the kailoma perform traditional customs, they are likely not to follow the full rituals as indigenous Fijians do. For example, in preparation for traditional custom of tevutevu ‘presenting valuables to newlyweds’, a vaxasoqoni iyau ‘collection of valuables’ was held in Batinivuriwai, and two women conversing said, “ ! cabora” ‘just explain the valuables, don’t formally present them’. This indicates that they know there are proper procedures, but because they do not know how to perform them, they opt to forgo them and take the easy way out.

Example 2: Nakayaga in Kubulau (east of Wainunu), located next to Wainivesi with a river separating them, hosts seminarians from the Pacific Regional Seminary in Suva

for a few weeks during the month of January each year. Nearby villagers show their respect by bringing food and this is presented together with a sevusevu. In 2008, I accompanied the Batinivuriwai group taking food to the seminarians. In Nakayaga, the eldest man in the group asked a seminarian, from Solevu (Bua), to present the sevusevu on our behalf. Later I asked our uncle why he did not do it himself and he said: “" !# na sega ni tini rawa” ‘You’ll get tired of listening, since it (speech) won’t end (doesn’t know how to conclude)’.

Note that the conclusion is a particularly important formulaic part of a ceremonial speech. Even many indigenous Fijians decline to make such speeches because they fear they will not be able to tinia (conclude) but will flounder round and round in increasingly embarrassing circles. Hence, when the traditional custom of sevusevu is accorded to indigenous Fijians, Wainunu-i-caxe speakers are reluctant to perform it as they do not know how, so an indigenous Fijian would be asked to present it on their behalf. Sometimes they would ask an indigenous Fijian from Wainunu-i-caxe to accompany them, but unfortunately there are not many who can formally present or receive a sevusevu. The ‘ending’ formula begins with an indication that the presentation is almost over, honorific titles are mentioned again, and all these are spoken at a faster pace, than the beginning. For instance, the following is an end of a sevusevu speech in the Wainunu-i-

…vosa cava soğ # ni sevusevu ‘What words I have come to say to present the yaqona for the sevusevu’

cabe ğ ğ 0G00 ğuuuuuu… ‘presented to the church (Catholic), to His Eminence the Archibishop’...formula

...mana e...i dina...

‘Let it be so, let it be true’

If the receipients of a sevusevu are Wainunu-i-caxe speakers, they would also ask an indigenous Fijian to receive it on their behalf; again, a formula is followed. For example, one would say:

(vaxamalua)..a yaqona ğ ! ciqomi oği ğixo au qai xerea me doğou vaxamalua ğaxina ğ ''' '' '' ''' '''' 0''' 0 ‘the yaqona is in our midst, it has been received, I then ask that we show our appreciation’

(vaxarorogoğ ('' ğixo a ğ< ! ğ ! ği ğ ! vaxamaluağaxi, au qai mai xena ğamağa wale ğixo meu mai ğaxina ğixo wane, xena irogo me ğau donu..vinaaaaxa..(cobo) ‘Ladies and gentlemen, we have heard that the yaqona is inside the house, it has been received, appreciation has been conveyed, I’m its person only to convey the message that it has been received; may this message be accepted... thank you’

coboği dina ğixo a sevusevu levu... ‘We are indeed receiving this great sevusevu’…

Presenting a sevusevu and similar Fijian customs are generally not emphasized in a kailoma community, and speakers of Wainunu-i-caxe are ignorant of such customs, not because they cannot perform them at all, but because not seeing the importance of knowing them, they lack motivation to learn them. This lack of interest comes about with the lack of expectation by anyone, whether their own relatives or indigenous Fijians, that they can perform on such occasions. If one does not know how to perform such customs, it is acceptable, and somehow

42 expected. This might be likened to the idea of categorizing sport to a particular race. Rugby is the most popular game in Fiji but the majority of players reaching the ultimate stage and wearing the national jersey are indigenous Fijians, known for their strength and passion for the game, with maybe one or two Part- Europeans as team members (Geraghty 1997: 13). This analogy is not to imply that rugby talent in Fiji is confined to indigenous Fijians, but it is more to do with the level of interest and the expectations in relation to the sport. Another would be:

The urban sports of hockey, cycling and swimming have become the domain of Part Europeans and Chinese, and other members of the urban elite who subscribe to their occidentophile ideology. For certain Part Europeans, who often physically resemble Fijians, playing hockey is a positive assertion of a separate identity from their rugby-playing Fijian cousins. Conversely, Fijian men do not play hockey simply because it’s not a Fijian man’s game (Geraghty 1997: 14).

Since kailoma are not expected to perform either in rugby or traditional ceremonies, they remain uninvolved. Their mixed identity can contribute to their reservations about behaving as indigenous Fijians, and not completely Europeans, so they are suspended somewhere in the middle, as indicated by Geraghty’s reference to their “occidentophile ideology”. There is something restricting them from fully participating or contributing to the ways and customs of Fijians, thus they do not entirely belong to either the indigenous Fijian or European communities, and whether it is in traditional ceremonies or sports, they are influenced by the expectations of outsiders.

Also with the influence of non-Europeans, in the presence of indigenous Fijians, kailoma are more conscious of their behaviour. They become attentive to how they speak, behave and respond to certain things. For instance, in a room where indigenous Fijians are present, they would be very conscious of saying

43 jilou/tulou ‘excuse me’ when standing up or walking past those who are sitting or reaching over their heads for something, to mark respect. Sometimes, kailoma joke about jilou bera ‘belated excuse me’ where a person would say jilou much later, after realizing the omission of this appropriate behaviour in the presence of indigenous Fijians.

3.2 Family units

Family units and kinship are the core of life in the village. They are the reason for looking forward to the next day, participating in and giving unconditionally to communal enterprises and are the driving forces to continue the work they do. Like indigenous Fijians, Wainunu-i-caxe villagers readily rise to the occasion and will do anything for family members even if they do not totally agree with the idea or have other personal responsibilities.

As discussed in Chapter 2.4, Batinivuriwai (including the settlements near the village, but excluding the 4 teachers’ quarters since the teachers may not be from Wainunu-i-caxe) has 61 households, Nakabuta has 13 households (including 3 teachers’ quarters since the teachers are from Wainunu-i-caxe) and Wainivesi has 10 households. Wainunu-i-caxe has an estimated 340 people.

Kailoma surnames of Wainunu-i-caxe are Abbie, Andrews, Bhurrah, Brown, Driver, Dyer, Heatley, Hughes, Manuel, Mills, Murphy, Simpson, Turner, Watkin, Whippy and Wilson. Most people have an English first name such as Peter, John, Mary, Nancy, William, Archibald, Alexandria, Merle, Stephanie, Sybil, Quentin and many more. The kailoma or Part-Europeans can be easily identified by their names.

Bhurrahs are perceived by the elders to be of Indian ancestry of rajah status, somewhere from Madras. The surname was Maharaj and changed to Bhurrah. They are perceived to be Part-Europeans as most of them are married to a

44 kailoma. Indian physical characteristics are noticeable in some, such as a lean face structure, straight, dark black hair, and slim build. Once in Seaqaqa (Macuata), a Bhurrah went to cut cane during the harvesting season, introduced himself to a fellow Indo-Fijian and was shocked to see him go down on his knees and acknowledge him (Bhurrah), informing him that he is of rajah descent.

Brown is a common surname in Wainunu, especially in Batinivuriwai, and their ancestors are said to have come from England. There are accounts of some Browns having lived in Matei Plantation in Taveuni, such as Oliver Brown in 1874–75 (Me 2003: 71). Young (1984: 54) mentions other accounts of Oliver Brown as a skipper, then later as a manager of the depot on Nukubati, Natewa Bay (Cakaudrove) and also managing a general store on behalf of the Hort brothers of Sydney. The Brown family is currently present in Batinivuriwai only, not in Nakabuta and Wainivesi.

The Whippys are many in number and live in all areas of Wainunu-i-caxe. These families are descendants of David Whippy (see 2.4.1), and some homes have his picture on the wall, a reminder of their first ancestor on Fiji’s soil.

Two families of Hughes also contribute to the kailoma community and they claim to have Samoan lineage, but there is no evidence of practice of Samoan custom or language. There was a George Washington Hughes, son of Captain Benjamin Hughes, who came to Tonga from America in 1860 and moved to Vanualevu in 1887 to farm (Cyclopedia of Fiji 1907: 288). Abbie is another family name, and the family is of Gilbertese background. Physically, some of them resemble I-Kiribati physical structure and long, straight black hair, and they sometimes eat raw fish with coconut meat when out fishing, not a common practice of others in Wainunu-i-caxe.

The Simpsons and Turners are also present and they are similar to the Browns, tracing their roots to Europe. The Simpsons were living in Kadavu, Se Sela (?) in

45 the Savusavu District, and there was an accountant in Levuka (Me 2003: 56, 59, 61, 86). The Turner members recorded in the 1874–75 census were: a trader with his mother and two sisters at Naitasiri, one at Wainasasa, Rewa River, and an Edgar Turner, an interpreter, in Lomaiviti (Me 2003: 34, 53, 87). Young (1984: 176, 219) tells of a J.B. Turner, from Dunedin, New Zealand, who came to Levuka with his family and renovated the Levuka Hotel, renamed The Criterion, in 1867. Some elders remember a story, retold in the village, of Turner’s separation from his family in Levuka, to settle in Wainunu, Bua.

The Andrews, Heatley, Manuel, Watkin and Wilson descendants are not many and their families may be a single household or two. Andrews was a friend of David Whippy (see 2.4.1), and his descendants now live in Davutu. A different Andrews lived in Rakiraki during the census taking in May 1875 (Me 2003: 44). Currently, there is only one Manuel family in Wainunu-i-caxe and they are in Batinivuriwai, also a recent addition, moving in less than 10 years ago. During the 1874–75 censuses, two Manuelle persons (slight difference of spelling) were living in Namosi (Vitilevu) and in Lomaiviti (Me 2003: 40, 85). Descendants of Drivers and Mills are present but these descendants are only through the maternal line. There is also a Wilson family and early traces of this family suggest a British origin, their first settlement in Rewa. There was another Wilson in Nakelo (SE Vitilevu), a Joseph Wilson in Vuna, and a planter in Lomaiviti (Me 2003: 30, 32, 45, 76, 87). Watkin was a surname of a family in Batinivuriwai, but the last surviving member with the name died about 15 years ago, and even though he had children, they do not retain the family name. They believe they are also descendants of Solomon Islanders.

Dyer is a family residing in Muanicula. The first ancestor is Michael Dyer who was born in Ireland in 1841 and settled in Muanicula in 1871 after purchasing the estate from the chief of Wainunu (see 2.4.1).

Three Murphy families now live in Nasevu and another in Nakabuta, and they are of the same family. Their origin is unknown, but Ireland is a possibility as Murphy is a common Irish name.

There are more extended families than nuclear ones in the villages. Household membership is usually big due to lack of capital to build a new house, the responsibility to look after one another, and the desire to be surrounded by loved ones. Most households will have their members eat together. Newly married couples stay with one of their immediate family members at the start but often move out, usually after disagreements with the in-laws. A typical extended family consists of a couple, his/her parent(s), a cousin, and a niece/nephew. For example, a Brown family lives in their eldest child’s house, with two of their unmarried children and two grandchildren. Five of their sons live in the same compound with their own families. The houses are built near one another, allowing close interaction with each family member. The first son lives with his wife, four children and two brothers-in-law; the second is with his wife, two children and father-in-law; the third is with his wife and two children; and two others with their wives. This extended family consists of three generations and the set-up of households ensures family closeness.

The number of children in a family ranges from 0 to 18. Newly married couples commonly have children during the first few years of their marriage or before they get married, and families without any children often look after a relative’s child. It is uncommon to see a household without a child; indeed, such household would sometimes even be seen as an ‘incomplete’ family, for parents see children as security for old age.

Figure 3.1 Three generations of women

Francis Whippy (left) with her mother Lilly Whippy, and a daughter. Lilly Whippy is married to a Whippy. (Source: Mareta Whippy.)

Lilly Whippy (Figure 3.1) resides at Nakabuta, and is the mother of 18 children. In Batinivuriwai, 2 families have 10 children, and a handful have 8 or 9. Also often seen are families with 2–4 children, with a one-year gap between siblings. When asked why some have children almost every year in a five-year period, a man jokingly replied “I don’t want the school to be closed down”. A woman said “Me xua ni lusi na bia/dalo nei (husband’s name)” ‘That my husband’s hard- work (literally planting cassava/taro) does not go to waste’. Children raised in the village have strong healthy bodies, as there has been no case of children suffering from any major disease. Fresh country air, fresh food from the gardens and sea, and vigorous activities keep their bodies strong and healthy. Most of their free time is spent outside playing or helping with household chores. Parents attach little importance to education and most children drop out at completion of high school level (Form six, Year 12) and stay on in the village. Having a bigger family also means more hands working on the farm and in the sea.

3.2.1 Kinship terms

Relationships between relatives are generally easy; taboo relationships, as seen in some indigenous settings, are rare.

The kin terms (see Table 3.1) generally follow those of Standard Fijian (SF). Nayacakalou (1957) asserts “In the patrilocal monogamous family, the father is called tama and the mother tina; the husband and wife are both called wati; the children are called luve” (a term which does not distinguish sex, but tagane ‘male, boy’ and yalewa ‘female, girl’ are used to indicate this), however there are slight differences.

In Table 3.1, I use Geraghty’s (1983: 11-12) notation of kin terms, to avoid the ambiguities of English descriptions: 1. In the string of symbols, the first represents the ego, the last the referent The relationship between the ego and referent is defined by showing their respective relationships to their closest common ancestor (ignoring, for the moment, affines). 2. Consecutive symbols are a generation apart. An apostrophe represents the closest common ancestor. Generations ascend to the left of the apostrophe, and descend to the right. 3. Each symbol indicates sex, thus: tmale yfemale x either a…a same sex a…b opposite sex (and so on, as in alpha notation)

Table 3.1: Batinivuriwai kinship terms Reference Address Reciprocal Inverse Address (vei-) xt’ tama- dedi ()Abbie, -tamani luve- (given name) Hughes) xy’ tina- -tinani luve- (given name) a(x’x)a taci- (given name) -tacini taci- aci (given name) a(x’x)b - (given name) -ganeni gane- (given name) xxt’ tuxa- pa/qrenpa (appa: -tuxani maxubu- (given name) Rotuman background) xxy’ tubu- nena (abi: -tubuni maxubu- (given name) Rotuman background) xxxt’ tuxa- biq pa/ biq -tuxani maxubu- (given name) qrenpa xxxy’ tubu- biq nena -tubuni maxubu- (given name) xt’y tubu- nena/bu -tubuni maxubu- (given name) xy’y tubu- biq nena -tubuni maxubu- (given name) xt’t agkel 00 -tamani luve- (given name) xt’y anti anti/ma (first -tinani luve- (given name) name) xy’t agkel agkel -vugoni vugo- vugo or (given name) xy’y anti anti -tinani tina- (given name) xy’t’x(moth tavale- tavale or (given -tavaleni tavale- tavale or (given er’s name) name) brother’s children) a’ = ‘b daku daku -dakuni daku daku - yaca yaca (sigoa: -yacani yaca yaca(sigoa: Rotuman Rotuman background) background)

A father is called dedi by most speakers, from English daddy (underlining letters indicates the sound is pronounced in more or less in English, i.e. non- prenasalised). Some young children call their father de, short form of dedi, but dedi as they grow older, say about 3–4. Most indigenous Fijians call their father . The Abbies and Hughes call their fathers , a borrowing from English pa. In Wainunu-i-caxe, the term is more commonly used to refer to paternal grandparents, from English ‘pa, grandpa’. Sometimes pa is called q , while great-grandfather is biq ‘big grandfather’ (biq - calque levu). *, as all terms of reference and address, can be used without an article, like a proper noun: Au *‘I’ll report you to *’ and proper names can follow, ** ‘Grandpa Pate (from Bertie)’!*+0 ‘Grandpa Joe’.

Mothers are addressed as mami (from mummy), sometimes ma, and almost all speakers use the short form as well, irrespective of age. Indigenous Fijian children call their mothers .

Grandmothers, both maternal and paternal, are referred to as nena (probably from English ‘nanna’) or #< while grandfathers are , some also called q !and great grandfather is biq q , or qren-q ‘great grandfather’',<is SF and also used with older ladies as a term of respect, even if they are not relatives. When #< is used, usually the first name of that person follows such as ,< Eteci, ,< Neli, and ,< ,< Keresi, while nena occurs more on its own, and if a first name follows, the name will be the English version, for example Nena Grace (compared to ,< Keresi) or simply Nena.

Male relatives of the same generation as one’s parents are referred to as agkel ‘uncle’. Agkel is used together with 00, a generic term used for both maternal and paternal uncles. -00 in an indigenous context is confined to mother’s brothers, while paternal uncles are ‘big father’ or lailai ‘small father’, depending on whether they are older or younger than ego’s father. In Wainunu-i- caxe, however, 00 covers both sides. -00 is used often and there is no clear

51 factor governing the use of either 00 or agkel. Some speakers use agkel more than 00, while others use either term. When a speaker was asked which term she uses to call her mother’s brother, her reply was either 00 or agkel, and when asked why one is used instead of the other, the reply was “it depends”. If someone is listening to the conversation, and if the audience is kailoma, she would use agkel, while 00 is used in the presence of indigenous Fijians. In this instance, the choice of language is apparently determined by the speaker’s intention of being identified with the listeners, to gain solidarity with them. This is similar to how a few families, such as the Browns and the Bhurrahs, call their father’s brothers dedi, followed by their given name, while indigenous Fijians call their father’s brothers ( or ).

The variation between anti and nei/na is not as free as agkel and 00, as anti is used much more than nei/na. Nei and na are used more to refer to indigenous Fijians who are not close relatives. Indigenous Fijian women married to closely related uncles are anti. Also, anti can be nativised and shortened to such as Tua (Aunty Tua), Nani (Aunty Nancy). Speakers also call their mother’s sisters -, followed by the given name, for example, - Resi ‘Mum Grace’ for Aunty Grace, - Leni ‘Mum Helen’ for Aunty Helen, following indigenous Fijians’ practice.

The brother and sister relationship is much more open than among indigenous Fijians. In some indigenous Fijian societies, sisters and brothers talk to each other only when necessary. If a girl is in a room and her brother enters, she will leave. In Wainunu-i-caxe, sisters and brothers can have a very close bond and there are few restrictions placed on this relationship. ‘aci (SF taci-) is a common term for a sibling or a cousin. The term highlights this closeness and is used to emphasize their relationship. Like indigenous Fijians, men in a family are protective of the female members of their family, and it is known for male siblings to beat up young men who court their sisters behind the brothers’ backs.

All cousins call each other by their first names. First cousin relationship is ‘ ’ and cross cousins (mother’s brother’s child and father’s sister’s child) are tavale; and this also applies to second and third cousins. Generally, tavales have a joking relationship (as in indigenous Fijian custom). Cross-cousins can marry provided they are at least third generation, not first or second.

The relationships of veidauveni (sisters-in-law), veidakuni (sister with brothers- in-law or brother with sister-in-law) and veitavaleni (brothers-in-law) are also observed. One would hear a kailoma call such relatives dauve or tavale, while daku is rare, but speakers understand who a daku is. This is seen when one is explaining kinship to another person saying, “He is my daku” ‘He is my brother- in-law’.

The use of zunia, from English ‘junior’, to refer to sons named after their fathers, is common. One would then specify which junior is being referred to. Sometimes, zunia " #$% "< $ ! themselves usually mention that their names are zunia rather than their given name, and this could be a problem. For example, youths of Wainunu went to play rugby in neighbouring Kubulau, a nearby district, and a zunia with a fancy haircut with the letter Z was among them. A week later, a girl from Kubulau called wishing to speak to zunia in Batinivuriwai. The lady who answered the phone asked which particular zunia she wished to speak to and the caller kept repeating “zunia”. The receiver got a bit frustrated and mentioned that there were a number of zunias in the village and after a while the caller said, “The one with the Z haircut!”

When introducing themselves, kailoma often mention the English form of their name rather than the localized version, especially when in the presence of indigenous Fijians. For example, Leslie would introduce himself as Leslie although he is commonly known as Sevo; or as Jemima rather than Tima; or as Grace rather than Keresi; or Pilate instead of Vailate. The choice of names

53 speaks volumes of how they want to be identified, and in this case, kailoma identify with their Part-European background.

Example 3: Patrick Kitolelei is 10 years old and lives in Suva with his parents; his father is from Wainunu-i-caxe and his mother a Rotuman. He spends every school Christmas break in Batinivuriwai. He calls his parents dedi and mami, maternal grandmother # and maternal grandfather apa. On his father’s side, grandmother is nena and apa is grandfather. His namesake is sigoa, his mother’s and father’s brothers and sisters are anti and agkel. He calls his nena’s older sisters and aunts biq nena, and nena’s uncles 'His cousins on both sides are referred to by their given names.

In Example 3, the term sigoa (

The use of apa is similar to sigoa, used in the presence of Patrick and his kin.

A person can also be identified by his/her parents, or the husband’s or wife’s name if he/she is married, or which village he/she is from. For example, in this conversation between Ana (A) and Marica (M) (see Text 4 in Appendices):

Example 4: A: O Kuli cava? art K what ‘Which Kuli?’

M: ./ , 0 !/ 1 art K int from B K W ‘Kuli who is married to Walter from Batinivuriwai’

Example 5: O rato 00! / ! 2qi… art III3 art girl this art K art S Aggie (Agnes) ‘These young ladies: Kuli, Sera (Agnes’ daughter)…’

In Example 4, Kuli is identified by where she is from, but in Batinivuriwai there are two women of the same name, so to be more specific, her husband’s name is mentioned. The older Kuli is often referred to as Kuli levu ‘big Kuli’; age is a form of distinction. In Example 5, Sera is distinguished by her mother’s name (Agnes). Such distinctions are necessary as some names are very common, for example, Batinivuriwai has five people named William, so their spouse or parent is often used for specificity, rather than the surname.

3.3 Social domains

The linguistic repertoire of a typical Wainunu-i-caxe speaker includes Wainunu- i-caxe, Wainunu-i-'(()* + (),-- i-caxe is the focus of this study, spoken in Batinivuriwai, Nakabuta and Wainivesi as previously mentioned. Wainunu-i- indigenous Fijians in Wainunu, from Saolo to Nadua (see section 2.3.2). SF is the variety of Fijian used for everyday purposes, generally known as ‘Bauan’. Fiji English is the variety of English spoken in Fiji. Pidgin Fiji Hindi is the variety spoken by non-Indians of Fiji, and Wainunu-i-caxe speakers learn this variety

55 from those they communicate with rather than learning it formally in school. Repertoire varies for individuals, depending on the level of their exposure to outside communities.

Example 6: Jone Bhurrah is a kailoma and lives in Batinivuriwai. He speaks Wainunu-i-caxe at home with his family. His father uses the same communalect while his mother uses her Nabiti (Dreketi, Macuata) variety. He speaks Wainunu-i-caxe to those in the same speech community and Wainunu-i- . on the mainland and surrounding islands. SF is used for speakers outside Vanualevu. Sometimes during sugar-cane harvesting seasons, he joins the men who go to Labasa and uses Pidgin Fiji Hindi with the Indo-Fijians. On the occasional shopping trips to Savusavu, he uses Fiji English to tourists (if he gets to talk to them), and Pidgin Fiji Hindi to Indo-Fijian shopkeepers.

Wainunu-i-caxe is used in the home, in sports grounds, in farms, in the school compound, and to a lesser extent in church.

Wainunu-i- ! ! ! Vanualevu, Taveuni and Yadua. Wainunu-i-caxe speakers adopt either the koi or qoi variety. There are approximately a hundred communalects in Vanualevu (Geraghty 2012, pers. comm.), and unlike other parts of Fiji, people retain their communalect when speaking to those of other communalects. For example, whether one is addressing a speaker of Seaqaqa (Macuata) or Naboutini (Saqani, Cakaudrove), Wainunu-i- . ! ! with her own communalect.

Wainunu-i- --i-caxe, mostly because it is the communalect of indigenous Fijians. Wainunu-i-caxe is stigmatized and some of its words are joked about. For example, when a fellow colleague from Cogea, who speaks Wainunu-i- / . ! “Wainunu-i-caxe, the Fijian variety spoken by kailoma”. He grinned and

56 responded, “. ” ‘They that speak the kena (there) and gona (that) variety’ and continued smiling. The demonstratives kena #'(0 %Q Rgona #'(0 %Q R ! kailoma speech. Another indication that Wainunu-i- --i-caxe is that both kailoma and indigenous Fijians would comment that a kailoma is well- versed with his/her culture and is well-mannered if he/she uses Wainunu-i- and this is in reference to the culture of the indigenous Fijians. Thus, Wainunu-i- ! / ! speakers. When one uses Wainunu-i- that the person is from Bua.

Some Wainunu-i-ers say that kailoma in Wainunu-i-caxe copy the way they speak, generally in the sense that they use [x] instead of [k]. This claim would be true if based on sounds mostly (except the [x]) since most vocabulary of Wainunu-i-caxe is similar to SF, so indeed one would think these kailoma speak SF. However some terms are also from Wainunu-i- bia ‘cassava’ (from Wainunu-yabia; SF tavioka is also used), dida ‘senile’, droto ‘uncircumcised, weak’, gula ‘dumb’, lutu ‘mound of soil around a newly planted plant’, taunamo ‘mosquito net’, tomole ‘a kind of shrub, basil, L Ocimum basilicum, Lamiaceae’, isi ‘shred’, vaca ‘a small kind of schooling fish L Thrissina baelama’, vusou ‘taro leaves, dish of taro leaves, can be boiled in coconut cream’ (SF rourou), welu ‘saliva’, and Fiji English, such as fakaraun (fakaraun from English ‘fuck around’) ‘lacking direction’. Wainunu-i- speakers further claim that kailoma take terms from Wainunu-i-O' Fijianise” them. For example, the demonstrative ‘there’ is xena, and kailoma say kena, using k, (rather than as it is in SF). Thus when kailoma speak, they would blend the two varieties together making it their own, using the [x] from Wainunu-i- 4 '(

SF is used with those from outside Vanualevu. Fijian speakers commonly claim that when an individual is from Vitilevu, they would find a Fijian variety of

Vanualevu difficult to understand, while those in Vanualevu find some Vitilevu varieties unintelligible, and most generalise that Nadroga is unintelligible to a higher degree. For this reason, when a Wainunu-i-caxe speaker speaks to a person from Vitilevu, SF is used.

Pidgin Fiji-Hindi is used by those who know the language when they converse with an Indo-Fijian, such as middlemen who buy yaqona, taro and prawns in Wainunu to sell in municipal markets. Because of some traces of Indian origin, some Bhurrahs feel it is important to have some conversational knowledge of Pidgin Fiji Hindi. I have not heard of anyone studying Standard Hindi in school.

Fiji English is used with people assumed not to understand Fijian. Jone in example 6 uses Fiji English to those who are not Fijian or Indo-Fijian. Code- switching between Wainunu-i-caxe and Fiji English is common, particularly by those speakers who wish to identify strongly with their European side. For example:

Example 7: [Au se [strol daun ca roud] mada]VP, [tu bae [wan rol]NP]VP I1 asp walk down the road soon to buy a cigarette ‘I am going to take a walk down the road to buy a cigarette’

The utterance begins with Wainunu-i-caxe and switches to Fiji English at strol. Strol (from English ‘stroll’) is a common term used by kailoma to mean walk in a leisurely fashion, performed for various reasons, for example, ( – causative, lutu ‘settle’, xete ‘stomach’) ‘take a walk after a big meal’ and taubale ‘aimlessly walk’ or to avoid mentioning a specific destination. Mentioning the place where one is heading to or have returned from is social acknowledgment in Fijian custom. A foreigner might find this intrusive but this is similar to talking about the weather with strangers.

Speaking to a Wainunu-i-caxe speaker, one uses the local communalect. For example, morning greetings can be “yadra” ‘good morning’, or “qudmonig” ‘good morning’. Speaking with an indigenous Fijian, a Wainunu-i-caxe speaker would use Wainunu-i- O ” ( ‘good’ (from Wainunu-i-% ' to another Wainunu-i-caxe speaker and this could be attributed to the desire to identify with the prestigious variety. Also, when a speaker uses the Wainunu-i- 5 favourably viewed, and is perceived to be expressing solidarity with the indigenous people. The concept of solidarity is important to an individual as he/she shares the same culture, values, language, and is thus connected to the addressee. However, a Wainunu-i-caxe speaker may not use Wainunu-i- communalect in the whole conversation as she/he will find it easier to speak in his/her first language, but nevertheless, the connection between the two participants has already been established.

3.4 Religion

All three villages are / 0 ‘Christian’ and there is a diversity of Christian denominations: Lotu Jaji ‘Anglican’, Lotu Tagitagi ‘Assemblies of God’, Vaxadinadina i Jiova ‘Jehovah’s Witnesses’, 1 ‘Methodist’, Katolika ‘Catholic’ and Lotu Kavitu ‘Seventh Day Adventist’. Villagers are strong in their beliefs and although some do not regularly attend church, all observe Christian practices.

In Batinivuriwai (including Davutu, Nasevu, Kaciwaqa and Muanicula settlements), all six denominations are present. The two main denominations are Methodist and Seventh Day Adventist, followed by Roman Catholic. The rest of the population is shared out between the other three dominations: Assemblies of God, Jehovah’s Witnesses and Anglican.

Table 3.2: Families of different Christian denominations in Batinivuriwai Christian Denomination Number of households Methodist 23 Seventh Day Adventist 18 Catholic 12 Assemblies of God 2 Jehovah’s Witness 3 Anglican 3 Total 61

A visitor may find Batinivuriwai unusual in the observance of the ‘sabbath’ since there will be people going about their daily activities on both Saturday and Sunday. A visitor will hear the drone of grass-cutters or chainsaws on both days and find young people playing volleyball while the church lali ‘drum’ is being beaten from another side of the village summoning a group to a church service. This is due to the non-Seventh Day Adventists working on Saturday, and Seventh Day Adventists working on Sunday.

Nakabuta’s 13 families are all Seventh Day Adventists. Everyone in the community goes to church service on Friday evening and Saturday. No work is done from Friday sunset till sunset on Saturday. Sunday is a normal working day; villagers tend to their gardens, fish or work in the boatyard.

In Taraqiloqilo settlement, about 10 minutes walk from Nakabuta to Wainivesi, two families are Catholics, two are Methodists and one is a Jehovah’s Witness. The Catholics often walk to Batinivuriwai while the Methodists and Jehovah’s Witnesses go to Wainivesi for church services.

Table 3.3: Families of different Christian denominations in Nakabuta Nakabuta Nakabuta Taraqiloqilo Christian No. of Households Christian No. of Households Denomination Denomination Seventh Day 13 Catholic 2 Adventist Jehovah’s Witness 1 Methodist 2

Wainivesi has only three denominations.

Table 3.4: Families of different Christian denominations in Wainivesi Christian Denomination Number of households Methodist 2 Seventh Day Adventist 4 Jehovah’s Witness 6

Despite the many denominations, there have been few arguments. There are some who question (and sometimes ridicule) some slight differences of practice, but generally villagers respect each other’s beliefs. Villagers help each other out in fundraising or the construction of a church or residence of a pastor.

3.4.1 Language in Religion

Language of religion generally follows a variety Geraghty (2012 pers. comm.) calls “Old High Fijian” and this variety is closely tied to the history of religion in Fiji. Old High Fijian, originally spoken by missionaries, is a combination of Cargill’s grammar of Lakeba (Schütz and Geraghty 1980) mixed with Lauan elements, and interference of English grammatical rules into what they called the communalect of Bau, since Bau held prominent power during that time in Fiji, with Cakobau as chief. This variety is still used in sermons and prayers as it is

61 believed to be the sacred version of Fijian, since the Bible was translated using this variety. Mangubhai and Mugler (2003) assert:

Literary Fijian thus became inextricably associated with the domain of religion, and its influence continues to be evident to this day. In an area where the local dialect is different from that variety, the Bible reading during Church services is in literary Fijian. The sermon might be in the local dialect, but the religious terminology is taken from standard Fijian, the result being a hybrid – which can be regarded as typical of the register of religious sermons.

This is evident in Wainunu-i-caxe in the choice of sounds used. Attending a number of church services of different denominations, I observed that a common feature is the effort made to speak SF, with some words from Old High Fijian, during a sermon. This is evident with the use of /k/, rather than /x/ which is used in everyday conversation. Old High Fijian uses /k/ in the Bible, while Wainunu-i- caxe uses /x/. In a church service of two hours, in words including /k/, only 14 utterances of /x/ occurred, roughly 10% of the possible utterances of /x/. As speakers are conscious of the sacred context of religion, they are attentive to sound choice. It is to be noted that speakers would utter /k/ instead of /x/ in careful speech, religious contexts or not.

Another feature of the language of religion highlighted by Geraghty (1984: 32) is the differences in terminology used by Roman Catholics and Protestants. The French missionaries published materials and:

In their publications, they accepted the standard language and its spelling system as laid down by the Methodists, but differed in deriving loan- words from either Latin or their native language, French. Thus, we find Methodist papitaiso from baptize beside Catholic papitema from baptême, Methodist Mere from Mary, Catholic Maria from Maria, and so on.

This is also evident in Wainunu where terminology differs between Catholics and other denominations, such as Catholic 0 ‘communion’ versus kana madrai ‘eat bread’, kuruse ‘cross’ versus kauveilatai, bete ‘priest’ versus talatala ‘pastor/reverend’, duatolutabu ‘Holy Trinity’ versus ‘Holy Trinity’. Words such as 0 ‘rosary’, ‘church (institution)’, misa ‘mass’, vaxavuvuli ‘catechist’ are confined to Catholics, while ‘steward’, and 0 ‘pastor (lower than talatala) looking after the church and the congregation’ are non-Catholic terms.

Correspondingly, differences of terminology are evident in reference to days. For Seventh Day Adventists, Saturday is Sigatabu ‘Holy Day’ since this is their sabbath and Sunday is Sigasade (sade is nativised from English Sunday). Friday is Sigavakarau ‘preparation day’, when commonly this is the term for Saturday (preparation of food for Sunday). Non-Seventh Day Adventists refer to Friday as Vaxaraubuxa, Saturday as Vaxarauwai and Sunday as Sigatabu.

Lexical difference is also evident in names of groups for men, women, youth and children in different churches. A women’s group is wimens liq ‘women’s league’ for Catholics, 30 (from Dorcas) for Seventh Day Adventists, and 0 ni Marama ‘Group of Friendship of Women’ for Methodists. For youth groups, the Catholic one is Soqosoqo ni Tabagone ‘Group of Youth’ and the Methodist’s is Mataveitokani (mata ‘a group of’, vei- pl., 0 ‘friends’). Seventh Day Adventists have Pacfaida (from English Pathfinder) for a children’s group.

3.5 Language in the context of village tasks

The following gives a brief description of typical tasks carried out in a village setting. The reader gets a picture of village life, but most importantly is able to see how language is influenced by the kind of tasks carried out (a word exists

63 because the concept exists) and how beliefs also have an impact on what people say and when (e.g. superstitions with fishing).

Wainunu-i-caxe villagers are heavily dependent on the land and sea for their main source of living. With the rainfall, Wainunu-i-caxe land is very fertile. The forests provide good planting ground for root crops and yaqona, also known as grog or kava (Piper methysticum) and dalo ‘taro’. The sale of these two crops is the main source of income for most villagers. The sea is also productive but its resources are decreasing much faster than those of the land, possibly due to the more effective ways of extracting marine resources such as nets that are non- selective. This is vaxasabusabu ‘unwise use’.

A typical garden is a good 20 minutes to an hour’s walk from the village. Generally, most gardens would have a minimum of 100 yaqona plants, 200 dalo ‘taro’ plants and some plantains and vegetables. Yaqona is the main revenue earner, and planted by everyone except staunch Seventh Day Adventist members. Dalo is another main crop farmed for commercial and subsistence purposes. Bia/tavioka ‘cassava’, vudi ‘plaintains’, kumala ‘sweet potato’, uvi ‘yam’, kawai ‘sweet yam’ (Dioscorea esculenta), together with vegetables such as bele (Hibiscus manihot), vusou/rourou ‘taro leaves’, bin ‘long bean’ and baigani ‘egg-plant’ are planted for household use. Villagers also farm within the village boundary and these gardens are smaller and are for household use, comprising dalo, bia, rourou, bele, kumala, bin. As houses are far apart, villagers plant for everyday use in these spaces.

It is an everyday sight for men and women to head to their gardens early in the morning, holding an isele ‘cane knife’ and a taga ‘sack’ and returning about mid- day with their bag of produce slung over the shoulder. The tools used for farming are basically the iselelevu ‘big cane knife’, and ‘digging fork’. No one owns a tractor or any agricultural machines. Adults, together with the young who have dropped out early from school, toil hard and long on the land in a mostly

64 non-mechanised form of farming. Some farmers still use the doxo ‘wooden digging stick’ to cuxi ‘dig’ a lutu ‘plot’ of yaqona or dalo, or to uproot a plant. Some prefer a doxo to plant dalo because the root is big and long when it matures (rather than rounded when planted with a ) and some use it because they cannot afford a modern digging fork.

Fallowing is practised. Land is cleared for farming using a cane knife, matau ‘axe’ or jeinso ‘chain saw’, depending on the size of trees to be cut down, and clearing land is called or ' Before a piece of land is cleared, a farmer would first ask permission from the land owner, if the land is not his/hers, for the right to farm. Conflicts have arisen from using land without permission, and some owners have been known to harvest these crops on their land, triggering a conflict.

‘burning’, a form of clearing land for farming, is common but the uro ni qele ‘soil minerals’ are lost as believed by the elders. Most farmers would then use maniwa (from English ‘manure’) ‘fertilizers’. Seventh Day Adventists, who do not plant yaqona, commonly have large dalo gardens, and they use manure. They also use weedicides, but they have to abandon the piece of land after a few years, unless they keep using fertilizers. Farmers can tell which gardens use fertilizer by looking at the healthiness of the crop and understanding whether the land has been farmed already and would say: “0 rixi” ‘This is fertilised’ and “E spreitaxi nona iteitei” ‘the garden uses weedicide’ (sprei from English ‘spray’).

When farmers require more hands on their farm, they will ask others but this comes at a cost. Working from 8am to about 5pm in someone else’s garden can earn $20 and this is called a zob ‘job’. About ten years ago, this kind of help was unpaid.

Skim (from English ‘scheme’) means rotational work in a village in Wainunu. When visiting Nadua (an indigenous Fijian village in Wainunu-i-% a separate research project and wanting to interview the young men, I was told that they were away on a skim and would return at around 2pm. This kind of communal work, SF solesolevaki, is commonly practised in Fiji. For example, if there are 5 young men in a skim, they would do rotational work on all one another’s gardens. Some pull out of this when they feel they achieve more working solo.

Varo xau ‘cutting timber’ is another way of earning money. A chain saw is used to cut down the selected trees and saw them into timber, which are colati ‘carried on the shoulder’ or yarataxi ‘hauled’ to the village or pulled by bulls/horses from the forest. The bulls or horses may be rented for that day’s work. Cutting timber usually takes the whole day and can be dangerous as at least one person has died in the last 15 years when a tree fell on him. When villagers build a house or boat, they usually cut their own timber.

Villagers fish in the veidogo ‘mangroves’, wailalai ‘creeks’, vuriwai ‘river’, # ‘near the shore’ and out in the waituilevu/waituiloa ‘open sea’, for both subsistence and commercial purposes. Nakabuta and Wainivesi villagers mainly fish in the open sea, whereas the inhabitants of Batinivuriwai have the option of fishing in the river along which it is located. Villagers use lawa ‘fish net’, 0 0 ‘fishing line’ and moto ‘spear’ to catch fish, day or night. Night fishing is often more successful, with bigger fish which are then kept in ice-coolers and sold in Savusavu (for a better price), while the smaller ones are sold in the village.

Lawa is either mata lelevu ‘big mesh’ or mata lalai ‘small mesh’. The mata lalai net is used to qoli moci ‘net little prawns’ for bait, or qoli ura ‘net prawns’ in creeks, while the mata lelevu is used to bala lawa ‘drag net’. The small net is commonly known as lawanimoci ‘small prawn net’, (SF ('It has two cua ‘stick tied to the ends of the net as handles’ on opposite sides while the lower

66 edge is fixed with lead or heavy sea-shells such as (Turbo). Lawanimoci is used by dragging the net by the handles over the prawns etc. This net is also used for buburu, a method of catching small fish, prawns and crabs, in small branches of the main river. Buburu is usually performed by women in crevices, and where the net cannot reach to catch fish or crab, hands are used without hesitation or second thought of the possibility of being bitten by # (Thyrsoidea macrura) or qari ‘crabs’. Lawalevu ‘big net’ of bigger mesh, does not have the cua, but has heavier weights and vutovuto ‘floats’ on the upper edge, and is used to catch bigger fish. Bala lawa is spreading out a long net that can range from 5-20 metres or more, for a minimum of 20 minutes to catch whatever can be found. Sogo vuriwai is closing off the mouth of a small river branch (approximately 5 metres in width and 30-50 meters long) during high tide to trap fish, which are collected at low tide. Sasamu is a feature of bala lawa, in which after a net has been set, usually in a circle, the water is beaten with a stick to drive the fish into the net. If the net is spread out in 0 0 ‘shallow water’, the fishermen will go into the water and drive the fish into the net themselves.

Siwa ‘line fishing’ is used by almost every fisherman, because it can be done individually and the materials needed such as 0 0 ‘line’, batinisiwa ‘fish hook’ and uma ‘lead’ are cheap. The various types of siwa are:

i. siwa qalo: fishing standing usually up to the waist submerged. This is often done by those who do not have a bilibili ‘bamboo raft’ or boto ‘small punt’, and want to fish only for a short time, about 2-3 hours. A bilibili is a bamboo raft consisting of 8-12 lengths of bamboo with a hard wood skewer piercing the front ends and secured with a rope or 0i ‘Entada phaseoliodes’ and propelled by a ixara ‘pole’. A boto is small flat-bottomed open boat (3-5 metres), sometimes propelled by an outboard engine. ii. siwa ina bilibili/boto: fishing aboard a bamboo raft or small punt stationed at a fishing ground with an ikelekele ‘anchor (rock/heavy

metal)’ or iketi ‘anchor (long stick)’ and often a fisherman can fish for half to a full day. iii. #: ‘trolling’ fishing with a line thrown out of a moving boat. iv. : fishing with a line thrown out into the sea for whatever fish are passing. A fisherman can either stand near the water’s edge or be on a bilibili or boto. v. siwa bogi: fishing at night, often on a boat out in the open sea, usually by two or more people.

The bait is usually moci ‘small prawns’ or small fish, caught from vuriwai lalai ‘small branches of the river’ or from the yalanimasala ‘tidal flat’. E xatoa na siwa is when a lot of fish is caught. The opposite is drava, which has two senses, one, e drava na waitui ‘it is not a good time for fishing because the fishes are not biting’ and e drava na siwa ‘little catch’. Misimisi is when the fish bites the bait but may not be hooked so a fisherman will have to laba ‘jerk’ to hook one.

Beliefs associated with drava are when a #0 ‘heron’ crosses one’s path in the sea. Also when someone says to the person going fishing, “xequ na uluna/tolona/buina” ‘May the fish head/middle/tail be mine’. To break the ‘spell’, one would # 0 ‘knot a string’, spit on it and throw it in the sea. While fishing, one would chant “tuxuca, tuxuca, tuxuca mai tavale, 0 !0 ” ‘let it drop, let it drop, let it drop, my cross-cousin, ?, that the fishing line might snap’. When a fish is caught, the person might say, “xerea na tinamu xei na tamamu” ‘I want your mother and father’, indicating the wish for a bigger catch.

Moto ‘spear’ is used for cocoxa ‘spear fishing’, samarini ‘goggles’ for ‘dive fishing (in the river and open sea)’ and spia qan from English ‘spear gun’ for nunu ‘dive fishing (often in the open sea)’. These forms of fishing are commonly done by men. The dia ‘handle’ of a moto is gasau ‘reed’ that is straightened after it has been raragi ‘heated over a fire’ and the metal points which can be bought

68 or from thin metal spines of an umbrella are inserted into the front part of the spear. Spia qan is effective but expensive, and the men xerexere ‘borrow’ from someone who has one. Xabatiri is to climb over the mangroves to spear fish.

Fish caught in the river are smaller and villagers claim they are tastier; perhaps the truth is big fish are difficult to catch in the river. Crabs and sea prawns, usually caught by lawanimoci, can also be sold in Savusavu, but this is less common. Non-Seventh Day Adventist women also qoli ura ‘net prawns’ in creeks as a supplementary source of income. Prawns earn good money and the best time to catch them is when the water level is low, as their movements are restricted. These women go with a noke ‘coconut-leaf basket’ suspended from the waist and can spend half to a full day catching prawns. Often, when men go to the gardens, wives accompany them to catch prawns in nearby streams.

3.5.1 Other economic activities

Another way of earning income is cici niu ‘cutting copra’. Copra has been sold since the settlements’ establishment and is generally produced on a very small scale so that a family might produce 15 bags in 2 days, every second month. Kaciwaqa and Muanicula estates have coconut plantations, and they cut copra more often than other villages. Some might sell 2-5 bags once in a while. Copra is not as profitable as yaqona and dalo.

Talitali ‘weaving’ is another source of income, for women. Ibe ‘pandanus mats’ and kuta ‘reed mats’ are woven more by Seventh Day Adventist women, especially those in Nakabuta. Mats are woven for traditional obligations, such as weddings, and to earn a little money. Not many women can weave, not because they have no one to learn from, but weaving demands a lot of work, is time consuming and back breaking. Some women prefer to plant yaqona because it is more profitable than weaving, though less prestigious.

Kuta are quite expensive and the most expensive type is circular, of which caga ‘4 spans (3 ft.)’ in diameter costs $100 and ‘2½ spans (1.75 ft.)’ in diameter is $50. An 00 ‘long mat’ of katu rua ‘2 fathoms (12 ft.)’ is worth $200. Traditional costumes are also made from kuta such as salusalu ‘garland’ ($50), lixu ‘skirt’ and pote ‘brassiere’. A lot of work is required in making kuta products. First, the women go to Muanicula or Dawara (Cakaudrove) to cavu kuta ‘harvest reeds’, and the men accompany them to carry the reeds home. They pay the landowner $20 a day and take as much as they can carry. They tie the reeds together and these bundles, which could be made up of 20-30 reeds, are called ulu kuta and 20 ulu kuta make up an ioro. Ulu kuta make carrying the reeds back home easy since they are bundled together. These reeds are then sigani ‘dried in the sun’ and 0 ‘softened and straightened’ by scraping a kuta with a xaixoso ‘bivalve shell-fish’ shell. The different types of weaving are:

i. tali rauni ‘round weaving’ and these types of mats are the hardest to make and can take from weeks to a few months. ii. ‘square mats’. iii. ibe xaloxalo ‘star-shaped mats’. iv. 00# ‘long mats’.

According to weavers, weaving an ibe is a little easier than kuta weaving. The mata ‘mesh’ of mats is generally bigger than kuta, since that of a kuta is determined by the size of the reed. An ibe is usually bigger than a kuta. The work involved in preparing the voivoi ‘pandanus leaves’ is almost the same as for the kuta. < ‘pandanus plants’ have to be planted and looked after, unlike the wild kuta, and both grow best in swampy places. First, the women tau voivoi ‘harvest the pandanus leaves’, and remove the voto-na ‘thorns’ with a knife. The leaves are then rolled and saqa ‘cooked’ in biscuit tins or medium sized drums over a temporary fireplace, dried and then softened. They are isi ‘shred’ into sizes, and tali ‘woven’. Strands of kula ‘coloured wool’ are interwoven at the

70 edges of the ibe for beautification; red feathers used to be used 200 years ago. The simple and common type of mat is 00, which are not decorated with kula and are spread on the floor of any part of the house. # ‘ibe with overlying kula fringes on one side’ and # ‘small kula-decorated mats’ are highly valued but infrequently woven since they demand a lot of work.

Describing different everyday activities helps elaborate the vocabulary of a communalect. Wainunu-i-caxe uses terms common to SF but makes slight changes in sounds; e.g. doxo (SF doko), but retains the [k] in kuta. There is also a deep influence of indigenous beliefs, such as in fishing, in which one would utter words such as tukuca, wasaluka, which are not used in everyday conversations. Then there are borrowings from English, such as skim, zob, sprei to add to the wealth of vocabulary even though words for these concepts already exist. This indicates that vocabulary is changing also.

Another two domains, education and media, are now explained to further exemplify language use in Wainunu-i-caxe.

3.5.2 Education and villagers’ responsibility to the school

There are two primary schools in Wainunu-i-caxe, one in Batinivuriwai and the other in Nakabuta. Adi Elaine Primary School is a < ‘government school’ in Batinivuriwai. The school was established in 1962 in Kaciwaqa Estate, across the river from Batinivuriwai (see appendix text 5: sketch 1) but relocated to village side of the river in 1995. Students had to travel by bilibili ‘bamboo raft’ or boto ‘boat’ to Kaciwaqa everyday to attend classes, so it was important for families in Batinivuriwai to have a bilibili or boto.

Sometimes, a parent or a relative might ferry the students across but commonly students go by themselves. Travelling this way could be unsafe since a bamboo raft or boat have tavuxi ‘capsized’ a few times, and claimed at least one student’s

71 life. Ferrying was sometimes made difficult by cagi xauxaua ‘strong winds’, ua lelevu ‘big waves’ and the xui ‘current’. Students would also sometimes get wet for school and would sit in wet clothing until they dried off, if they had not taken a change of clothing.

Figure 3.2 At the wavu ‘jetty’ beside a bilibili, Wainunu river.

(Source: Jokim Kitolelei 2007) The girl is holding ixara ‘pole’ which also becomes the itexi ‘anchor’. In the background is Kaciwaqa, the previous location of Adi Elaine Primary School.

One parent (usually a mother) accompanied the students to prepare lunch for the day. The children brought staple food, cassava and taro, and this parent provided the icoi ‘food such as meat, fish or vegetables’. This mother had to feed about 30 students. Some students would bring their lunches from home, to save their parents from cooking for the whole school. In 1990, all students brought their own lunch rather than parents taking turns at cooking, but this meant cold lunches. On some days, there were no boto or bilibili, and occasionally students would have to return home and miss classes on that particular day.

Figure 3.3a Adi Elaine Primary School at Kaciwaqa

(Source: Ragglands 2001)

Adi Elaine Primary School, when it was located in Kaciwaqa Estate, was a long concrete building, consisting of three composite classrooms, and a head teacher’s office and library. Today, only the concrete foundation remains. The school was relocated to Batinivuriwai in 1995 to be closer to the children. The school offers formal education to children from Batinivuriwai to Davutu, and Nadua from Classes 1 to 8. Children attend Class 1 when they have reached the age of 6. There are four teachers, one each for composite classes 1 and 2, 3 and 4, 5 and 6, and 7 and 8, and the roll is about 100. The teachers have been trained in Lautoka Teachers College, Corpus Christi Teachers College and Fulton College. A kindergarten has just been established in 2012 but before children would go directly from home to Class 1.

Figure 3.3b: The current Adi Elaine Primary School

Adi Elaine Primary School today, on Batinivuriwai side, now a wooden building consisting of four classrooms and a staff room. (Source: Jokim Kitolelei 2007) 73

Another primary school in Wainunu-i-caxe is the Wainunu Seventh Day Adventist Primary School in Nakabuta. It is largely privately funded by the Seventh Day Adventist Church, with a little help from the government. It provides education to mostly Seventh Day Adventist children of Nakabuta, Wainivesi, and Batinivuriwai. It similarly offers education from Classes 1 to 8, and the teachers are graduates of Lautoka Teachers College and Fulton Teachers College. There are four teachers and 50-60 students. The school also has boarding facilities for approximately 10 students from Batinivuriwai and Wainivesi.

Villagers elect komiti ni xoronivuli ‘school committees’ which are responsible for maintaining and upgrading the schools. The committee members themselves organize fundraisings for special school projects and mow the school lawns. The villagers also look after the teachers’ welfare, for example, bringing food for new teachers, and landowners give them a piece of land to cultivate their own crops. Adi Elaine Primary School organizes a # ‘bazaar, fundraising’ at the end of every academic year with perhaps volleyball or rugby competitions, and a soli ‘collection’, which might amount to more than $4000, a commendable sum for a rural area.

Students often complete their secondary education in Solevu Junior Secondary School in Bua, St. Bedes College and Savusavu Secondary School in Savusavu, or Labasa schools. Some have gone on to universities and other tertiary institutions in Fiji and abroad.

3.5.3 Media

The most common form of media is 4 0 ‘radio’, not so much 4 0 ‘big radio’ or 4 0 ‘ghetto blasters’ but 4 0 ‘small handheld radio’ with two small # ‘battery’. 54 0 is the main news and entertainment provider, and allows young people to be kept up-to-date with popular music.

54 0ai are economical for villagers who cannot afford to buy many # or run a generator. Most of the older generation listens to Radio Fiji One, operated by Fiji Broadcasting Corporation (FBC), a Fijian language program. Generally, most others listen to Fijian stations such as FBC’s BulaFM and Communications Fiji Limited’s VitiFM. Some of the younger generation also listen to English stations such as FBC’s 2dayFM and GoldFM, and Communications Fiji Limited’s FM96.

Vid 0 ‘video’, referring to DVD, is another media form that is fast gaining popularity. Twenty years ago, Batinivuriwai only had one video player, owned by a family in Dawadigo, and villagers would travel by boto to sara yaloyalo ‘watch movies’ or vid 0. Now, almost every sixth house in Batinivuriwai has a DVD player. The only way to access ‘television’ is to purchase a dish from Sky TV that costs almost $1,000 plus a monthly bill of about $40. Despite the cost, eight houses in Wainunu-i-caxe have Sky TV, five of them in Batinivuriwai. When something popular such as sports is shown, villagers gather in large numbers to watch. They pay 50 cents to $1 as admission fees. A few of these families also watch the local news every evening and then turn off the generator. Through movies and television, villagers are kept informed and entertained, and broaden their knowledge of the outside world.

Figure 3.4: A sign of change

A family owning a Sky Pacific dish, and also a village stoa ‘store’ where frozen meat, canned food, school stationery, cutlery, washing detergents, clothing, and fuel are sold. Behind the house is a draya ‘drier’ for copra and yaqona, fueled by buxa ‘firewood’ (Source: Jokim Kitolelei 2007).

Niusipepa ‘newspapers’ are available but not daily. Villagers get niusipepa (Fiji Times, Fiji Sun and Nai Lalakai) when they travel to Savusavu or Nabouwalu, and old ones from relatives in towns. From personal observation, the majority of villagers buy the Fiji Times, published in English, and Nai Lalakai, published in Fijian, when they can. Most of the elderly read Nai Lalakai because they do not have a sound understanding of English since they are not well educated. The majority of those who are below 40 for example have a basic understanding of what is published in the Fiji Times. The Fiji Times is commonly preferred to Fiji Sun because it has more pages. Apart from reading them, villagers use niusipepa for suluxa ‘cigarette paper’ for their suki ‘leaf tobacco grown locally’, for other wrapping purposes such as to wrap pounded yaqona, yaqona for presentation, to cover school books and for sanitary purposes. Niusipepa is precious, as evidenced in the way suki smokers guard their newspapers from other smokers and jokingly tell them off when they xerexere ‘ask’ for some.

In communication and sharing information, one should not forget the most common form of media in a village setting, free of charge, commonly referred to as kouknat wayales ‘coconut wireless’. This refers to word of mouth communication. Messages and stories are passed from one house to another, village to village. Coconut wireless can be effective and sometimes essential, for example, if a lori ‘lorry’ is leaving from Batinivuriwai to Savusavu early on a Monday morning, everyone in Batinivuriwai and Nakabuta will know this by Sunday evening. It is often said that villagers know events and gossip about relatives in towns through the kouknat wayales before those in town hear of them. Exaggeration is common and colloquially referred to as # 4 ‘buttered and jammed’.

In 2004, the telecommunications company Telecom Fiji Limited installed a base station on Uluivuya, Nabouwalu, and this has permitted the use of ‘EasyTel’ telephones in Wainunu. Rather than travelling to Daria, Cogea, or Namalata (Kubulau) to qiri ‘call’ from a radio telephone (either hiring a van for about $30 to Daria or $40 to Namalata, or walking for about 2-3 hours), villagers can now call from the comfort of their own homes. In the first year, the two schools had a talevoni ‘phone’ each and villagers could use the phones for 30 cents per call. Villagers who get money from the Social Welfare Department used to pick up their jeke Q /R + 67 ! 89: van there, they now simply ring the post office to enquire if it was ready for collection.

Mobail ‘mobile phones’ are currently common, especially among the youth. They are more willing to spend money on mobail and rijaz kad ‘recharge cards’ than elder villagers with family responsibilities. The older generation finds mobiles too complicated with their plethora of keys. Mobail connection used to be poor compared to EasyTel, so callers had to go to a hill or face the sea often for better reception. Mobile phones have narrowed the geographical barrier, and connected villagers to one another and to the outside world.

3.6 Conclusion

Language use by kailoma is shaped by their close connections with neighbouring communities, and their distinctive history and identity is reflected in language choice in separate social domains and to different addressees. The choices available are Wainunu-i-caxe, Wainunu-i-'( ()* ; use Wainunu-i-caxe and SF, while Wainunu-i-()* lesser extent.

A typical speaker could switch among Wainunu-i-caxe, Wainunu-i- '( Fiji English depending on who he is addressing, who are listening and in what context. Mostly Wainunu-i-caxe is used with someone from the same speech community; Wainunu-i- ! Yadua, SF with those from elsewhere in Fiji and Fiji English to a person who does not understand Fijian. Wainunu-i- Wainunu-i-caxe and the latter is restricted to use within the speech community.

Observance of traditional customs is largely determined by whom a kailoma identifies with and who is present. If a person identifies strongly with the paternal side (Part-European), most probably the custom will not be observed; but if it is followed, and there are only a few people present, only those aspects which speaker and addressee deem significant will be observed. If most people who are present are indigenous Fijians, then an indigenous Fijian relative will be requested to conduct such ceremonies while kailoma take the role of observers, probably satisfied that they cannot be accused of neglecting Fijian protocol but at the same time remaining loyal to their surname.

In language of religion, the differences of language brought in by French and British missionaries result in the difference of terminology used between Catholics and other Christian denominations. Additionally, speakers make an effort at speaking more SF, using [k] rather than [x].

The lexicon and sound system reflect the villagers’ life style, the work they perform and the values they hold. In the midst of all the activities mentioned above, the customs and lifestyle of villagers, such as farming, fishing, and education are all interrelated. This presents data for linguistic analysis, which is interesting in this case, given what has been discussed about the use of Wainunu- i-'( ()* 4 of Wainunu-i-caxe is presented, based on an analysis of data gathered.

CHAPTER 4: A SKETCH OF WAINUNU-I-CAXE COMMUNALECT

4.0 Introduction

In developing the orthography for a language, a linguist has to consider meeting the criterion of the “regular system”. This regular system, according to Crystal, is “one grapheme for each phoneme” (1997: 204). Some alphabets do not fulfill this criterion, sometimes because they have not kept up with changes in pronunciation, such as English (Crystal 1997: 204). Standard Fijian (SF) is fortunate as almost every phoneme is represented by one symbol, except that vowel length is not usually marked.

Schütz refers to Cargill’s (and Cross) work on the orthography as the second stage of development in which the first was the “impressionistic, haphazard attempts of the first collectors to “write what I hear” (1985: 22). This refers to the wordlists explorers and traders compiled. This can be seen in Schütz’s collection of the various spellings of the word ‘thank you’: veenága, vinaca, venacka, venackah, minako, vinaga, venaka, binaka, ba-na-kak, benacka, wenackah, and vinaka, from Cook’s surgeon Anderson in 1774 to Cargill and Cross in 1835 (1985: 18). David Cargill, a missionary and a linguist trained in Greek and Latin, and also fluent in Tongan, designed the orthography of Fijian that was used in missionary publications (Schütz 1985: 18), and is still used with few changes to this day.

Wainunu-i-caxe is unwritten; speakers do not use it for writing but use SF instead. In this paper, the Roman alphabet will be used to write Wainunu-i-caxe.

4.1 Phonology

4.1.1 Phonemes

There are ten phonemic vowels. These are the short and long vowels, in which the latter is marked with a macron. Macrons are found only in dictionaries and works by linguists, and in the Catholic lectionary in Fijian (Na itukutuku vinaka ni veisiga yadua 2005).

Front unrounded back rounded High i u < mid e o 0 low a

Vowel length is phonemic. mama ‘ring’ ‘chew’ ‘light’ (weight) nunu ‘dive’ < <‘numb’ nana ‘pus’ ‘gnat’

Dixon (1988: 1-?@A% B sequence of two short vowels to represent a long vowel, rather than a macron, for

4 B B will use the macron to represent the long vowel.

Wainunu-i-caxe has 21 consonant phonemes each represented by a single letter, except for one phoneme that is represented by a diagraph (dr). The brackets enclose orthographic symbols.

Table 4.1: Consonant phonemes in Wainunu-i-caxe

bilabial apical velar

voiceless stop pt k

. pre-nasalised mb (b) nd (d) g (q) stop

nasal mn .# %

fricative !#%1 fð (c)x

sibilant s

affricate tͭ (j)

prenasalised ndͼ (z) affricate

trill r

prenasalised ndr (dr) trill

lateral l

semi-vowel wj (y)

1 The labio-dental fricative [f] is only found in borrowings, for example in names of people (Filipe, Felisia, Fini), words borrowed from English such as fetifeti ‘fat’, floa ‘floor’, faya ‘to go’ (English ‘fire’), fakawela ‘to give cash, sweets and other gifts to performers in a Fijian dance’ (SF < Tongan) and fakaraun ‘wander around aimlessly’ (English ‘fuck around’).

Note that the bilabial and apical fricatives are voiced, while the velar fricative is voiceless k, unlike x, has restricted occurance, used only in borrowed words such as keke ‘biscuit/cake’, kari ‘curry’, kokoroti ‘cockroach’, in proper nouns such as Keren (Karen), Kecarin (Catherine), and the word for ‘there’ kena (Wainunu-i-xena, SF ). k is used also in some native words which have another voiceless velar stop in the next syllable, such as kake ‘a kind of fish’, kuka ‘mangrove crab’, but not used in others, such as xaxavorovoro ‘fragmented’. p is similar to f, occurring only in proper nouns such as Peni, Pate, Petra, Petin and in borrowed words, such as peni ‘pen’, pepa ‘paper’, pataka ‘fireworks’, pato ‘barefoot’, pateta ‘potato’ and poul ‘pole’.

Voiced stops (b,d,q) occur in borrowed terms such as beq ‘bag’, and doq ‘dog’.

Some examples of borrowing in sentences are:

Xeimami na qai lei davo yani i na hausig, na postofis i kena. Iexcl+ fut then go lie thither prep art housing art post office prep there3 ‘Then we will go and rest at the housing (area) at the post office there’ au dau fan # ! , I1 hab fun prep I1 irr Iincl+ hab scared prep hostel irr person many ‘It’s fun when we get scared at hostel, when there are many of us’ me da qai kona < i na dua na kona (English ‘corner’) irr Iincl+ then corner together ev prep art one art corner ‘and then we share the same corner’

4.1.2 Phonotactics

The syllable structure is (C)V(C)(V). Consonants occur word initially and word medially.

Closed syllables are rare and largely confined to borrowings, e.g.: ten ‘ten’ streit ‘straight’ qambut ‘pair of gumboots’ stop ‘stop’ beq ‘bag’, ‘beg’ kej ‘catch’ rol ‘cigarette’ (< ‘roll’) paidar ‘travel on foot’ (borrowed from Hindi) paip ‘pipe’

All phonemes can occur word initially and word medially. However, some phonemes cannot occur word finally: [b] [d] [q] [v] [x] [h] [;] [dr] [w] and [y].

The structure does not permit consonant clusters (except for borrowed terms) but vowel clusters are allowed. oilei ‘exclamation’ oiaue ‘exclamation’ # ‘stink’ xua ‘don’t’

In borrowing, the following initial consonant clusters are found: slek ‘slack’ plei ‘play’

There are no consonant clusters in word final position; in borrowed words, the final consonant of a cluster is dropped.

[k] is dropped in word final following a sibilant des desk, dash

[d] is dropped bil build kidnep kidnapped

[t] is dropped rous roast

[p] is dropped wotapam water-pump

4.1.3 Stress

In Wainunu-i-caxe, stress usually falls on the penult. Syllables consist of either one or two moras. A short vowel is counted as one mora, a long vowel as two moras. Also when suffixed, nouns and verbs can change stress. láxo ‘go’ laxóva ‘go to’ táma ‘father’ tamáqu ‘my father’ rái ‘see’ ráica ‘see (something)’

4.2 Word Classes

Pawley and Sayaba (2003: 35) best describe the concept of word classes:

A primary distinction can be made between two types of words: bases and particles. Bases are words that can occur as the head of the phrases

e.g. nouns, verbs and adjectives. They typically represent concepts that refer to things in the world outside of language, such as observable objects, actions and states. When an event or situation is described the participants and the actions will be denoted by bases. A base may be a simple word or morphologically complex. Many bases belong to more than one grammatical category, e.g. the same form may serve as a noun or as a verb, or as noun and adjective, or as verb and adverb.

Particles are words that occur as satellites of bases. They typically have grammatical function, carrying meanings that are not easily related to observable things but have more subtle functions e.g. to do with placing a speaker’s proposition (sketch of an event or situation) in time (past, future), giving it a modality – so that proposition is presented as an assertion, a question, a possibility, a desirability, etc. – affirming or negating a proposition or marking a relationship between words or constructions e.g. cause, consequence, condition, addition, alternation.

Words, therefore, can be either base or particle (including affixes). They can function as either a noun or/and verb, and in particles, the same marker can have a number of functions.A base can be both a noun and a verb, depending on associated markers (particles). In the following examples, the first veilomani is a noun while in the second, it functions as a verb. The same also applies for the word butaxo ‘steal’.

As a noun:

[e [xa uasivi]NP]VP [na vei-lomani]NP III1 thing important art coll-love ‘It is important to love one another’

[E ma caxa]VP [na butaxo]NP [ 0]VP [ ]VP III1 pst do art robbery art week asp finish ‘A robbery took place last week’

As a verb:

[Me da vei-lomani]VP irr Iincl+ coll-love ‘We should love one another’

[Ratou ma butaxo]VP [ratou qai tobo]VP III3 pst steal III3 then catch ‘They stole (something) and they were caught’

Open and Closed Word Classes

Open classes are classes of words in which new words can be added and formed. Nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs are open classes.

Some new words that have been borrowed into the communalect which can be used as both nouns, adjectives, verbs and adverbs: barasi ‘brush’, e.g. barasitaxa na ulumu ‘brush your hair’ ‘dance’ draiva ‘drive’ droa ‘drawer’ droini ‘draw’ kalasi ‘class’ kalivati ‘culvert’ kompiuta ‘computer’ painapiu ‘pineapple’ (‘balawa’ exists)

86 pasi ‘pass’ (someone or something) rula ‘ruler’ saute ‘shout’ (meaning for ‘treat’) sista ‘sister’ vid 0 ‘video’

For example, barasi ‘brush’ is used as a noun, verb and an adjective in the examples below:

Tau-ra na barasi, barasi-taxa na ulu-mu take-tr art brush brush-tr art head-III2 poss ‘Take the brush and brush your hair’

2 # ! III1 clean ints art cloth brush neg comp cloth wash prep art machine ‘Clothes that are scrubbed are cleaner than those which are machined-wash’

Closed classes are word classes closed to any modification and addition, such as articles, possessive markers and pronouns.

Some borrowed terms included in the open classes use certain markers and not others. For example kin terms such as sista ‘sister’ and baraca ‘brother’ are marked with indirect possessive markers rather than direct possessed markers (see 4.2.1.1.2) no-qu sista/baraca *sista-qu *baraca-qu poss-I1 sister ‘My sister/brother’

87 no-qu faca *faca-qu poss-I1 father ‘My father’

Note: tama ‘father’ is suffixed with –qu when marking first person singular possession.

4.2.1 Noun and Noun Phrases

Nouns in Wainunu-i-caxe are marked in different ways. We cannot say that something is a noun if it is a naming word, i.e. whether a name, a place name or an item. It depends on the context in which the word occurs and these are specially marked. There are five types of nouns and these are pronouns, common, proper, locative, and temporal nouns.

4.2.1.1 Pronouns

Pronouns can be classified as independent pronouns and possessive pronouns. Of these, independent pronouns are nouns. Three persons are marked: first, second and third. The communalect differentiates between the inclusive (including addressee) and the exclusive (not including addressee) pronouns. Four numbers are distinguished: singular, dual, paucal (doesn’t have a definite number; between 3 and less than plural) and plural.

4.2.1.1.1 Independent Pronouns

Independent pronouns are a type of proper noun.

Table 4.2: Independent pronouns

1st inclusive 1st exclusive 2nd 3rd

singular - yau ixo xoya

dual xeirau xemudrau rau

paucal xedatou xeitou xemudou ratou

plural xeda xeimami ira

These are used as subjects and objects.

As subjects:

O xeitou, xeitou na laxo nimataxa Au voci-a na bia o yau art Iexcl3 Iexcl3 fut go tomorrow I1 peel-tr art cassava art I1 ‘We are going tomorrow’ ‘It was I who peeled the cassava’

In both of these examples, independent pronouns occur in apposition to preverbal subject markers (xeitou, au).

As objects:

-nanum- # pst caus-think-of-pas III3 completely cont ints art night ‘[Someone] was just thinking of them last night’ bau soli-a mai vei xeirau ten give-trans hither to Iexcl2 ‘[at least] give it to us’

Independent pronouns are considered to be a kind of noun since they are marked in similar ways to proper nouns.

89 o Jone o ixo art J art II1 ‘Jone’ ‘you’ (Both the proper noun and the pronoun are marked with o) xau-ta vei Jone soli-a vei ratou take-tr to Jone give-tr to III3 ‘take it to Jone’ ‘give it to them’ (Both are marked by vei)

4.2.1.1.2 Possessive Pronouns

Possessive pronouns can preceed a noun. It can also replace a noun.

60 -mu ivola 0 -mu this art poss-II1 book this art poss-II1 ‘This is your book’ ‘this is yours’

Possessive pronouns are of two categories, direct possession where the pronoun is affixed to a noun or indirect possession where the pronoun is suffixed to a particle.

Direct possession

The nouns that are suffixed are some parts of the body, parts of things, and kinship terms.

Table 4.3: Possessive pronouns suffixes 1st inclusive 1st exclusive 2nd 3rd singular ---- -qu -mu -na dual -daru -ixeirau -mudrau -drau paucal -datou -ixeitou -mudou -dratou plural -da -ixeimami - -dra na liga-qu na yava-mu art arm-I1poss art leg-II1poss ‘My hand/arm’ ‘your leg’ na lewe-na na wexa-datou art flesh-III1poss art relation-Iincl3 poss ‘its flesh’ ‘our relative’

However, there are parts of the body that are not suffixed. no- *dra-qu poss-I1 blood blood-I1 poss ‘My blood’ ‘my blood’

Substances excreted from the body are generally indirectly possessed. no- *mi-na poss-III1 urine urine-III1poss ‘his/her urine’ ‘his/her urine’ no- de-na poss-III excrement faeces-III1poss ‘his/her excrement’ ‘his/her excrement’

For ‘excrement’, both da and de are used (refer to Geraghty and Pawley (1981: 161) for further explanation).

For things that grow on the body, the indirect possessive marker is used. no- #0 no-na somuna poss-II1 boil poss-II1 wart ‘your boil’ ‘his wart’ no-na digo poss-II1 spot ‘his spot’

Some nouns can be directly or indirectly possessed with difference in meaning: yaca-qu no-qu yaca name-I1 poss poss-I1 namesake ‘my name’ ‘my namesake’

Indirect possession

Indirect possession categories are eat possessive, drink possessive, general possessive and passive possessive. The rules of the suffixes (in the table above) in reference to the persons are followed.

If the noun is food that was, is or will be eaten by the possessor, the possessive pronoun is suffixed to xe-.

92 na xe-qu weleti na xe-dratou dalo art eat-I1 pawpaw art eat-III3 taro ‘the pawapaw I ate/eat/will eat’ ‘the taro they (paucal, third pers.) eat/ate/will eat’ na xe- 0 e ma rua na xe-dra saga ni vuaxa art eat-IIexcl1 dumpling III1 pst two art eat-III+ thigh of pig ‘the dumplings we ate/eat/will eat’ ‘they ate two hams’

If the items are not eaten by the possessor, the general possessive marker (discussed later under this sub-heading) is used. na no-qu dalo art poss-I1 taro ‘my taro/my taro farm (I own the taro, but does not mean that I eat it)’ na uvi ne-i Simi art yam poss-art Simi ‘Simi’s uvi (he owns the yams)’

For the drink possessive (when the noun is, was or will be drunk by the possessor), the possessive pronoun is suffixed to me-. na me-qu wai art drink-I1 water ‘the water I drank/drink/will drink’ na me-# < art drink-III3 home-brew ‘the home-brew they drank/drink/will drink’

93 na me-na yaqona art drink-II1 kava ‘the kava he drank/drink/will drink’

In the same way as for noqu dalo ‘my dalo (farm/bundle)’, we can also say noqu wai, which can mean ‘my water’ (implying that I own that water area, could be a creek for example, and the possessor doesn’t have to drink it).

2 -qu aiskrim III1 want one imm ints art drink-I1 ice-cream ‘I really want to eat ice-cream’

/ -va na me-mudou balawa Iexcl2 pst drink-tr art drink-II3 pineapple ‘We have eaten your pineapple’

Dua me-mu moli? One drink-II1 orange ‘Would you like an orange?’

When the noun is neither eaten nor drunk by the possessor, the possessive pronoun is suffixed to no-. na no-na vale no-dratou patipati art poss-III1 house poss-III3 outboard engine ‘his/her house’ ‘their outboard engine’ na no- art poss-II+ duty ‘your duty’

When the possessor is a proper noun, i, xe-i, me-i and ne-i are used. tama-i Tomu luve-i Pita father-of Sera child-of Pita ‘Tomu’s father’ ‘Pita’s child’ na uvi xe- - na jaina xe- - art yam eat-art M art babana eat-art M ‘Marika’s yams (which he eats)’ ‘Manoa’s banana (which he eats)’ na maqo me-i Jone na z<-i Ruci art mango drink-art J art juice drink-art R ‘Jone’s mangoes (which he eats)’ ‘Ruci’s juice (which she drinks)’

0blu ne-i Nani na vale ne-i Jeke art dress blue poss-art N art house poss-art J ‘Nani’s blue dress’ ‘Jeke’s house’ xe- is already indicated as an eat possessive marker. It has two more functions, one being a marker of passive possessions. passive possessive active possessive na sere xe-i Lia na sere ne-i Lia art song poss-art L art song poss-art L ‘the song about Lia’ ‘Lia’s song’ (Lia is the song’s composer and/or she also sang it) na xe-na sere na no-na sere art poss-III1 song art poss-III1 song ‘the song about her’ ‘her song’ (she sang the song)

95 na xe-na talanoa na no-na talanoa art poss-III1 story art poss-III1 story ‘the story about her’ ‘her story’ (she tells the story) na xe-na yaqona na no-na yaqona art poss-III1 kava art poss-III1 kava ‘his kava (the kava prepared for him)’ ‘his kava’

Third xe- is what it is termed here ‘inanimate possessive marker’, marking non- human possession. In the first following examples, breadfruit gum, bus and cut are the possessors.

E levu na xe- ! art plenty art poss-III1 blood art gum of breadfruit ‘It has a lot of sap, breadfruit gum’

# < ##! -na iuli art bus art pst stuck ev prep slope art bad art poss-III1 steering-wheel ‘The bus is stuck on the slope, its steering-wheel is not working’

Na no- ! -na nana art poss-II1 cut art II1 pst plenty art poss-III1 pus ‘His cut has a lot of pus’

The following examples illustrate how the possessive markers me-i, xe-i and ne-i create contrast in meaning. na yaqona me-i Eloni art kava drink-art E ‘Eloni’s kava’ (the bowl of kava Eloni drinks)

96 na yaqona xe-i Eloni art kava poss-art E ‘Eloni’s kava’ (the kava presented for Eloni, on his behalf, or done to farewell him) na yaqona ne-i Eloni art kava poss-art E ‘Eloni’s kava’ (the kava (plant or the whole farm) belonging to Eloni)

4.2.2 Types of Nouns

Apart from the pronouns, the other four classifications are common nouns, proper nouns, locative nouns and temporal nouns.

4.2.2.1 Common Nouns

Common nouns can be marked by the article na, ni and Ø. na marking is generally used. na bulumaxau na bia art cow art cassava ‘the cow’ ‘the cassava’

e dua na gone na tama- -taxi III1 one art child art father-I1poss like-tr ‘a child’ ‘my favourite father/uncle’

Days and months, expressing time, are marked with na.

The days are:

-0 Monday 3< Tuesday Vuxelulu Wednesday Lotulevu Thursday # Friday 0 Saturday Sigatabu Sunday

The months are:

Janueri January Februeri February Maji March Epereli April - May + June Julai July Okosita August Seviteba September Okotova October Noveba November " # December e dau oso na xoro i na Diseba baleta ni serexi na vuli III1 hab full art village art art December because comp holiday art school ‘The village is full during December since it is school holiday’

Ni can function as a possessive marker and precedes a common noun.

na levu ni tamata art leg of table art big of people ‘the legs of a table’ ‘the number of people’ na kuro ni koro na drau ni maqo art pot of village art leaf of mango ‘the pot belonging to the village’ ‘the mango leaf’

Ø common noun marker is when the attribute of the noun is contained in or inside the head noun na veleti ixa na taga pateta art plate fish art sack potatoe ‘the plate of fish’ ‘the bag of potatoes’ na oloolo isulu art bundle clothes ‘the bundle of clothes’

4.2.2.2 Proper Nouns

These include names of people, places, organizations etc and are marked by o and vei.

." <-i Wainunu. art Davutu art like irr centre ev poss-art W ‘Davutu was like the centre of Wainunu’

Au tuxu-na vei ixo I1 say-tr to II1 ‘I told you’

O Mere e laxo i Navaxasali art Mere III1 go prep N ‘Mere went to Navaxasali’

O Maria e soli-a vei ratou e dua na veleti jaina art Maria III1 give-tr to III3 art one art plate banana ‘Maria gave them (few) a plate of bananas’

7 # pst close art G ‘Gulabdas (the shop) is closed’

For the vocative case, i is used. i Jone i Mere voc J voc M ‘Jone!’ ‘Mere!’

4.2.2.3 Locative Nouns

The preposed markers i or mai denote location or direction. An allomorph of i is e but the latter is generally used in careful speech or in reading. i liu i Wainunu i tuba prep front prep W prep outside ‘in front’ ‘in Wainunu’ ‘outside’

If an article comes in between the locative noun marker and the head noun, the noun phrase can contrast with a locative phrase in which there is no such marker.

100 laxo i vale laxo i na vale go prep house go prep art house ‘go home’ ‘go to the house’

In the example laxo i vale, the house belongs to one of them, whereas in laxo i na vale ‘the house’ referred to is a specific house. laxo i xoronivuli laxo i na xoronivuli go prep school go prep art school ‘go to school’ ‘go to the school’

As in the example laxo i vale vs. laxo i na vale, laxo i xoronivuli means the school the addressee attends etc. The contrast is similar to the English translation, with and without the article.

Locative nouns are also marked by mai, used when the location referred to is far from the speaker or addressee while i is used for proximity. xemudou ma tixo mai vei i na mataxalailai? II3 pst be prep where III1 art morning-early ‘Where were you in the early morning?’

The two possible replies would be: xeitou ma tixo mai na teitei Iincl3 pst ev prep art plantation ‘We (few) were at the plantation’ or:

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Iincl3 pst ev ints prep house ‘We were at home’

The two locative markers i and mai contrast; i refers to a place near to the speaker and hearer, mai to a distant location. In the first reply, mai indicates that they were not near where the speaker expected them to be (in the plantation while the speaker might be in the village grounds), while the second reply with i indicates that the speaker associates this with a nearby place to the position of the addressee.

However, mai and i can be both used in the same location. For example, in this conversation between Wili (W) and Pate (P) in Batinivuriwai (Bua):

W: e tiko mai Merika o Sireli III1 ev prep A art S ‘Sireli is in America’

P: Io, e - 8 yes III1 be part part prep A art L ‘Yes, Laisa is also in America’

Wili uses mai as a locative marker, to indicate that America is far from the interlocutors, and this follows the generalization previously mentioned. Even though the place mentioned is far from the speakers, Pate uses the marker i as the distance has been established already.

4.2.2.4 Temporal Nouns

These are unmarked nouns that indicate time, such as:

102 nanoa ‘yesterday’ nixua ‘today’ nimataxa ‘tomorrow’ e na lesu mai nixua mai Nausori art fut return hither today prep Nausori ‘he will return from Nausori today ’

4.2.3 Articles

The article e precedes number, o precedes pronoun and proper noun (when the pronoun and the proper noun are subjects), and na precedes common nouns.

Au rai-ca e tolu na waqa O Jeke xei Maria I1 see-tr art three art boat art J and M ‘I see three boats’ ‘Jone and Maria’

. E wini o Suva vei Lautoka art III2 only III1 win art S over L ‘The only two of them’ ‘Suva won over Lautoka’

4.2.4 Demonstratives

Wainunu-i-caxe has three degrees of proximity and two demonstrative classes; nominal and verbal. The nominals are 0!qori, and gona, while the verbals are ! and kena.

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Table 4.4: Demonstratives near the speaker 0‘this’ ‘here’ near the addressee qori ‘that’ (glossed that2) xeri ‘there’ (glossed there2) away from both gona ‘that’ (glossed that3) kena ‘there’ (glossed there3)

0 art place this stay prep here ‘this place’ ‘stay here’ na tagane qori au na xau-ta yani i xeri art male that2 I1 fut take-tr thither prep there2 ‘that boy’ (near you) ‘I will take it over there’ (to where you are) gauna gona sega xina na gaunisala time that3 neg anaph art road ‘there was no road at that time’

< art III+ III+ work asp prep there3 ‘those who were working there’

Nominal demonstratives can either occur as the head of a noun phrase:

[O cei]NP [0]NP ?[xua ni taur-a] VP [ qori!] NP art who this don’t comp touch-tr that2 ‘Who is this?’ ‘Don’t touch that!’ or as part of a noun phrase:

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[O cei]NP [ 0]NP ?[xua ni tau-ra] VP [na boul qori!] NP art who art child this don’t comp touch-tr art bowl that2 ‘Who is this child?’ ‘Don’t touch that bowl!’ (near you)

The verbal demonstratives while ! and kena are so called because they modify verb phrases, but they function as locative nouns, being preceded by prepositions i and mai.

Nominal: [xau-ta mai]VP [ 0 ]NP bring-tr hither art thing this/that2/that3 ‘bring this/that thing here’

Verbal: [ -tixo-ra]VP [ ]NP caus-loc-tr prep here ‘put it here’

[dabe i xeri]VP sit prep there2 ‘sit there’

[xau-ta i kena]VP take-tr prep there3 ‘take it there’

4.2.5 Relative Clause

A relative phrase/clause needs a noun or an NP, the ‘head’ common to both main and relative clause. The relative clause follows the main clause, and consists of a VP with optional noun phrases. The realteive clause is directly juxtaposed to the

105 head noun rather than having a relative pronoun such as English who, that, which, etc.

Example 1: na tagane [e laxo tixo gona]RC e yaca-na o Jone art male III1 go cont that3 III1 name-III1 poss art J ‘The boy [who is walking there] is called Jone’

In example 1, the relative clause e laxo tiko gona provides further information on the head noun ‘the boy’ and the boy is the subject of the relative clause, referenced by the preverbal subject pronoun e.

Example 2: [au rai-ca]RC e ne-i Sera art dog I1 see-tr III1 poss-art S ‘The dog I saw is Sera’s.’

In example 2, the relative clause provides further information on the head noun (‘the dog’) but ‘the dog’ is the direct object of the relative clause, referenced by the suffix -ca.

Example 3: na idabedabe [au dabe tixo xina]RC art seat I1 sit cont anaph III1 asp soft true ‘The chair I’m sitting on is truly comfortable’

In example 3, the relative clause adds information on the head noun (the chair) but the chair is the indirect object of the clause, anaphorically referred to in xina.

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4.2.6 Quantifiers

The numerical system is decimal. The numbers from zero to ten are:

0 saiva 1 dua 2 rua 3 tolu 4 5 lima 6 ono 7 vitu 8 walu 9 ciwa 10 tini

The numbers from 11-19 have -xa- connecting tens to units. tinixadua 11 tinixarua 12 14 tinixaciwa 19

Multiples of ten are formed by sagavulu preceded by each of the numbers from two to nine, and units are connected using -xa-. ruasagavulu 20 onosagavulu 60 40 ciwasagavulu 90 ruasagavuluxalima 0 ‘twenty five’ (25) ‘forty eight’ (48)

For hundreds, drau is used, for thousands udolu and milioni for millions.

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e lima na udolu xa ono art two art hundred conj four art five art thousand conj six ‘two hundred and four’ (204) ‘five thousand and six’

art two art million four art hundred conj three ‘two million, four hundred and three’

Note that while -sagavulu is part of a compound, drau is not, as other words can be inserted between it and the preceding number (bexa ‘perhaps’ will be used in the following examples). ruasagavulu ‘20’ ruasagavulu bexa, *rua-bexa-sagavulu ‘probably 20’ rua na drau ‘200’ rua na drau bexa, rua bexa na drau ‘probably 200’

When a numeral is used in a noun phrase, it generally follows the article e and precedes the article na and the head noun. e vitu- < e tini-xa- art seven-multiple-of-10 art man art ten-conj-four art student ‘seventy men’ ‘fourteen students’ e ciwa na vuaxa e ono-sagavulu-xa-ono na dola art nine art pig art six-mulitple of 10-conj-six art dollar ‘nine pigs’ ‘sixty-six dollars’

This article is however not e but na after a preposition:

108 xei na tolu na gone e na soli vei na tini na yalewa with art three art child III1 will give prep art ten female ‘with three children’ ‘it will be given to 10 females’

The ordinal numbers (except ‘first’) are formed by prefixing xa- to the cardinal number (SF has ixa-). matai first xavitu seventh xarua second xawalu eighth xatolu third xaciwa ninth fourth xatini tenth xalima fifth xatinixadua eleventh xaono sixth xaruasagavulu twentieth xadua na drau hundredth xavitu na drau seven hundredth

These numbers can function as both noun and verb:

[na ulumatua]NP [na matai ni gone]NP [e sucu]VP art ulumatua art first of child III1 born ‘The ulumatua is the first child born’

“[au matai] VP, [ixo xarua]VP [Sera]NP [o xatolu]VP” I1 first II1 second S II1 third ‘I am first, you are second and Sera you are third’

In SF, the ordinals numbers are prefixed with i-.

When numbers are used with people, the word sometimes precedes the number.

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-taci-ni Iexcl3 person five art rec-sibling-tr III3 person four art go ‘there are five of us (siblings)’ ‘four people are going’

Quantifiers function as numerals: levu ‘many/plenty’ 0 ‘some’ vica ‘few, how much/many?’

0-ta art plenty art orange prep art market art a-few ints art prawn Ix3 able-tr ‘there are plenty of oranges at the market’ ‘we caught a few prawns only’

Collective nouns are also used to indicate quantity and they follow the article na. binibini ‘heap/pile’ vesu ‘bundle’ ‘dozen’ e rua na binibini moli e tini na vesu dalo lalai art two art heap citrus art ten art bundle taro small ‘two heaps of oranges’ ‘ten small bundles of taro’

4.2.7 Prepositions

The common prepositions are i, mai, vei and xei.

The table below shows the prepositions in Wainunu-i-caxe, adapted from Geraghty (1976:507-520). ‘Fused’ refers to the combination of a preposition and the 3rd person singular pronoun (vei + 3rd person singular pronoun = ; i + 3rd

110 person singular pronoun (inanimate) = xina; xei + 3rd person singular pronoun = xaya).

Table 4.5: Prepositions SIMPLE FUSED Proper Common Proper Common Close locative vei i xina Remote locative vei mai xina Directional vei i xina Comitative xei xaya i marks location near to the speaker or reference point and precedes common nouns, place-names and locative nouns.

Near the speaker:

prep here ‘here’

It also marks direction: lesu i na no-dra dui xoro laxo i tauni return prep art poss-III3 each village go prep town ‘returned to their respective villages’ ‘go to town’

The preposition also functions as an instrumental marker: e ta-ya i na isele III1 cut-tr prep art knife ‘He cut it with a knife’

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The preposition mai marks locations far from the speaker. It should not be confused with the homophonic postverbal marker.

E tixo mai wai III1 ev prep water ‘He is at the water’

The preposition vei marks location and direction with pronouns and proper nouns.

0 prep Iexcl3 dem (here) ‘To/for us here’ yaco mai vei Daucina reach hither prep D ‘upon reaching Daucina’

In the last example, the preposition and the third person singular pronoun optionally fused as rather than saying vei xoya (prep III1),

Time expressions i and mai are also markers for time expressions. i liu prep front ‘in the recent past’

112 mai liu prep before ‘in the distant past’

The preposition xei has a comitative function : o rau xei Sera art II1 prep S ‘Sera and her’

4.3 VERBS

4.3.1 Categories of verbs A verb is the head of a verb phrase and may have pre-modifiers and post- modifiers in the form of affixes or particles. The following verbal classification is based on Geraghty (1994: 27-GH%I #G:::09-3 – 4-29), and Geraghty (pers. comm. 2009). Verbs can be grouped into two syntactic categories: intransitive and transitive.

4.3.1.1 Intransitive verbs are verbs that do not allow an object, such as levu ‘plenty’, ‘be lazy, lazy’, totolo ‘be fast, fast’, 0 ‘whizz, move quickly’, ‘go for a walk, be on holiday’ and oca ‘be tired, tired’.

E levu? III1 plenty ‘Is there plenty?’

9 : Don’t comp lazy ‘Don’t be lazy!’

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-i Vili. asp fast art go poss-of V ‘Vili made a fast trip’

0 III1 pst travel-fast art car ‘the car was speeding’

2 - ' III1 visit art S prep M ‘Sevo is visiting Muanicula’

# ' asp tired art III1 art chop firewood ‘He is tired from chopping firewood’

Many intransitive verbs occur also as adjectives, such as lailai ‘(be) small’, ‘(be) full’, vou ‘(be) new’, levu ‘(be) big’, lexa ‘(be) short’, vinaxa ‘(be) good’, and ##‘(be) cold’. It should also be noted that when some of these verbs are reduplicated, plurality is added. na gone lailai na gone lalai art child small art child small ‘a small child’ ‘the small children’

# # - art cup full art cup redup-full ‘the full cup’ ‘the full cups’

114 na tauwelu vou na tauwelu vo-vou art towel new art towel redup-new ‘the new towel’ ‘the new towels’ na gone levu na gone le-levu na gone levu-levu art child big art big person-big art child redup-big ‘the big child’ ‘the big children’ ‘the fat child’

There are some irregular forms which do not have reduplicated forms to indicate plurality such as ## ‘cold’, instead, a collective marker precedes the head noun.

# ## na vei-# ## art night cold art coll-night cold ‘the cold night’ ‘the cold nights’

The second form of irregularity is with the verb vaxaitamera ‘huge’. Even though it can be reduplicated vaxavaxaitamera, it does not occur unrestrictedly like some of the verbs above if we add a quantifier before the noun.

0 -levu 0 art some art child redup-big art some art child huge ‘some big children’ ‘some huge children’

*0 - art some art child redup-huge ‘some huge children’

4.3.1.2 Transitive verbs: can take an object and have a transitive suffix of the form -(C)a/i in which C is c, g, k, m, n, r, t, v or Ø/y, that is any consonant except w, f, j, l, p, s or any pre-nasalised stop b, d, q, z and dr. The suffix -(C)a is used

115 with a third person singular (III1) object, while -(C)i is used with other persons. Transitive verbs can be transitive only, active transitive, or passive transitive.

4.3.1.2.1 Transitive only verbs: are verbs which do not occur without the transitive suffix, such as (saga+à) ‘try’, nanuma (nanum+à) ‘remember’, (xila+à) ‘know’, xidomoxa (xidomox+à) ‘throttle’ and taura (taur+a) ‘take, hold’.

-- -bale-a. try-tr art bulldozer comp caus-fall-tr III1 ‘A bulldozer tried to make it fall’

Rau nanum- # ' III2 think-tr cont comp light prep here prep N ‘They (2) were thinking that it was a light here in Nakabuta’

Note that nanum- is the root, as nanu- does not mean anything on its own.

. -Ø, ma curu-mi xeitou mai vale? II1 asp know-tr pst possess-tr Iexcl3 prep house ‘Do you know that it possessed us at home?’ qai xidomo-xi xoya i wai qori then throttle-tr III1 prep water that2 ‘and throttled him out there at sea’

Tau-ri xedatou mada ' hold-tr Iincl3 part ints ‘[If] it happened to possess us’

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4.3.1.2.2 Active transitive verbs: can occur with a transitive suffix, such as dusi- a ‘point’, cabe-ta ‘ascend’ and siro-ma ‘descend’, xania (xana-ia) ‘eat’. The meaning is active when unsuffixed.

E dusi-a na vei-delana, cabe-ta, siro-ma na vei-toxaitua. Au dusi. III1 point-tr art coll-hills climb-tr descend-tr art coll-ridges I1 point ‘He pointed at the hills, and went up and down the ridges’ ‘I pointed’

Au xani- 0 0 ' Au xana. I1 eat-tr art rest of taro-leaves pst ev prep art food-safe I1 eat ‘I ate the rest of the taro leaves that was in the food-safe’ ‘I ate’

In the second examples above, what ‘I’ pointed at or ate is unknown, passive.

The verb xana can also be to indicate transitivity.

2 ' III1 asp eat-tr III1 art cat ‘The cat has eaten it’

It should be noted that –(C)a has a portmanteau function. It is both the transitive and singular object marker. rai-ca na gone Au rai-ca see-tr art child I1 see-tr ‘See the child’ ‘I saw (something)’ rai-ci Jone rai-ci xoya see-tr Jone see III1 ‘see Jone’ ‘see him/her’

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The –(C)a is used for common noun objects while –(C)i requires a proper noun or pronoun.

4.3.1.2.3 Passive transitive verbs: can occur with a transitive suffix. Unlike active transitive verbs, the meaning is passive when unsuffixed. Some examples are rogo-ca ‘hear’, vavi ‘bake’ and dola ‘open’.

O rogo-< art hear-tr completely ev ints art voice comp feet ‘You can hear footsteps’

E ma xau toa vavi tixo mai III1 pst take chicken roast cont hither ‘A roasted chicken was being brought by her’

2 # III1 open art door ‘The door is open’

The above example is different in meaning if the verb dola ‘open’ is suffixed:

E dola- # III1 open-tr art door ‘He opened the door’

In the following examples, vuxi ‘turn’ if unsuffixed is a passive verb but when suffixed is an active transitive verb.

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E sa vuxi na gone III1 asp turn art child ‘The child turned’ (whether the baby turned on his own or who turned him is unknown)

< -ca na isulu e sigan-i tixo I1 asp turn-tr art clothe III1 sun dried-tr cont ‘I’ve turned the clothes that are being sun dried’

4.3.2 Verb Phrase Structure

The verb phrase (VP) structure is as follows: (conjunction) + subject marker + (tense/aspect marker) + (other preverbal markers) + (prefix)-V-(suffix) + (incorporated noun) + (adverb 1) + (postverbal particle) + (adverb 2)

The elements in brackets are optional.

4.3.2.1 Conjunction

The first element of a VP can be a conjunction (or complementiser). There are three conjunction slots; the first slot is ia ‘and, but and well’ or oti ‘then, after’; the second is se ‘or, whether’, baleta ‘because’ and ‘if’; and the third is ni ‘realis complementiser’, me ‘subjunctive marker, irrealis complementiser’, ‘might, in case’ and ‘if’ ( is a variant of ), and qai ‘then’. If there are two (or three) conjunctions in the same VP, the order of the abovementioned slots is generally followed.

Ia is a narrative conjoiner with apparently little content. Though it has been literally translated as ‘but’ the following examples illustrate that its meaning is not solely adversative.

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= " # ' conj art then closed art plant tea prep D conj asp neg comp plant art plenty art tea ‘But tea planting came to an end in Davutu because less tea was planted’

= 0! -0 0-drau bilibili, conj comp III2 reach thither prep shore III2 neg comp see-tr can poss-III2 bamboo-raft ‘Upon reaching the shore, they couldn’t see their bamboo raft’ ia rau rai- < . 5 -a me rau qalo-va and III2 see-tr ints art one comp berth be prep opposite bank III3 asp think-tr conj III2 swim-tr ‘And they could see one berthed on the opposite bank. They decided to swim for it’

=# +# 3 # . well asp volunteer ints art J because conj art T III1 asp not yet conj know-tr well art swim Q- $ ! R

Oti literally ‘finished’ is a consecutive conjoiner.

. # ! -# - << and because conj asp neg conj one again III1 want to speak asp caus-count ints art poss-III1 motion art elder that ‘And since no one else wanted to say anything, that elder’s motion was accepted’

. # after asp ite call again hither ‘Then, he called again’

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Oti ma sega ni va- < after pst neg conj caus-know II1 cont conj art three art day pst accident anaph ‘He was unconscious for three days after the accident’

Se is an ‘or, whether’ conjoiner.

- - ! 0 II+ caus-cook together prep here or conj ind-one ints prep art plate conj II3 decide ints ‘You decide whether to cook here together or bring a plate each’

2 -donu-ya o tama- ! III1 caus-agree-tr art father-poss III1 whether art wedding art fut do ints ‘Whether the father agrees or not, the wedding will proceed’

Baleta literally translates as ‘because’ and functions as ‘of’ too.

E sega ni talei-taxa o tama-na baleta ni sega ni dau loman- 0 - vinaxa III1 neg conj like-tr art father-poss III1 because of neg conj hab love-tr girl very caus-good ‘He doesn’t like it because he doesn’t look after her well’

Na vei- # / ' art rec-talk-tr conj of art function of wedding art fut do prep III3 prep K ‘The wedding discussion will be held with those at Korovou’

translates as ‘if’ and if there is a second in the sentence, it is usually abbreviated to .

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Ø ma soli-a xece no-

! -vi Samu mai me lei vuxe-i xemudrau if II2 go pull kava tomorrow call-tr S prep conj go help-tr II2 ‘If you (dual) are going to harvest kava tomorrow, call Samu to assist you’

Ni is a subjunctive realis complementiser. It marks real, factual events. Note that ni is also a conjunction, translated as ‘when’. e caxa na qito baleta ni draxi vinaxa III3 do art game conj comp weather good ‘The game was held because of the good weather’ (bad weather was experienced hence the cancelled game)

-dra beti-a na draun-! ! comp asp finished art poss-III+ pick-tr art leaf-tr that3 III+ asp return again hither ‘When they have finished picking their tea leaves, then they return’

Me is a subjunctive marker and an irrealis conjunction. It expresses a desire for something to be fulfilled.

Me dua mada na me-mu bilo yaqona. Mo gunu sara conj one ints art drink-possII2 kava conj-II1 drink imm ‘Have a shell of kava. Drink up’

Me-u laxo se xua? conj-I go conj neg ‘Should I go or not?’

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Me becomes mo for second person singular (unless person is stated). Mo thus has a portmanteau function: desire and person.

Mo nanum-a mo mai lotu ni mataxa conj-II1 remember conj-II1 come-and church conj tomorrow ‘Remember to come to church tomorrow’

E ma mai tuxu-na mo qai lei veisau-taxa na ose III1 pst come-and say-tr conj-II1 conj go change art horse ‘He came to say for you to change (location) of the horse’

is a ‘might, in case of’ conjoiner.

0 o xama don’t comp touch-tr art water hot might II1 burn ‘don’t touch the hot water, or you might scald yourself’

-macala- ! -dewa-taxa cala caus-explain-tr ite again prep III1 might one III1 conj caus-convey-tr wrong ‘Explain it once again to him might he convey it wrongly’ xau-ta no- bring-tr poss-II1 umbrella might fall art rain conj afternoon ‘Bring your umbrella in case it rains in the afternoon’

4.3.2.2 Subject marker

The first obligatory element of a VP is the subject marker. The subject marker reflects the doer of the action in person and number.

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80 - -taxa i na bogi art L and M II2 hab play-tr prep art night QJ0; usually play with it at night’

Rau refers to the doers Lo and Mele who play (with something) at night.

Table 4.6: Forms pronouns take as subject markers (parts in brackets are optional). 1st inclusive 1st exclusive 2nd 3rd Singular -- au/u (o) (e) Dual daru xeirau drau rau Paucal (da)tou xeitou dou ratou Plural (e)da xeimami (e)ra

In commands, the second person subject marker o is dropped.

Xua! Laxo! ‘Don’t!’ ‘Go!’

Drau xua! Dou laxo! ! II2 don’t II3 go II+ go away ‘You (two) don’t’ ‘You (paucal) go’! ‘You (two) go away’

The e can be omitted when the subject marker begins a sentence.

Da qai mai liac-0< +incl1 and hither realise-tr only cont conj asp lost ‘we realise only when (it) is gone’

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Ra vei-tagi-ci, sega ni dua me sega ni turu na wai ni mata-na +3 rec-cry-tr neg conj one conj neg conj fall art water comp eye-III1poss ‘They all cried, no one was left dry-eyed’

The e can also be omitted for a third person singular subject marker when it precedes an aspect marker.

III1 asp lost asp lost ‘It has been lost’ ‘It has been lost’

The e is also omitted when it follows the conjunctions ni, me, and se.

Cava ni da xaci yani, drau sega ni rogo?(*e da) what conj +incl1 call thither II2 neg comp hear ‘Why do you (dual) not answer when we (plural) call?’

Ma qai saba- -xila-i xoya tale (*me e) pst and slap-tr conj caus-know-tr III1 again ‘And he slapped him to regain consciousness’

E na mataxalailai ni da yadra mai (*ni e da) III3 art morning conj +incl1 wake hither ‘In the morning when we wake up’

After the conjunctions ni, me, and se, the first person singular au becomes u.

8 - -bera-i ixo (* ) lead only thither conj-I1 fut caus-late-tr I2 ‘You go ahead lest I make you late’

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< -u na sega ni tixo (*ni au) I ‘think conj-I1 fut neg comp present ‘I think I won’t be present’

Xe-u qai bera wale (*xe au) conj-I1 then late adversative ‘I could have been late’

When the conjunction me is used and a second person singular and plural subject marker is addressed, mo and (fused forms) are used respectively.

Mo xua! Mo- # -siga Conj-II1 don’t conj-II+ brush art art coll-day ‘You don’t’ ‘You (many) brush (your teeth) everyday’

4.3.2.3 Tense/aspect marker

The third element of a VP can be a tense or aspect marker. The past tense is ma. Marking past tense is not obligatory.

E ma cavu-ta na dalo nanoa o Tui E cavu-ta na dalo nanoa o Tui III1 pst pull-tr art taro yesterday art T III1 pull-tr art taro yesterday art T Tui harvested the taro yesterday’ ‘Tui harvested the taro yesterday’

E cavu-ta na dalo o Tui III1 pull-tr art taro art T ‘Tui harvested the dalo’

The future tense na is not obligatory if time expression is clear.

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5 0 5 0 III2 fut marry art month coming this III2 marry art month coming this ‘They’ll marry next month’ ‘They’ll marry next month’

If omitted and time expression is not reflected, the sentence’s meaning changes.

O na qai lei siwa na gauna cava? O qai lei siwa na gauna cava? II1 fut then go fish art time what II1 then go fish art time what ‘When will you go fishing?’ ‘When did you finally go fishing?’

The aspect markers are and se and are mutually exclusive. The main difference between and se is that speaks of a recent past event while se is an event that has been happening in the past and still continuing. Arms (1987: 1241) asserts,

indicates that a state or event is ‘now, as of now’ in effect or particularly relevant, having regard to an actual or assumed starting point and previous situation. Se indicates that a state or event is ‘meantime, as yet’ in effect or particularly relevant, having regard to an actual or assumed finishing point and following situation.

2 > ! + III1 asp return hither art Y asp return completely hither art January ‘Yalu has returned, since January’

! , not comp one want collapse prep there despite asp drunk ‘no one would want to collapse there, despite being drunk’

127 au se vuli tixo, au se bera ni caxacaxa I1 asp school cont I1 asp not yet comp work ‘I am still studying, I haven’t started work yet’

. ? 2 II1 asp eat cigarette cont ints III1 asp build cont ints art house ‘Are you still smoking?’ ‘The house is still being built’

The aspect can precede the future tense na but loses the vowel length, and becomes sa. It marks something that will happen.

Ratou sa na mai xere-a ni mataxa III3 asp fut come-and ask-tr conj tomorrow ‘They will come ask for it tomorrow’

Rai-ca sa na cici lesu tale mai see-tr asp fut run back again hither ‘See he will run back here’

4.3.2.4 Other preverbal markers

After the conjunction, subject marker and tense/aspect marker slots, in which the subject marker is obligatory, the fourth element of a verb phrase can be other preverbal particles and these are (in order of occurence): rairai ‘looks like, perhaps, maybe’, qai ‘then’, baci ‘again’, bau ‘tentative’, rui ‘extreme’, dau ‘habitual’, dui ‘individual’, via ‘desire to’/viavia ‘want to be’/vaxarau ‘about to’, mai ‘come and/then’, lai/lei ‘go and/then’, < ‘beginning’.

Rairai from the root rai ‘see, look’ can mean ‘looks like, perhaps, maybe’.

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2 ! # -na pat III1 neg comp go hither art lorry III1 apr bad perhaps one art poss-III1 part ‘The lorry hasn’t come perhaps because of a malfunction in one of its parts’

Yali xece na qari, rairai xabasi na taga lost all art crab apr torn art sack ‘All the crabs are gone; maybe the sack is torn’

E na rairai bera na bose III1 fut apr late art meeting ‘The meeting looks like it won’t start on time’

Qai is a ‘then’ conjoiner marking a sequence of events. e mosi na xete- 0 III1 hurt art stomach-III1 poss then go-to toilet ‘She had a stomach ache and then went to the toilet’ ni ! - -va na bogilevu conj asp drunk asp then come and caus-noisy till reach-tr art midnight ‘When he was drunk, he then started making noise until midnight’ e taubale i gaunisala qai rai- < III1 walk prep road then see-tr comp die asp art one art person ‘He was walking on the road when he found someone lying dead’

Baci is a ‘deprecatory’ marker, and is glossed ite ‘iterative’:

Baci mateni mai o Paul, baci dua na xe-na vei-vala ite drunk hither art P ite one art poss-III1 coll-fight ‘There’ll be another fight since Paul has come here drunk again’

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Vei-dredre- # < coll-laugh-tr ints sub asp ite stand conj dance ‘They laughed when he stood up again to dance’

# asp ite to shit recklessly cont art dog ‘The dog is again shitting everywhere’

O se baci xati-a tixo na kuku-mu II asp ite bite-tr cont art nail-II1 ‘You’re still biting your nails again’

Ratou baci mai xere suka nanoa III3 ite come-and request sugar yesterday ‘They came to ask for sugar again yesterday’

Bau means ‘a little’ and can be used to make a polite suggestion, and is glossed ten ‘tentative’.

, -vuli- -rorogo ten caus-teach-tr II1 art pay attention ‘You should teach yourself to pay attention’

Bau tuxu- ten tell-tr part ints prep-III1 comp know-tr ‘At least tell him so he knows’

5 !# + III3 go-and dance ten follow also art J ‘They’ve gone dancing, and Jeke also tagged along’

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!# # - conj II1 neg comp hither lunch ten come-and step-on-tran part ints ‘Since you aren’t coming to have lunch, why don’t you come and step on it’

Rui ‘extreme’ marks a great extent or amount, and is glossed ext ‘extreme’.

2 -qu III1 asp ext much art eat poss-I1 ‘I have too much food’

< 0 -levu I1 asp ext sad adv-big ‘I am really very disappointed’

2 -na toni tixo III1 asp ext long- time art poss-III1 soak cont ‘It has been soaked for too long’

asp ext hot art sun ‘The sun is too hot’

Dau ‘habitual’ indicates that the event occurs often or regularly, glossed hab ‘habitual’.

" < hab redup-lie asp art III ‘She lies a lot’

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Me dau barasi na bati de na qai qesa sub hab brush art teeth might fut then stained-black ‘The teeth need to be brushed regularly, otherwise they’ll turn black’

E dau caxa na roqoroqo vei ira na ulumatua III1 hab do art roqoroqo to III+ art firstborn ‘The custom of roqoroqo is done to firstborns’

Ni dau tagi na lulu, e nanum-i ni dua i na xoro e buxete comp hab cry art owl III1 think-pas comp one prep art village III1 pregnant ‘When the owl hoots at night, it is believed someone in the village is pregnant’

" - hab lazy art go-to church art M ‘Mere can’t be bothered to go to church’

Dui indicates the subjects or possessors are not a unit, and can often be translated as ‘each’.

Mo- dui xani-a na xe- conj/irr-II+ comp ind eat-tr art poss-III+ lunch ‘Each of you should eat your own lunch’

5 - III+ ind caus-cook ints ‘They did their own cooking’

-taxa na isau ni taro III+ ind think-tr art answer of question ‘Each of you think of the answer to the question’

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Via indicates a desire to do something.

Au via xani- I1 des eat-tr one art food good ‘I want to eat something good’

- ! pst des ride too ints art S conj pst asp full art lorry ‘Solo also wanted to get in but the van was full’

Viavia is a ‘somewhat/rather/almost’ marker.

2 -dratou teitei III1 asp almost finish art poss-III3 plant ‘Their planting is almost finished’

2 -lailai na vei-talanoa III1 pst somewhat problem caus-small art rec-discussion ‘The discussion somewhat got a little tense’

Vaxarau is an ‘about to’ marker, glossed prox ‘proximate’:

O Jese e vaxarau lei qavi art Jese III1 prox go-and weed ‘Jese is about to go weeding’

E vaxarau caxa na cerebu ni lotu i Vuniyasi III1 prox do art card-game of church prep V ‘The card game fundraising for the church is about to begin at Vuniyasi’

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# < asp ite prox start again art school ‘School is about to resume’

Mai is a ‘come and’ marker.

2 0 0 0 -a na ogo III1 come-and snap-tr only art fishing-line conj asp bite-tr art barracuda ‘The fishing line snapped when the barracuda bit it’

E cava e mai caxa-va? III1 what III1 come-and do-tr ‘What did he come and do?’

It also has an idiomatic meaning, perhaps consequential.

neg comp dir do prep here ‘It is not to be done here’

Lai or lei is a ‘go and, then’ marker, and they are in free variation.

Lai roqo-ta mai na gone dir clasp-tr hither art child ‘Go and bring back the child in your arms’

< -taxa sara na gauna ni da se curuibure I go-and think-tr imm art time comp Iincl+ asp board ‘I went on to think of the time when we were in boarding school’

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Ni lai gauna ni sevusevu, e sega ni dua e via cabora conj go-and time of sevusevu III1 neg comp one III1 want-to present-tr ‘When it was time for the sevusevu, no one wants to present it’

i ra lei qoli ura asp neg comp III+ go-and catch prawns ‘They won’t be going to catch prawns’

< marks the beginning of an activity.

2 < III+ bgn drink kava from art three art noon ‘They started drinking kava at 3pm’

. < on ints art song asp bgn dance imm art III1 ‘As soon as the music came on, he started dancing’

3 < bgn give hither art II3 from end that2 ‘Those of you over that side are to begin giving (money)’

4.3.2.5 Verbal prefixes

The fifth element of a verb structure can be verbal prefixes, which are vei-, vaxa-, ta-/xa-ra-/ca- and lau-.

4.3.2.5.1 Vei-

Vei- is generally identified as a reciprocal marker, but it has a number of functions, including: reciprocity, passive reciprocity, kinship, and collection.

135 vei- as a reciprocal marker:

Rau vei-talanoa tixo o Willie xei Samu II3 rec-chat cont art W and S ‘Willie and Samu are chatting’

Rau vei-# # II3 rec-leave art year asp finish ‘They separated last year’

Ratou vei-xila-i mai ni ratou ma vuli tixo i Savusavu III3 rec-know-tr hither conj III3 pst learn cont loc S ‘They have known one another since going to the same school in Savusavu’

0 draxi, e vei-taqa-taqa- conj asp cold art weather III1 rec-on top of redup-another-tr ints art t-shirt ‘When it is cold weather, a number of t-shirts are worn’ vei- also marks relationship.

5 -wati-ni lalai dina III2 as rec-spouse-tr small truly ‘They’re a really young couple’

Ratou vei-taci- -!8 3 III3 rec-sibling-tr art M L and T ‘Mareta, Lona and Talei are sisters’

Rau vei-vugo- III2 rec-in law-tr art III2 that ‘Those two are mother/father-in-law and son/daughter-in-law’

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Note that a homophonous prefix vei- is used to indicate a group of actions done by a group of people.

Era dau vei-qito-ri na gone e na gauna ni lotu III+ hab coll-play-tr prep child art art time of church ‘The children usually play during church service’

# ! -dredre-vaxi sub do art meeting of lady plenty ints art coll-laugh-tr ‘There is a lot of laughter during meetings for the women’

The two examples above show a plurality in the subject, and it can also be implied that the action happens more than once.

Vei- is also an intransitive verb marker, with an implied human object.

-sele oti o vuniwai mai Nadua asp intr-cut finish art doctor prep N ‘The doctor has performed circumcision at Nadua’

O qasenivuli e moxu-ti Pana baleta ni vei-vacu art teacher III1 beat-tr P because comp intr-punch ‘The teacher punished Pana because he punched (someone)’

O Josese ma mai vei-bala na mataxalailai art J pst come-and intr-put into water art morning ‘Josese came and dragged (someone) to the water early this morning’

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4.3.2.5.2 Vaxa- vaxa- is commonly a causative marker but has a number of other functions. When the root word begins with a velar sound (x, q, g), the allomorph - is used. However, this allomorph is commonly used with other sounds too.

Vaxa- as a causative marker:

! -mate-a o Pita III1 asp die art dog III1 caus-die-tr art P ‘The dog is dead, Peter killed it’

-xau ilavo mai o -dratou asp caus-take money hither art mother-III3 ‘Their mother has sent some money’

.2 -yali-a na isele art E asp caus-lost-tr art knife ‘Eloni has lost the knife’ vaxa- also indicates that a verb is done intensively.

-xodro-vi ira na tamata vulagi art dog III1 hab ints-bark-tr III+ art person guest ‘The dog usually barks intensively at strangers’

2 -wili-xa ni se bera ni saini-taxa III1 ints-read-tr comp asp before comp sign-tr ‘He read it thoroughly before he signed it’

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2 -taro-ga me yaco-va ni tuxu-na mai na vuna III1 ints-ask-tr comp reach-tr comp say-tr hither art reason ‘He kept on asking until she revealed the reason’

When vaxa- is prefixed to a noun, it indicates that the subject possesses the root word. e dau vaxa-matailoilo ni wilivola III1 hab have-glasses conj read ‘He wears glasses when he reads’

5 - III2 have-dog ‘They have a dog’

5 -vale i Suva III3 have-house prep S ‘They (paucal) have a house in Suva’

When vaxa- is prefixed to a number or quantifier, it indicates the number of times an action is done. It can function as a verb and an adverb.

E vaxa-rua na no- III1 times-two art poss-III1 shoot ‘He shot it twice’

2 -rua na ruve III1 shot times-two art pigeon ‘(He) shot the pigeon twice’

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Dau vua vaxa- # hab bear-fruit times-one ints one art year ‘It bears fruit once only in a year’

Talo-ca vaxa-levu na xe-na serve-tr adv-big art poss-(food)-III1 ‘Dish him a lot of food’

Vaxa- prefixed to a noun may be used attributively or as a predicate.

- -na ivuxivuxi asp like-rat very ints poss-III1 behaviour ‘His behaviour is very loose’

E -xalavo III1 behaviour like-rat ‘His behaviour is very loose’

E itovo vaxa-Viti na sevusevu III1 custom like-Fiji art present kava ‘It is a Fijian custom to present kava’

Me da xere-a na no-na vei- -Kalou irr Iincl+ ask-tr art poss-III1 rec-assist like-God ‘We should ask for his divine assistance’

4.3.2.5.3 Other prefixes: ta-/xa-/ra-/ca- and lau-.

Ta-/xa-/ra-/ca-andlau- are stative prefixes. The doer of the action is not identified; the prefixes merely mention a state.

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First, ta- marks an act in a passive sense; an agent brought about the action but is not mentioned. The focus is on the goal, not the doer; e.g. ta-dola ‘open’, ta-luva ‘fall off’, etc.

2- III1 asp stat-pour all art food ‘All the food has spilled’ (who spilled it is unknown)

@ < -luva sobu no-na tarausese run asp ints art III1 asp stat-take off down poss-III1 trousers ‘While he was running, his trousers fell down’

- # asp stat-open art door ‘The door is open’ (we don’t know who or what opened it)

E ta-sogo na gaunisala III1 stat-close art road ‘The road is blocked’ (we don’t know who or what closed it)

# # !-cavu bexa na xe-na itexi art bamboo raft asp lost stat-pull-up perhaps art poss-III1 mooring-post ‘The bamboo raft is missing; its mooring-post must have come loose’

- -na asp stat-peel ints hither art nail of leg-III1 poss ‘Her toe-nails have come off’

# !- 0 xina pst drift art boat III1 stat-slacken art rope pst tie cont anaph ‘The boat got untied and drifted away’

141 xa- is associated with verbs that ‘break’.

-voro art glass III1 asp stat-break ‘The mirror has been broken’

E ma lutu ni xa-musu na tabanixau III1 pst fall sub stat-break art tree-branch ‘He fell when the tree-branch broke off’

E xa-basu na lawa III1 stat-tear art net ‘The net is torn’ ra- is associated with musu ‘break’ only.

Sega ni yaga na isele qori, e ra-musu < -na neg comp use art knife that2 III1 stat-break asp art handle-III1 poss ‘That knife is no good since its handle is broken’ ca- describes the associated sound the verb makes.

. -bolo na no-na ca-roba art II1 asp stat-thump art poss-III1 stat-fall ‘His fall made a thumping sound’ ca-lidi ni drega stat-pop of chewing-gum ‘The popping sound of chewing gum’

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The word calidi can also be used metaphorically: ca-lidi vei au o ixo stat-pop to I1 art II ‘I like you’ (calidi in this sense is a compliment)

Some stative verbs are lexically determined ‘prefixed’ with ca- but the ‘root’ cannot occur on its own, and may not be associated with sound all the time.

Qai ca-roba ni siro i baba and stat-fall with a thump conj descend prep slope ‘She fell with a thump down the slope’

2-vera na ixabaxaba III1 asp stat-crumble art steps ‘The steps have crumbled’

E ca- 0 III1 stat-snap art clothes-line ‘The clothes-line has snapped’ lau- is another stative marker which has two functions: plays focus on the goal rather than the doer, and marks an action that ‘harms’.

E lau- -na III1 stat-cut art hand-III1 poss ‘His hand was slashed’

2 - < 4 III1 asp stat-cut into art tree of banana ‘The banana tree has been stabbed’

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Xeitou qai lei beti- ! - < 4 Iexcl3 then go-and pick-tr hither asp stat-eat-tr asp art banana ‘Some of the bananas had been eaten by the time we came to pick them’

Qai lau-dr -vala tixo then stat-pull ints irr don’t comp rec-fight cont ‘He had to be pulled away to stop fighting’

4.3.2.6 Verb Suffixes: Transitivity Markers

The sixth element of a verb phrase can be verb suffixes. They can either be of one syllable or more than one syllable. The one syllable suffixes are -a/i,-ca/i,- ma/i,-va/i,-xa/i,-ta,-ga/i and -na/i,-ta/i and those with two syllables are – vaxa/i,-laxa/i,-raxa/i,-taxa/i,-yaxa/i,-caxa/i. Transitivity mostly depends on the types of verbs.

4.3.2.6.1 One syllable suffixes

-a/i transitive marker: applies mostly to Transitive Only Verbs. Some examples of verbs that can have -a/i suffixes are ‘know’, nanuma ‘remember’, ‘speared’, and samuraxa ‘smash’.

< -Ø na domo-na I know-tr art voice-III1 poss “I know his voice’

< -Ø I know-tr ‘I know’

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In the examples above, is in the active voice, but with the suffix -i, the verb becomes passive.

Ratou xila-i au mai III3 know-pas I1 hither ‘They know me’

Ratou xila-i art III3 know-pas ‘They are known’

In the verbs below, nanum-a ‘remember’ and nanu-mi ‘remembered’, -Ø ‘speared’ and coxa-i ‘ (be) speared, samuraxa ‘smash’ and samu-raxi ‘(be) smashed’and taura-Ø ‘take’ and tau-ri ‘(be) taken’, the performers of the action also change when the -a, and -i transitive markers are used.

E ma nanum- / III1 pst remember-tr completely art K art time that3 ‘Kasa remembered that time’

E nanum- / 4 0 III3 remember-pas art K prep art song prep art radio ‘A song was dedicated to Kasa over the radio’

Ratou ma nanum-i III3 pst remember-pas ‘They were remembered’

.3 -Ø na ixa art T III1 sprear-tr art fish ‘Tomu speared the fish’

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2-Ø me coxa-i Tomu o Sevo ni rau ma vei-vala nanoa III1 try-tr irr spear-tr T art S conj III2 pst coll-fight yesterday ‘Sevo tried to spear Tomu when they were fighting yesterday’

Qai samu- 3 then threw-tr III1 art T art one art punch ‘Then Tomu threw a punch at him’

Qai samu-raxi xoya tale mai o Sevo then threw-pas III1 again hither art S ‘And Sevo threw one (punch) back’

E tau- 0 - 0 A . III1 touch-pas I1 like this then throw-pas I1 like this to art floor ‘It got hold of me and threw me like this to the floor’

From the above examples, it can be deduced that -a is an active marker while -i is passive.

-ca/i transitive marker: mostly suffixed to verbs associated with functions of a living thing.

O rogo-< na domo ni yava II1 hear-tr completely cont very art voice of feet ‘You can hear footsteps’

2 - III+ pst see-tr art devil ‘They have seen the devil’

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Boi-ca rawa sara na panikeke o Nani mai no-dratou vale smell-tr can completely art pancake art N from poss-III3 house ‘Nani could smell the pancake from her house’

E tagi-ci tama-na III1 cry-tr father-III1 poss ‘He cried for his father’

O pusi e mi- art cat III1 pee-tr art settee ‘The cat peed on the settee’

-ma/i transitive marker: is commonly used with verbs indicates movement of ‘enter’ and ‘fall’.

O koya ma via dara- 0 # art II1 pst desire enter-tr III1 art woman that3 art night yesterday ‘He entered the girl’s house unlawfully last night’ (with the wish to see her)

Curu-mi xoya sara possess-tr III1 completely ints art demon ‘The demon actually possessed her’

Qarauna-Ø me xua ni lutu-mi ixo na niu take- care-tr irr not comp fall-tr II1 art coconut ‘See that the coconut does not fall on you’

-va/i transitive marker: suffixed to verbs that moves.

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-vi xeitou na bogi gona thing strong happen-tr Iexcl3 art night that ‘Something powerful happened to us that night’

Ratou qoli- nu III3 catch-tr also ints hither one art turtle ‘They also caught a turtle’

Kua ni nunu-va tixo na vatu Don’t comp dive-tr cont art stone ‘Stop diving for the stones’

Other verbs that can be suffixed with -va/i are lade ‘jump’, taga ‘catch/contain’, cici ‘run’, gunu ‘drink’, caxa ‘do’, and taxi ‘pour’.

-xa/i transitive marker: usually suffixed to verbs that deal with ‘vandalism’ and harm to the body.

Ma viri-xa tixo na lori pst throw-tr cont art car ‘He was throwing at the car’

Qai voro-xa na iloilo ni lori then break-tr art glass of lorry ‘It broke the car’s mirror’

O tina-na e saba-xi xoya art mother-III1 III1 slap-tr III1 ‘Her mother slapped her’

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-xa can also be suffixed to verb vodo ‘travel on’.

O Willie e vodo-xa mai na ose art W III1 ride-tr hither art horse ‘Willie came riding on the horse’

-ga/i and -na/i transitive marker: can be associated with verbs that deal with ‘containment’

Olo- -vinaxa fold-tr caus-good ‘Fold it nicely’

Tawa-na na buxa i na taga put-tr art firewood prep art sack ‘Put the firewood in the sack’

-ta/i transitive marker: mostly associated with movement in which something is carried. o xoya ma xau- < 0 ' art III1 pst take-tr III2 asp prep sea ‘It took them around at sea’

Sogo- # close-tr thither art door ‘Close the door’ (Door is ‘carried’ to be closed or opened)

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2 -ta oti mai na duru III2 asp carry-on-shoulder-tr finish hither art post ‘They have carried the post on their shoulder’

E roqo-ti Lora tixo o tama-na III1 carry-in-arms-pas L cont art father-III1 ‘Lora is being carried by her father’

4.3.2.6.2 Two syllable suffixes: -vaxa/i transitive marker: deals with verbs with movement and may require an incorporated noun. When the object is not mentioned, it is understood that an object exists.

Cici-vaxa na suka cici- 0 run–tr art sugar run-tr imm this ‘Run the sugar over’ ‘run this immediately’

Qai dau xaci- 4 then hab call-tr art die prep art radio ‘The death is then announced over the radio’

-laxa and -raxa transitive marker: are used with verbs of force, of vandalism.

Ni sa misi na vacu-laxi sub asp hurt art punch-tr ‘He suffered badly from being punched’

5 -viri- - III+ caus-throw-tr also ints poss-III1 car with art stone ‘They also threw stones at his car’

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Rau dresu- 0 III2 tear-tr art dress ‘They tore the dresses’

Vuso-raxa na isulu squeeze-tr art clothe ‘Squeeze (hand wash) the clothes’

When -laxa and -raxa are suffixed to butu ‘step on’, the meanings are different.

Na bulumaxau e butu-laxa na iteitei III1 cow III1 step-on-tr art garden ‘The cow trampled the garden’

Ra qai butu-raxi xoya na taci yalewa III+ then kick (and punch)-tr III1 art sibling girl ‘The girl’s brothers punched him up’

-taxa/i transitive marker: can be suffixed to a wide range of verbs, and it also used to make a noun (borrowed term) a verb.

Rau dau qito-taxa i na bogi II2 hab play-tr prep art night ‘They usually play with it at night’

9 -fakaraun-taxi au tixo don’t comp caus-fuck around-tr I1 cont ‘Do not fuck me around’

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Ratou bese-taxa me xau o baba lailai III3 don’t want-tr sub take art baby small ‘They don’t want the baby to be taken away’

–yaxa/i transtive markers: deal with ‘movement around’ and vei- has to be prefixed to the verb.

E vei-rai-yaxi ni bera ni beti-a na moli III1 rec-see-tran conj before conj pick-trans art citrus ‘He looked around before picking the orange’

0 vei-toso-yaxi art road new asp can part art rec-move-trans ‘Moving around has been made possible by the new road’

–caxa/i is another transitive marker that adds ‘after, for’ to a verb.

Xeirau mai tagi-caxi tina- Iexcl2 hither cry-trans mother-poss Iexcl2 thither conj asp go ‘We cried after our mother when she left’

E tagi-caxa na bin i na sitoa III1 cry-trans art bean prep art store ‘He cried for a (packet of) bean (salted peas) at the store’

4.3.2.7 Incorporated noun

An incorporated noun is a noun that is included in the verbal phrase and has a generic meaning. It immediately follows the root verb, in which the verb is generally intransitive only.

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[Ratou nunu vatu tixo]VP III3 dive stone cont ‘They are diving for stones’

[Sega]VP [ # ]VP neg comp plant cassava part ints ‘He can’t even plant cassava’

Incorporated proper noun and pronoun are obligatory in a verbal phrase after the transitive marker –i. The proper noun or pronoun immediately follows the root verb.

[Rau -qara-i Joji tixo]VP III2 ints-find-tr J cont ‘They are searching for Joji’

[5 -xaci-vi xoya tixo]VP III2 pst ints-call-tr III1 cont ‘They were calling out for him’

4.3.2.8 Adverb 1

Some adverbs can be incorporated in a verbal phrase directly after the verb.

[na teitei]NP [e toso vinaxa tixo]VP * e toso tixo vinaxa art planting art move good cont ‘Farming is going well’

However, the adverb vinaxa can be placed at the end of the VP if prefixed with the adverbial marker -.

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[Na teitei]NP [ -vinaxa]VP art planting III1 move cont adv-good ‘Farming is going well’

[sele- -totolo mada]VP cut-tr adv-quick imm ‘Cut it quickly’

[ -malua bexa]VP speak adv-slow perhaps ‘perhaps speak slowly’

The adverb 0 is restricted as it cannot be affixed (compared to vinaxa in the above example)

[2 0 ]VP [o xoya]NP B 0B -lo III3 hab fart silent cont art III1 ‘He usually farts silently’

Some adverbs can only occur in a verbal phrase if they are reduplicated while some can also be prefixed with the adverbial marker -.

[e qai sau-ma cudru-cudru]VP * sauma cudru III1 then reply-tr redup-angry ‘she then replied angrily’

[e qai sau- -cudru-cudru]VP * III1 then reply-tr adv-redup-angry ‘she then replied angrily’

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[E mai wili- -dredre toxa yani]VP III1 come-and read-tr redup-laugh asp art ‘He was reading (it) laughingly’

4.3.2.9 Postverbal particles

The tenth slot of a VP can be postverbal particles. There are many post verbal particles and they have different functions. The order of the postverbal particles listed below is generally followed. The slash indicates the postverbal particles in complementary distribution. duadua/ruarua/tolutolu: alone, only (one)/both/all three, etc caxe/sobu/tani: upwards/downwards/away oti: complete, finish rawa: can /maxawa: long ago/in the past wale: limitation, only xece: all, everyone, everything tani: away dina: true sara: very, immediately tale: again tixo/voli/toxa/<: continuous marker/roundabout/aspect/aspect (tixo indicates a current ongoing occurance while < indicates an ongoing event that has been occurring for a while) soti: negative attenuator bexa/mada: perhaps, maybe/immediately gona: causative anaphor : intensive marker, just mai/yani: hither/thither xina: anaphoric (III1 inanimate)

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: anaphoric (III1 animate)

[2 ]VP III1 go alone ints hither ‘He came alone’

[E biu xece tani sara]VP III1 place all away imm ‘It was all put away’

[. oti?]VP II1 asp eat finish ‘Have you eaten?’

[Ratou siwa rawa?]VP III3 fish can ‘Were they able to fish?’

[9 ] ‘neg attenuator marker art lazy ‘Do not be lazy’

[< <]VP I1 pst do a long time very cont ‘I have had it done a long time ago’

[Cava soti tale?]VP what number again ‘What else?’

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[Ratou soli-0 ]VP [e dua na vua-na]NP III3 give-tr lim ints hither num one art fruit-poss III ‘They gave one fruit only’

[Rau taur-a cala bexa]VP III2 think wrong maybe ‘Maybe they took the wrong one’

[Xau- ]VP take-tr away from III1 ‘Take it away from him’

[2# ]VP III1 sit cont ints ‘He was sitting’

[Da cuva sobu sara mada]VP Iincl+ bow down imm sug ‘Let us bow our head’

4.3.2.10 Adverb 2

As discussed above, an adverb can appear directly after a verb. An adverb can also occur in a verb phrase after the postverbal particles. However, adverb 2 is in a more restricted form: the adverbial marker seems to be the only form of adverb that can be in this position.

[2 -vinaxa]VP [na teitei]NP *e toso tixo vinaxa III1 move cont adv-good art planting ‘Farming is going well’

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[ - ]VP *vosa mada malua speak sug adv-slow ‘Speak slowly’

4.4 Syntax: Sentence Types

Sentences can take many forms, from a single word to a number of clauses.

Exclamations are usually single words, and their utterances are spontaneous. Proper nouns and kinterms only can be added as vocatives.

Oilakai! Wananavu! ‘Good heavens!’ ‘Wonderful!’

Ode! Sobo Lina! ‘Nice!’ ‘Good grief Lina’

Isalei na tama-qu! exclamation of longing art father-I1 ‘My poor father’

Interrogative clauses are marked by rising intonation. The two types are polar questions, also known as yes/no questions, and wh-questions. Polar questions prompt a yes/no answer, and the pitch lowers on the penult then rises on the final syllable.

Drau lesu tale? (The pitch lowers on –ta and rises on -le) II2 return again ‘Are you (two) returning?’

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. ? II1 asp sleep finish ‘Have you slept?’

Na tina- ? art mother-II1 that ‘Is that your mother?’ (The pitch lowers on the first mora and rises on the second mora of )

Wh- questions are questions that ask ‘what’, ‘where’, ‘which’, ‘who’, ‘why’. The intonation is as for declaratives. Some examples are:

[Cava]NP [o caxa tixo?]VP what II1 do cont ‘What are you doing?’

Laxo i vei? Go prep where ‘Where are you going?’

I vei o vinaxat-a? prep which II1 want-tr ‘Which one do you want?’

O cei? Baleta? art who ‘Why’ ‘who?’

It should also be noted that interrogative clauses may contain elliptical clauses (omission of part of a sentence because it is already understood in a previous context).

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[Erau laxo mai]VP [Baleta?]NP III2 come hither ‘They came’

[Erau viri-xa]VP [na maqo]NP [o cei?]NP III2 throw-tr art mango art who ‘They threw (something) at the mango’ ‘Who (threw at the mango)’

Nominal sentences can be formed by two noun phrases, in which the phrases are equational. They do not have a ‘verb’.

[o ratou]NP [na gonevuli]NP art III3 art student ‘They are students’

[Janueri]NP [na soqo levu]NP January art celebration big ‘The big celebration is in January’

A negative clause can be constructed by including sega, a negative verb, before the complementiser ni. It is to be noted that sega can also be a non-existential verb.

[E sega]VP [ni wini]VP [o Viti]NP [ni sega]VP [ - -vinaxa]VP III1 neg comp win art Fiji conj neg conj ints-prepare adv-good ‘Fiji did not win since they did not prepare well’

[E sega]VP [na ilavo]NP [ni sega ni voli-taxi]VP [no-dratou dalo]NP asp non-ev art money conj neg comp sell-tr poss-III3 taro ‘There is no money since their taro was not sold’

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A coordinate sentence, a sentence consisting of two clauses of equal grammatical levels, is one way of making a sentence complex. The other is subordination in which a clause is dependent and is embedded in the main sentence.

[e xaba-ta]VP [na vata]NP [qai lutu]VP III1 climb-tr art shelf then fall ‘He climbed on the shelf and fell’

[Rau mai cici niu]VP, [ -taxa sara]VP [na no-drau niu]NP III2 come-and cut coconut III2 asp go-and sell-tr imm art poss-III2 coconut ‘They came to cut copra and have sold it’

Examples of subordinate sentences:

[Qai yadra mai]VP [ni rogo-ca]VP [na domo]NP and wake hither conj hear-tr art voice ‘He woke up when he heard a voice’

[Xua ni dabe-ca]VP [ -voro]VP Don’t conj sit-tr might stat-break ‘Don’t sit on it might it break’

A compound-complex sentence is a sentence that has at least two independent clauses and one dependent clause.

[Era qai dau laini]VP [qai ra dau beti-a]VP [na t ]NP [ni se bera]VP [ni xataxata]VP [na siga]NP III+ then hab line then III+ hab pick-tr art tea comp asp before conj hot art sun ‘Before the sun is too hot, they are arranged in a line to pick tea (leaves)’

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[E levu na simede]VP [rau rai-ca]VP [na vanua]NP [ < ]VP [na vale]NP art plenty art concrete III2 see-tr art place pst build asp anaph art house ‘They saw a lot of concrete (foundation) at the place where the house was once built’

[Ma sega]VP [ni dua] [e rai-ci rau]VP [ -0]VP [na siga Vuxelulu]NP pst neg comp one III1 see-tr III2 conj III2 pass like-this art day Wednesday ‘No one saw them go past this way on Wednesday’

4.5 Reduplication: is a derivational process in which the root is partially or completely reduplicated. A prefix can also be added.

Partial reduplication has many functions. First, it can indicate that an action is done leisurely, without a purpose, for a while, individually or in a group. The reduplicated vowel (bimoraic) is lengthened, but not for bisyllabic partial reduplication.

2-dabe tixo i tuba III1 redup-sit asp prep outside ‘She is sitting leisurely outside’

5 -xaba tixo i vunimaqo III2 pst redup-climb asp prep mango-tree ‘They were up the mango tree (for a while and without a purpose)’

- -davo come-and redup-lie ‘Come and lie down (relaxingly)’

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Second, partial reduplication has a plural marking function (see 4.3.1.1). Note that when the base is already formally reduplicated (lailai, lexalexa), the partial reduplication operates on the unreduplicated base.

Na bilo lailai na bilo la-lai art cup small art cup redup-small ‘the small cup’ ‘the small cups’

Na gone levu na gone le-levu art child big art child redup-big ‘the big child’ ‘the big children’

No-na veleti vou no-na veleti vo-vou poss-III1 plate new poss-III1 plate redup-new ‘his new plate’ ‘his new plates’

Third, partial reduplication can form adjectives from verbs, and the vowel of the reduplicated morpheme is lengthened.

2 -dredre art one art child face redup-laugh ‘A child with a smiling face’

0- III1 girl redup-happy ‘She is a happy person’

Full reduplication has a number of functions. First, it creates intransitive verbs.

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Rau seru-seru tixo i na rumu III2 redup-comb asp prep art room ‘They are combing (their hair) in the room’

E cula-cula tixo III1 redup-sew cont ‘He is sewing’

E boso-boso tixo III1 redup-knead cont ‘He is kneading (something)’

Second, a fully reduplicated verb ( << se < <) indicates that an action is done repeatedly.

Qai boso-boso-xa na drau-na vata xei na wai then redup-knead-tr art leaf-III1 ‘Then knead the leaves with water repeatedly’

Drau boro-boro- II2 redup-paint-tr art wall ‘You (two) paint the wall over and over again’

Qai tavi-tavi- then redup-slap-tr art wall irr III3 wake ‘He banged the walls repeatedly to wake them up’

Xeitou tala-talanoa me yaco- Iexcl3 redup-story irr reach-tr art four comp morning ‘We told stories until four o’clock in the morning’

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E tuxu-tuxun- -a mai III1 redup-say-tr cont ints comp art buy-tr hither ‘He keeps on saying that he will buy it’

Third, fully reduplicated words prefixed with the nominaliser i- indicate manner. i-sele-sele nom-redup-cut ‘manner of cutting’ i-seru-seru nom-redup-comb ‘manner of combing/hair style’

Note: if the root words above are not reduplicated and prefixed with the nominaliser, the result is an instrument (e.g. isele ‘knife’, iseru ‘comb’).

Some i- nominalisations have more than one sense of the word: i-dabe-dabe ‘seat (e.g. chair), place of sitting, manner of sitting’ i-xana-xana ‘place of eating, manner of eating, taste’ i-laxo-laxo ‘journey, group travelling together, manner of walking’ i-davo-davo ‘bed, place of lying down, manner of lying down, sleeping mat ’

=0 -qu i-dabe-dabe art this art poss-I1 nom-redup-sit ‘This is my seat/chair’

Na no-na i-dabe-# < art poss-III1 nom-redup-sit prep beside chief ‘His seat is beside the chief’

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2< -na i-dabe-dabe III1 funny asp art poss-III1 nom-redup-sit ‘The way he sits is funny’

Fourth, the prefix vei- when added to a full redepulicated noun, functions as a collective marker.

E vanua vei-vatu-vatu III1 place coll-redup-stone ‘It is a stony place’

Rau vei-cici-vi i na vei-nuxu-nuxu II2 rec-run-tr prep art coll-redup-sand ‘They were running on the sandy (beach)’

Other examples are vei-vale-vale ‘every house, all the houses’ and vei-dovu-dovu ‘sugar-cane field’, also vei-vale and vei-dovu.

Some bases which appear to be reduplicated forms are not derivatives but root words. qereqere ‘gravel’ 00 ‘mud, muddy’ talatala ‘pastor/reverend’ ‘difficult’

Also, some fully reduplicated words form transitive only or intransitive verbs.

‘know’ xila- ‘guess’ levu ‘big’ levu-levu ‘fat’

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CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION

To date no research has been conducted on any kailoma language, probably partly for the reason that it is assumed they speak Standard Fijian and Fiji English. In the three villages of Wainunu-i-caxe, kailoma speak a communalect that is similar to but different from Standard Fijian and the neighbouring communalect of Wainunu-i-K '()--i- intelligible.

The objectives of this paper stated in the introduction were to discuss the background of the origins of the community, provide a sociolinguistic description of Wainunu-i-caxe and sketch a contemporary Wainunu-i-caxe grammar, with texts and a wordlist. The process of meeting these objectives has verified that Wainunu-i-caxe is indeed a distinct communalect, closely related to SF but with significant input from Wainunu-i-

5.1 Findings Summarised

This study begins with an attempt to convey the life of a kailoma in Wainunu-i- caxe, including background information on the region and some family history. A picture of the area is presented: a history of Bua in general followed by a focus on Wainunu. The history of Wainunu-i-caxe dates back to 1860, to Whippy’s purchase of Yadali and his subsequent decision to settle in Wainunu after accepting Cakobau’s request to return to Levuka but becoming dissatisfied with the way of life there. Other kailoma began to settle at Wainunu, marrying indigenous Fijian women or other kailoma and starting their own families. Today, families of the Andrews, Brown, Driver, Dyer, Heatley, Hughes, Manuel, Mills, Murphy, Simpson, Turner, Watkin, Whippy, and Wilson live in Wainunu- i-caxe. Non-kailoma families also settled here, including the Abbie and Bhurrah.

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The beliefs and attitudes of kailoma are drawn from those of indigenous Fijians and from Europeans, but mostly from the former. Kailoma practise customs and behaviour they see as favourable to them or that does not demand too much effort. For instance, if they participate in a Fijian ceremony such as sevusevu, they perform it without observing the complete formalities. They practise Fijian ways of living, such as xerexere, communalism and traditional customs such as fishing and farming.

The discussion of their way of life contextualises the vocabulary they use, highlighting the vocabulary of religious and social activities, farming, fishing, the search for education, and terms used for objects and activities. It is evident that vocabulary reflects both English and indigenous Fijian cultures, for example, the term skim is a direct English borrowing while its communal practice is indigenous Fijian.

Kinship terms present interesting data and information of who kailoma believe they are. Some terms of address are borrowed from English and the background a speaker comes from, such as , dedi and for father whereas sigoa and yaca for namesake are from Rotuman and Fijian respectively. Proper nouns also highlight speakers’ desire to keep their European background, in their preference to have mostly English names rather than ‘Fijianised’ names. Fijian terms are also used but their proper Fijian use is not reflected, such as in the word 00.

Vocabulary is an area in which differences are seen. Many terms are borrowed from English and Wainunu-i- ' . ! neighbouring Wainunu-i-bia ‘cassava’ (from Wainunu-i-yabia), and lutu ‘mound of soil around a newly planted plant’. Some English terms are lori (from ‘lorry’), patipati (from ‘put-put’), keke (from ‘cake’), and these words are ‘Fijianised’ and can mean other things too, for instance, keke comprises cakes and biscuits.

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In phonology, the voiceless velar fricative /x/ is generally used in positions where SF uses /k/. In borrowed words though, /k/ is retained. In religious domains, /k/ is used more, because speakers view it as part of the sacred language of religion, as the Bible uses /k/.

The past tense marker in Wainunu-i-caxe is , whereas it is in Standard Fijian, clearly a borrowing from Wainunu-i-

This study can be the beginning of similar studies in the language of kailoma. Kailoma communities are increasing both in rural areas and urban areas, and studying their language will indeed constitute an interesting contribution to contact linguistics.

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Triffitt, G. 2000, “The dialects of the Yasawa Islands of Fiji”, in B. Palmer and P. Geraghty (eds) SICOL – Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Oceanic Linguistics: vol. 2, Historical and descriptive studies, Pacific Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University, Canberra. pp. 315-327.

Whippy, S. 2010, “Down memory lane”, The Fiji Times Online, 1 September, viewed 26 October 2012, http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=154938.

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Young, J. 1984, Adventurous Spirits – Australian migrant society in pre-cession Fiji, University of Queensland Press, Queensland.

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APPENDICES

There are 5 appendices: 1. Appendix 1 is a glossary, comprising Fijian and Fiji English terms used in the thesis. 2. Appendix 2 is a wordlist; a generic sense of the word is given. 3. Appendix 3 is a lexicon list in different domains. The emphasis is on the vocabulary size under randomly selected domains. 4. Appendix 4 contains 2 texts. These texts are recorded conversations and are morpheme by morpheme analysed. 5. Appendix 5 includes a map of Wainunu and sketch maps of Batinivuriwai, Naxabuta and Wainivesi.

APPENDIX A: GLOSSARY baigani eggplant balawa pineapple (also ) # shore (see matasawa) bele plant (Hibiscus manihot), with nutrious leaves #0 reef heron, a water bird with long legs, long neck and long beak bia cassava; a staple food; also tavioxa bilibili bamboo raft bin bean (long bean) boto small flat-bottomed open boat (3-5 metres), sometimes propelled by an outboard engine buxa firewood cagi wind ciciniu cut copra (remove flesh from mature coconut to sell as copra) cocoxa fish spearing cola carry on the shoulder cua handle of a small fishing net

178 cuxi dig dalo taro doxo a wooden digging stick, used to dig holes and uproot plants drava unsuccessful in fishing dreti hauled ibe mat, whether woven from pandanus leaves (voivoi) or sedge (kuta). There are many types of ibe such as 00 and ibe xaloxalo. ibe xaloxalo star-shaped mat 00 a plain mat icoi food to go with the staple food, such as meat, fish or vegetables iselelevu cane knife itexi stick for anchorage ixara pole to punt a bamboo raft or a small boat jeinso chain-saw (from English) jilou also tilou or tulou, a word of apology when walking past those who are sitiing, or reaching over others kailoma a descendant of a European man married to an indigenous Fijian or Rotuman woman kawai sweet yam keba a small temporary house in gardens far from the village (from English ‘camp’) keke cake (from English), biscuit kouknat wayales passing on information through word of mouth (from English ‘coconut wireless’) kumala sweet potato kuta sedge used for fine mats lali traditional Fijian drum, a hollowed-out log used to summon villagers for gatherings or church, or as accompaniment in traditional dances lawa fishing net. Types of lawa include lawanimoci and lawalevu.

179 lawalevu fishing net of bigger mesh lawanimoci fishing net of small mesh, commonly for catching prawns for bait lixu skirt lori motor vehicle (from English ‘lorry’) lutu mound of soil around a newly planted plant maniwa fertilizer masi bark-cloth, made from the paper-mulberry tree digging fork 0 beach, landing mirixi spraying fertilizer on plants moci shrimp, small prawn used for bait, found in brackish water. moto spear noke woven coconut-leaf basket for fish, crabs and prawns, tied around the waist when fishing nunu dive; spear-fishing, either in rivers or open sea painapiu pineapple pote bra (from English ‘bodice’) ota edible fern (Athyrium esculentum) rourou taro leaves; dish of taro leaves, can be boiled in coconut cream, or sautéd (also vusou) samarini a type of dive fishing using a spear and elastic, not spear-gun sasamu beat water, with hand, legs or with a pole, to frighten fish to run into a lawalevu sasani harvest wild edible leaves sevusevu a traditional ceremony in which yaqona roots are presented siwa line-fishing skim rotational work in a village, especially in gardens (also solesolevaxi) sprei spray weedicides in gardens (from English ‘spray’) tabua sperm whale’s tooth, highly valued in Fijian custom taga sack

180 talevoni telephone talitali weaving clear lnd for farming by cutting down big trees, burning, or both tavuxi capsize (also ) tevutevu a custom of presentation of wealth to newlyweds ua lelevu big waves uvi yam vaculaxi punched up burning, a form of ‘clearing land for farming’, as fast method but elders believe that it leaves the soil impoverished vaxasabusabu wasting resources veitavaleni cross-cousins 0 0 shallow vudi plaintain vugo term of address to inlaw one generation removed vuriwai river vutovuto fishing-net float wainimoli lemon-juice waituilevu open sea 0 0 fishing line wailailai creek, stream 0 a type of strong vine (Entada phaseoliodes) wavu wharf/jetty, bridge xabatiri climb on a mangrove to spear fish xanavata feast xauxauwa strong xerexere courtesy of asking; ask, request xexeli dig for wild root crops yaca namesake yadra greeting in the morning; wake up

181 yaqona plant (Piper methysticum) and the drink made of this plant (also grog and kava) zob job (from English)

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APPENDIX B: A WORDLIST

The words in this wordlist are some of the common words used in the communalect, obtained from my informants and from my own understanding. Note (i) words that begin with a and e can also begin with a non-phonemic glottal stop, (ii) possessive markers of nouns and transitive markers of verbs are indicated with a dash (e.g. baba-; bala-t) and (iii) some words beginning with [k] can also begin with [x] (non-contrastive). ae exc exclamation of surprise agkel n uncle aisblok n home-made ice-block aiskrim n ice-cream ajibisopi n archbishop ajidaiosisi n archdiocese albam n album, book-like collection of photos aleluya exc exclamation of thanks (from English) alsa n ulcer; v to have an ulcer alto n alto; v to sing alto anti n aunty aujes exc (volleyball) exclamation when ball is out of play aut v (volleyball) out of play baba n loc slope baba- n side of the face; (boat, motor vehicle) side baba n baby (from English) n dish made of the stalk of taro, sometimes in coconut cream babai exc exclamation to a child to go to sleep (from English ‘bye-bye’) babakau n k pancake babale n k dolphin, L Stenella longirostris baca n bait, can be small prawns, earthworms

183 bacaniqele n earthworm L Oligochaeta baci pre-v deprecatory, again bai n fence; bainibulumaxau ‘fenced cow paddock’, bainivuaxa ‘pig pen’, bainitoa ‘chicken coop’, etc baigani n egg-plant; n (idiom) business, e.g. sega ni nomu baigani ‘none of your business’ baka n k tree, fig L Ficus obliqua baku adj uncircumcised; unskilled man; v taste unpleasant because unripe (banana, guava, etc) (also boci) bala-t v dump (a person into water, food into pot) balabala n k plant, tree-fern L Cyathea lunulata balagi n k fish surgeon fish L Acanthurus mata balavu adj tall, long; n length bale v fall over, collapse (also oba) baleta v conj because bali n k freshwater fish, gudgeon L Ophieleotris aporo, Eleotridae bali v knead n base of coconut leaf, can be used as firewood balubalu adj chubby; v put on weight baluni n balloon (from English) n caterpillar bani n bun banilolo n bun cooked in coconut cream banixau n branch basi n bus basoga n crotch (tree); adj brancing (sala basoga ‘branching-road’) basu v break, tear bata n butter; a brand of flip-flop adj cold batiniuciwai n river bank (also batinivuriwai) batinivuriwai n river bank (also batiniuciwai)

184 batua n k black mangrove fish, gudgeon L Eleotris melanosoma n purse; v give something to the opposite sex to impress them baxabaxa n children’s game, sit cross-legged with hands opened on the knees, everyone sings and the main person slaps the others’ palms n k fish, sucker-fish, feeds off other fishes for survival L Echeneis naucrates baxola n bastard, swine bawara n spathe of coconut tree, used as firewood n butterfly; k fish L Monodactylus argenteus bele n edible vegetable L Hibiscus manihot 0 n reef heron, a water bird with long legs, long neck and long beak belu-x v bend (pandanus leaves, plantain leaves) bera-t v be late—for beti-Ø v pick (fruit) bexa n fruit-bat; post-v perhaps adj heavy bia n beer; cassava (root crop) v heavy bici n k bird banded rail L Gallirallus philippensis bij n promiscuous woman, whore (from English ‘bitch’) n beacon (from English) bili-Ø v push, blame biliati v play pool (from English ‘billiards’) bilikani n aluminum container for storing food (from English ‘billy-can’) bilibili n bamboo raft bilioni n billion (from English) bilo n cup; # , ‘tea-cup’, mug’; bilo ni yaqona ‘cup for yaqona made from coconut shell’ bin n bean; salted peas bini- Ø v pile in a heap; adj plenty

185 bisinisi n business bitu n bamboo biu-t v leave, put biubiu v k fishing in which a net closes off a small river mouth during high tide biu lawa n k fishing with large net -Ø v press upon bixabixa v (women) sit with the coffin before burial bobo v shut one’s eyes bobo-x v massage 0 0 n anus boci adj uncircumcised; unskilled man (also baku) bogi n night; v be night boi-c v smell; # ‘stink’; boi vinaxa ‘smell nice’ bole-Ø v boast; volunteer boro-t v paint boso n boss boso-x v pulverise botea v crash through, break < n green coconut; grandmother (see buinigone) buburu v k fishing, using small nets and the hand in small river branches during low tide buinigone n old woman (see #<) bula n life; v live, hello buli-a v shape, create bulu-t v bury bura v (boil) burst; (shit) emerge bura-x v spit out (food) bure n k thatched house which traditionally housed males only; dormitory, hostel (contemporary use: traditional Fijian house) busa n k fish, garfish L Hemoramphus far

186 busi exc (slang: offensive) lit bad odour of private parts butaxo-c v steal butaxo sui n k children’s game, lit stealing bones 0 adj dark buxa n firewood; k children’s game like tag buxete adj pregnant

adj bad, broken, not working cabe-t v ascend cabo-r v present, with a prepared speech cai-t v fuck caita exc (offensive) exclamation for fuck it fuck cala adj wrong calidi v click cameme v speak fluently (child) caqe-t v kick caqou v knock one’s head audibly cat- v dislike cau n contribution ; v make a contribution, usually money caucau n night breeze cauravou n young man cava n what cavu-t v pull—out cavuxa v break, snap (string, line) caxe post-v up caxa-v v do caxacaxa v work n steam v travel fast, whizz cei n who ceba v swerve

187 cebe-t v slice, circumcise cecexala adv (wake) suddenly cere v rise, swell; adj (land) elevated cerebu v a fundraising form in which cards are dealt to determine a winner who gets a prize, usually goods ceva n south; south wind ceva-Ø v uncover, turn over cexe n males genitals; swollen males genitals v fart ciba v faint cibi-tax v proud of cici v run n anus cila-v v shine on icili n temporary residence for visitors (during a function) cina n light, lamp; v spear-fishing at night ciqi v wedged, squeezed in ciqo-m v catch civi-t v peel with a knife cixa v conjunctivitis cixe-v v nag, importune ciwa num nine c0 n grass cobo v clap with cupped hands as a mark of respect e.g. during a kava session cocoxa v spear fishing codra v out of breathe cola-t v carry on shoulder colo n loc interior, highlands coqa n car accident coqa-Ø v hit, collide with

188 coro v talk of the opposite sex corocoro n k small reef fish, soldierfish cori-Ø v string together, cori salusalu ‘string a garland’ coxa n v diarrhoea coxa-Ø v spear coxo v be caught crou leqs n k children’s game with a small ball < v bend over cudru-v v be angry—at cumu n k fish, triggerfish L Rhinecanthus aculeatus cuqu-t v hit with head (pig – root) curu-m v enter curuxi n k edible sea slug

n faeces dabe-c v sit—on n k shore tree L Xylocarpus granatum, Meliaceae dada adj soft, rotten n k fish flatfish dagadaga adj weary, exhausted damanu n k large hardwood tree L Calophyllum vitiense, Clusiaceae damele v limp damu n k fish red snapper L Lutjanus bohar dani n skin fungus, Tinia n v dance (non-traditional) (also siba) daniva n k fish, goldspot herring L Heklotsichthys quadrimaculatus adj cowardly adj long, a while dei v confirmed, as it was (promised) dela- n loc top part of delabulewa n k fish, grouper L Epinephulus fuscoguttas

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n k food, boiled mixed grated green bananas and cassava, eaten with coconut cream and sugar devo n sandstone dida n senile didi v ungrateful, complaining dina adj true, real; v tell the truth dinau v purchase on credit, borrow diqa n excavator (from English ‘digger’) doboi n k dumpling, cooked in coconut cream but without ‘filling’ doce v dopey, stupid dodo v lie down dodo-x v stretch dodomo v love, desire dodonu v straight, right, true dogo n mangrove dola-v v open dole n k fish, medium sized trevally L Carangidae spp doli n dolly (from English) dolo v crawl on stomach domo- n voice, neck donu v agree, correct, right dovu n sugarcane v arrogant, proud doxo n wooden digging stick duikaikai n people of different races dula v stop crying dulu v in vain n blood, relative dradranu v not sweet draunikura n k fish, wrasse drava n (fishing) unsuccessful; v unsuccessful catch, fish do not bite

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n seagull -t v pull dredre v laugh v hard, tough drega n chewing gum, glue, rubber of catapult or speargun dreve n k fish, ponyfish L Leiognatnus; v does not go to plan drexeni n k fish, sweetlips n k huge black sea slug L Actinopyga sp; v bounce off n k small black surgeonfish L Acanthurus gahhm drixa v adj bald 0 n nasal mucus; v flee drodro v flow 00 n rainbow 00 n hiding place from war v hoarse (voice) dromodromo adj yellow droto v (offensive) uncircumcised, weak droxai adj unripe (coconut) drudru-g v skin (animal, fish) eki exc yuck ela exc exclamation less offensive than ele (also eleyasi) ele n exc lit vagina (also eleyasi) eleyasi exc exclamation less offensive than ele (also eleyasi) eli n loc hell esi exc exclamation of no idea eve exc exclamation less offensive than ele fakaraun v wander around aimlessly (from English ‘fuck around’) fakawela v show appreciation and encourage dancers with money, sweets, clothing, perfume or powder

191 falawa n flour (from English) floa n floor (from English)

n duck; v stare v take a trip, go on holiday gaga adj poisonous; hot (spicy) gagadre n desire n k fish, giant grouper galu v be quiet, say nothing garo-v v lust—for gasau n k reed L Miscanthus floridulus, Poaceae gata n snake; v adj sharp (e.g. knife) gauna n time gaunisala n path, road gautolo n turd, piece of faeces gavui n adj stupid v buzz (mosquito) 00 v weak, feeble gole v go (polite) gone n adj child, young gonetagane n young boy gonevuli n student goneyalewa n young girl, woman < v make an effort < v give up, unsuccessful guileca-v v forget gula adj dumb gunu-v v drink gunusede n k fundraising, paying for every bowl of yaqona gusu- n mouth

192 ibe n mat iloilo n glass, mirror io exc yes iro-v v peep—at 0 n ally, teammate ixa nfish jaina n banana (from English ‘China banana’) jaiva v (volleyball) tap the ball to the side to avoid the ‘blocker’ (from English ‘gybe’) n (informal) a good looking person (also 4 4 ) n (informal) a good looking person (also 4 ) jovu n well kabu n mist kailoma n descendant of a European man married to an indigenous Fijian or Rotuman woman exc (offensive) lit commoner n parrot exc don’t (child) kake n k fish, sea perch L Lutjanus quinquelineatus n k big parrotfish L Bolbometopon muricatus kamu v weed kanace n k fish, mullet L Mugilidae v (slang) weed but not properly adj talkative karasi n marijuana (from English ‘grass’) n (slang) effeminate male (also ) kasa v grounded (boat, whale) kasivi n ant katapila n bulldozer (from English ‘caterpillar’)

193 kavetani n captain (from English) kaveti n cabbage (from English) keba n a small temporary house in gardens far from the village (from English ‘camp’) keteleka n k fish, medium sized mullet n k fish, small goatfish L Mulloidichthys martinicus kokoroti n cockroach (from English) kui n current kutu n head louse

n k sea-shell L Turbo cinereus; adj (eye) damaged e.g. laba-t v kill, murder labasa v sitting inappropriately revealing underwear or genitals lade v jump lailai adj small, little laini n line; v line up lala v adv empty lalaga n wall lali n traditional Fijian drum, a hollowed-out log used to summon villagers for gatherings or church, or as accompaniment in traditional dances lali-Ø v trip lamu adj cowardly; v scared lasa v have fun, affair; adj funny lasbol n (volleyball) last play (from English ‘last ball’) lasari n skink lasu v tell a lie laqa v have a gap lawa n net; law laxo v go lede exc addressed to an attractive person

194 lele v ferry; v adj lean leqa v in trouble; v adj mad, foolish lesu v return leva v sulk, angry levu adj big; num many, a lot lewa-Ø v determine, judge lewe- n flesh lialia v adj foolish liga- n hand, arm lila v adj thin, skinny lima num five liu v lead; n loc front; before liwa v blow (wind) lobi- Ø v fold loma- n loc in, inside; intention loman- v to love, care for, feel sorry for lori n motor vehicle (from English ‘lorry’) lovo n earth oven < v shake hands lutu v fall luva n louvre (from English) luve n child of, offspring maca v adj dry maca-t v to empty—out (of liquid) n week v adj useless, not good magoa adj tired, exhausted (also oca) maka n v mark v be in mood, be willing adv later

195 malumu v soft, tender v miserly, stingy mamau v full, sated, have enough to eat manumanu n animal, birds maqosa v neat, tidy marama n lady v happy mareqeti adj treasured n salt mata n representative mata- n eye matailoilo n pair of glasses matalau n nice, good, pleasant < n government mataqali n kind, type; clan matata v adj clear matau n axe; adj right v used to, familiar n beach, landing mate v die; adj dead mateca v desire, wish for, love matoto n assigned area to weed matu n k fish L Gerres macrosoma maumau v wasted mavo v heal (wound) mavoa n wound, cut; v be wounded maxawa v old (thing) maxubu- v grandchild mazi v with frizzy hair that doesn’t seem to grow melski exc (volleyball) compliment to one who spikes the ball beautifully into the opponent’s court

196

v pee, piss, urinate n organ of urination miri v (rain) drizzle misa n (Catholic and Anglican) holy mass misibaca n k small fish misimisi v (fish) bite at bait misimisibaya n k small fish (also misibaca) moce v sleep; exc goodbye moci n small prawn, shrimp, usually used for bait L Panulirus orantus moli n citrus mosi v hurt, sore, ache n motor vehicle (from English ‘motor car’) moxo n lizard, gecko moxorau n k fish, large goatfish moxosoi n sweet smelling plant L Cananga odorota, Annonaceae moxo-t v hug mudu- v finished; adj shortened muri-c v follow musa v tasteless (taro) namu n mosquito; slang n person who leeches off others nanoa n yesterday nanum v remember, think of nara v (fish) go bad/off natu-x v pound, knead, knaed (taro, breadfruit) naxi-t v do intentionally, intend nima-t v bail (e.g. water from boat) nimataxa n tomorrow nini-vax v shake—angry at nixua n today niu n coconut

197 nobo v (stingray) bury itself in the sand noxa v collapse (from English ‘knocked out’) noxe n woven coconut-leaf basket for fish, crabs and prawns, tied around the waist when fishing nunu-v v dive—for << v numb nuqa n k fish, rabbitfish L Siganus chrysospilos oba v fall over (also bale) oca v tired, exhausted (also magoa) oga n traditional ceremony; v occupied, busy ogo n k fish, barracuda, L Sphyraena spp. oilaxai exc exclamation of surprise, wonder excl exclamation of surprise, wonder ono num six ora v (food) stuck in one’s throat, choke ore v punished for not adhering to custom, by a < (joking relationship) to do something e.g. forced to eat/drink in large quantity ose n horse oso v tight, cannot fit ota n edible fern-like vegetable pai n pie (from English) pani n k children’s game, hit tins with a ball pakaliti n k unleavened pancake (also ) (from English ‘pikelet’ ) panikeke n pancake (from English) papitaiso v baptise paraimasi n primus stove paraqras n paragrass L Urochloa mutica n k unleavened pancake (also pakaliti) (from English ‘barley’)

198 pataka n fire-crackers, fireworks pate n clay, plaster used by children (from English ‘putty’) patipati n small flat-bottomed open boat (3-5 metres), sometimes propelled by an outboard engine (from English ‘put-put’) pato v go barefoot pepe n female genitals pleidasen n k children’s game with two short sticks (from FE ‘play dozen’) pleikauboe n k children’s game (from English ‘play cowboy’) piala n enamel cup (from SF < Hindi) pisto v (volleyball) spike from the second court of play pito n belly button n k children’s game, marbles polo n ball (from English ‘ball’); male genitals (from English ‘balls’) purini n pudding

n head, skull -Ø v work hard at qalo v swim qaqa adj firm, tough (body) v win qaqi-Ø v grind qari n mangrove crab - v be jealous, especially not pulling one’s weight n (slang) effeminate male (also ) qele n soil, mud, land n k small bivalve L Gafrarium turridum, Veneridae qereqere n grinded rocks, usually for road construction qesa n adj rotten (tooth), burnt (food) qiawa n k fish scavengerfish L Therapon jarbua qilaiso n charcoal qili-Ø v roll with the palms

199 qiliqili n boiled grated cassava, round, eaten with sugar and coconut cream qiqi n toy with a wheel qiqi-c v roll—over qito n game qito-r v play—with 0 this qori that (near addressee) qusi-Ø v wipe

n loc down, west rabo-x v hit with the hand ragi-Ø v dry/soften over flame, e.g. hold a banana leaf over the fire to soften it (also rarag-) rai-c v see, look—at raisi n rice (from English) raka n rugger rara v sting n sports ground rarag- v dry/soften over flame (also ragi) adj bright rata n k shrub L Solenostemon scutellarrioides, Lamiaceae rava n ringworm ravi-t v lean—on reba v (ear) stick out 0 v faint rere v frightened, scared riba v spring up and out suddenly, jump suddenly riri-g v boil (food) ririxo v nervous risiv v (volleyball) to receive the ball (from English ‘receive’)

200 roba-Ø v slap rogo-c v listen, hear roka n colour 0 n chillie; firecrackers roqo-t v carry in arms roro v nearing, coming soon rourou n taro leaves; dish of taro leaves, can be boiled in coconut cream, or sautéd (also vusou) rua num two rubi-lax v punish with a beating rubu v sulk, show an angry face ruru v (wind) calm

n k children’s game, jackstones n k fish L Lethrinus mahsena saga- n thigh saga-Ø v try, strive for saidout poin v change of serve with a point given to the team who are to serve (from English ‘ side out, point’) saiva num zero, nil saku n k fish, needlefish L Belonidae salala n k fish L Rastrelliger kanagurth salusalu n garland samarini v k dive fishing in which a spear and rubber (not spear gun) are used samasolt v k children’s game, somersault sani-t v harvest leaves for food (taro leaves, fern) saqa n k fish, trevally L Caranx ignobilis; adj cooked n clay pot saro n deadwood in the water in which fish shelter (good fishing ground)

201 saukelo n k fish, small needlefish < n adj peace seavu v fade sebe v adj very thin, skinny sega v none, not exist senta n centre (from English) v (light, sun) bright sere n song sere-x v break free, untie serexi n school holiday; v go on holiday seru-t v comb set exc all right, okay (from English ‘set’) seti exc exclamation of disagreement, no n settee (from English) seva adj unsuccessful, go wrong; v tangled (fishing line) sevusevu n k traditional ceremony in which yaqona roots are presented siba n dance (non-traditional) (also ) sicini n piles sikinala v signal sikoni n scone; v (slang) embarrassed when scolded siliva n adj silver (from English) simede n concrete (from English ‘cement’); adj (slang) someone who is sexually inactive siro-v v descend—to sili v bathe, have a bath, go swimming sista n sister (from English) sitoa n store (from English) sivi-t v pass; past siwa-t v fish with line siwaqalo n k line fishing standing usually up to the waist submerged

202 skank exc (volley ball) addressed to a person who wastes a good ‘set’ for a spike soata n pumice 0 v (fruit) abundant, many fruit in bunches sobo exc exclamation of disappointment sogo-t v close soli n contribution (money) soli-Ø v give sot v (volleyball) when the ball is in the court of play sota-v v meet sova n basket, usually woven sova-Ø v pour sovu n soap spaik v (volleyball) spike (from English) suaigelegele v sway from side to side (e.g. coconut tree in the wind) sumusumu n k fish, puffer-fish L Tetraodon sp. suru-t v sneeze—on taci- n sibling taga n sack taga-v v net (e.g prawns) tagane n male tagi-c v cry—after tai n loc side of e.g. river bank, road side tala-c v unpack, unload, let someone off lorry, bus, etc tala-Ø v send (person) talanoa n story; v chat tama- n father tani post-v away tara-Ø v touch taro n question, query

203 taro-g v ask tatau v say goodbye taunamo n mosquito net taur- v take taubale v walk taucoxo num all tauyavu-tax v establish, found v clear land to ready for planting tawa n iron plate for cooking (e.g. ) (from Hindi) tawa-n v put in, fill in tawase- v separate tei-Ø v plant teqa v place hands on hips, considered arrogant tete-v v spread—into n devil, demon tevu-x v spread out (cloth) tevutevu n traditional custom, presentation of valuables to newly-wed couple texiduru v kneel < v start, begin n tea (from English) tibi-x v (lightning) strike; roll (cigarette) tido n k small, black inedible mangrove fish, mudskipper tili v k fishing, throw net around a school of fish (vaca) tina- n mother tini num ten tini-Ø v complete, finish, end n mangrove root tixi- n part of 0 v be quiet; exc shut up

204

0 v contain water or liquid (well, tap, breast, udder, eye); be partners, teammates toa n chicken tobo-x v catch (person, animal, etc) toci-Ø v plane, remove rough parts with knife (coconut midrib, pandanus leaf) 0 v (sun) scorching tola adj (tooth) decay tolu num three tomata n tomato (from English) tomi-x v pick up tomole n k shrub basil L Ocimum basilicum, Lamiaceae topai n k dumpling, without ‘filling’, eaten with coconut cream totogi v be punished totoxa adj beautiful, pleasant toxi-Ø v move, relocate < v stand; ev to be, exist tua n tidal flat tuba n loc outside tubu v grow tumo n k fish, small mullet < n man (polite), gentleman, chief tuxun- v say, tell ubi-Ø v cover uca n rain uci n k medicinal and fragrant shrub L Evodia hortensis, Rutaceae uciwai n river (also vuriwai) ukomu n hookworm (from English); (slang) a big eater ulu- n head ulukau adj foolish, stupid

205 ulavi n k fish, longnose parrotfish L Scarus harid ulumatua n firs- born ulurua n k fish, steephead parrotfish L Chlorurus microrhinos ura n prawn uro n fat; adj (food) rich; exc beautiful, handsome uto n breadfruit uvi n yam uvu-c v blow

num four vaca n k small schooling fish L Thrissina baelama v clean oneself after defecating v be how; adj what kind of vacu-x v punch vai n k fish, ray n baked grated cassava with sugar and coconut cream v masturbate, do nothing useful v adj be child-like vanua n place, land, community v (child) play v tug of war veimau v play cards veivuni v k children’s game, hide and seek veiwali v joke vilu n k fish, golden trevally L Gnathanodon speciosus vinaxa adj good, pleasant; exc thank you voci-a v peel with fingers (fruit), with knife (cassava) vociu n k fish, orange-spotted therapon L Mesopristes kneri vocoga exc (volleyball) spike hard in the first court (from Wainunu-i-ra ‘burn’) vodre n grasshopper

206 volibol n volleyball (from English) vonu n turtle < n ancestral spirit; v arise from, caused by vudi n plaintain vunitaumeni n children’s game, tag vunitaumeniduru v k children’s game, tag with posts vuriwai n river (also uciwai) vusou n taro leaves; dish of taro leaves, can be boiled in coconut cream, or sautéd (also rourou) walu num eight; n k fish Spanish mackerel L Scomberomorus commersoni wati- n spouse wavolivolita v surrounding wedewede v flirt welu n saliva wij n children’s game, tag in the water xaba-t v climb xabatia n k fish thumbprint emperor L Lethrinus ramak xabatiri v climb on a mangrove to spear fish xabi-t v stick—to xalavo n rat; exc promiscuous woman/man xaloxalo n star xalou n god xana, xania-trv eat xani v scaly skin, from excessive kava consumption xaraxarawa adj blue; n k fish, parrotfish L Chlorurus sordidus xau n plant, stick xau-t v take xele v anchor, reach destination

207 xetelexa n k fish, small mullet xidacala v startled xila-Ø v know, understand xoro n village, settlement xuita n octopus; v scourged xuro n pot

! exc exclamation of surprise yabaxi n year yabe-t v walk leisurely—on yaca n namesake yaca- n name yaciyaci v k fishing, use of small meshed net held by two people yaco-v v reach yadra v wake up; exc good morning yadre- n forehead !< n uncastrated bull, offensive if said to person yagilosi n angel (from Greek) yago- n body yalewa n female, woman yali v lost, get lost yalo n ghost yalo- n soul, spirit yaloxa n egg yame- n tongue yameyame v sweet talk yapositolo n apostle (from Greek) yaqona plant (Piper methysticum), drink made of this plant (also grog and kava) yaranexe v cheat during a card game (from English ‘renege’) yasa- n side

208 yate- n liver yatevetu n advent, four weeks before Christmas (from Latin ‘adventum’) yavu v foundation !! n thing, item, luggage

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APPENDIX C: LEXICON (in different domains)

The words that are included in the list are in Appendix B. The emphasis in Appendix C is on the vocabulary size under each domain listed; only 8 domains are selected. More can be reflected in a further research.

Qito ni gone ‘children’s games’ baxabaxa, butaxo sui , netbol netball, pani, pleidazen, pleikauboe, , raka, , samasolt, sisili, taj, throu leqs, toboura, veidredali, veimau, veivuni, volibol, vunitaumeni, vunitaumeniduru, wij, #. volibol ‘volleyball’ aujes, jaiva, lasbol, melsky, risiv, sot, sovu-t, saidout poin, spaik, vocoga, weista. siwa ‘fishing’ biu lawa, biubiu, buburu, cina, cocoxa, xabatiri, samarini, siwa, siwa qalo, siwa ina boto/bilibili, tili yaciyaci. breakfast food bani, denituwawa, doboi, keke, pai! ! !urini, qaqalo, roti, sikoni, silavo, topai, ika ‘fish’ #0! # , banito, batua! # # ! # # ! #0 , #<, busa, corocoro! <

210 qioloa, qiovula, qiobulubulu, qiokaboa, qiyawa, qiyawa ni toga, rana, rosinibogi, (laidamu), sabutu, saku, salala, salala ni toga, kava, salala ni toga, salala, saqa, dole, kodrokoro, saukelo, , senikawakawa, sevaseva, sevusevu, sokisoki, sumusumu, t

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Appendix D: Text 1

A story by Alice Whippy of Davutu, Wainunu, Bua.

= 1 < ' prep art past prep W III1 hab plant asp anaph art tea ‘Tea used to be grown in Wainunu in the past’

# 0 - < 0 ne-itou antis. tent meet-tr asp anaph that art some art poss-Iexcl3 aunties ‘Some of my aunties experienced this then’

Era dau yadra na vei- -dua na sova. III+ hab awake art each-morning III+ hab ind-one art basket ‘When they wake up each morning, they get a basket each’

Era qai dau laini me ra dau beti- # ' III+ then hab line conj III+ hab pick-tr art tea conj asp before comp hot art sun ‘They form a line to pick tea leaves before the sun gets hot’

Gona ni se bera na ono. that conj asp before art six ‘That was before six’

Era dau laxo era dau lei beti-a na no- III+ hab go III+ hab go-and pick-tr art poss-III+ tea-leaf ‘They go and pick their tea leaves’

212 qai dau tawa i na sova. then hab put-into prep art basket ‘then they (tea leaves) are put into a basket’

Era dau muri-a caxe na xe-na laini. III+ hab follow-tr up art poss-III1 line ‘They follow (up) its line’

-dra beti-a na drau- ! ! conj asp finish art poss-III+ pick-poss-III1-tr art leaf III+ asp return again hither ‘When they have finished picking their tea leaves, they return’ me ra mai sova-a i na vanua e dodonu me sova xina, conj III+ come-and pour-tr prep art place III1 right comp pour anaph ‘come and pour them into the place where they are supposed to be poured’

# '2 < -na vale. conj asp before comp hot art sun III1 hab ev art poss-III1 house ‘before the sun gets too hot. There was a building’ da -draya- --taxi. hab take hither art tea-leaf caus-dry (fire)-tr conj caus-dry-tr ‘the leaves are then brought and heated in the drier until they are dry’

# ! - . conj day Friday that poss-III+ day conj like conj III+ go prep town ‘Friday is like their ‘town’ day’

Gauna gona se sega xina na gaunisala, time that asp neg anaph art road ‘There was no road then’

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# ! -muri vuriwai caxe mai. III+ hab board prep art boat ints-follow river up hither ‘they got into a boat and followed the river to here’

2 ! III+ hab come-and redup-buy prep here many art person III+ hab work anaph ‘They came to shop here; a lot of people worked here’ o ira na duixaixai, < ' art III+ art different-people III+ hab work asp prep art tea-factory ‘those of different races were working at the tea factory’

." <xei Wainunu. art Davutu III1 like comp centre asp of W ‘Davutu was like the centre of Wainunu’

< ' like art time that like conj town asp to III+ ‘During that time, this was like a town to them’

# -0 0 day Friday hither caus-this prep art weekend III3 hab go-and dance meet together prep art happy ‘When Friday came at the weekend, they would go dancing and gather in joy’

=! " ' but III1 then close art plant tea prep Davutu conj asp neg comp plant art plenty art tea ‘But tea planting came to an end in Davutu when less tea was planted’

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Sega ni sega na xe-na tamata me te-a neg comp neg art poss-III1 person conj plant-tr ‘not because there were not enough people to plant’

0 -raut-i na xe- < ' this conj asp neg comp each-enough-tr art poss-III+ pay art person work asp anaph ‘this was because there wasn’t enough to pay the workers’ wages’

- -taxi. conj like conj asp neg comp cost good art tea conj sell-tr ‘As tea was not yielding a good return when sold’

. -mi. art III+ art person III+ asp neg comp work conj III+ asp neg comp pay-tr ‘The workers refused to work since they had not been paid’

2 -tamata i na no-dra dui xoro. III+ asp return again art each-person prep art poss-III+ each village ‘Everyone returned to their respective villages’

0 -<0 < ' prep to Ix3 this Ix3 hab see-tr asp art some art tea-plant art place III1 hab plant asp anaph ‘We here, can still see some tea plants where they used to be grown’

2 < art plenty art cement art place pst build asp anaph art house ‘There is a lot of concrete where the building once stood’

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Appendix D: Text 2

Na " "<#"" " "" ‘A story of an ancestral spirit: Daucina and the crab’

This conversation is about Daucina ‘light bearer’, and the crab, among speakers of Wainunu-i-caxe, in Jerry’s and Lydia’s house in Nakabuta, on a December 2007 evening. I (Ana [A2]) asked them to tell me stories of ancestral spirits.

The participants are: 1. Abe (A) is a Nakabuta villager, in his 40s, and speaks Wainunu-i-caxe. 2. Marica (M) is originally from Macuata and has been married with Abe in Nakabuta for more than 10 years. She is in her 40s and speaks SF, but with some Vanualevu words, eg ma past tense marker. 3. Jerry (J) is married to Lydia Whippy (L) of Nakabuta. Both are teachers and have been in Nakabuta for about 10 years. They are in their 30s. Jerry is originally from Lau. Their children are Inoke (I) who is studying at the Fiji School of Medicine and is in his early 20s, and Neomai (N) who is in her early teens and goes to the local primary school. They speak Wainunu-i-caxe, Jerry included. 4. William Whippy (W) from Nakabuta is in his early 20s and is teaching in Labasa. 5. Eteci Bhurrah (E) is a Nakabuta villager and is in her 40s.

Note: SF sentences by Marica are not morpheme-by-morpheme analysed as SF is not the focus of this study.

M: Na tikotiko nei D ! ‘Daucina’s residence is up there at Vunikauvula’

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I: Saga- -bale-a, sega ni rawa- -dua, try-tr art bulldozer comp caus-fall-tr not comp can-tr caus-one ‘A bulldozer tried to bring it down, but it did not succeed’

# -taxi xoya. then fall ints like-tr III1 ‘it just fell by itself’

M: " # ! ‘One day while we were camping down there’

00! / ! < C2qi), ‘these girls; Kuli, Sera (Aggie’s daughter)’

0! / ' ‘We were all together when Kuli was possessed by a spirit’

A: O Kuli cava? art Kuli what ‘Which Kuli?’

M: o Kuli ga mai Batinivuriwai, Kuli Walter ‘Kuli from Batinivuriwai who is married to Walter’

“<! P' ‘Hey, I can see a pair of white legs’

6 # ! ‘And was calling her from the window’

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# cake. ‘The window was situated far up and could not be reached’

>! <! #! ' ‘While we were looking, the door opened, and closed’

A2: Yalewa se tagane? female or male ‘Is it a male or female?’

M: E tagane, e domoni ira na yalewa ‘It’s a male, who desires women’

N: Qori na domo-ni ixo that will love-tr II1 ‘He will desire you’

I: .800 - ' -taxa i na bogi. art L part ints and M III2 hab play-tr prep art night QJ0 ; ! R

9 < 0 Iexcl+ hab be all art child like this ‘When we children were all present,

<< 0! qai dau laxo mai. III2 expose-bum-in-contempt prep beach then hab go hither ‘they would show their bums (in contempt) on the beach, and he would come’

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60 ' this art light very ints ‘He was indeed a light’

M: / 80 -? Q !! J0; QR

0 0 0! sikinala i na cina toj, ‘Just recently after she got married, they signalled with a torch’

0 ! # < ' ‘Just with that signal, it flew over without delay’

8 <' ‘It came right up to beside the house and stopped’

A2: 2 -rere- ? III1 hab caus-scare-tr ints art person ‘Does it only frighten people?’

I & M: Curu-! enter-tr completely ints ‘It can actually possess one!’

M: Ma curumi / # ‘It at least possessed Kuli that night’

A: . -a, ma curu-mi xeitou mai vale, II1 asp know-tr pst enter-tr Iexcl3 prep house ‘Do you know that it possessed us at home?’

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E taur- 0 - 0 A ' III1 hold-tr I1 like this then throw-tr I1 like this to art floor ‘It got hold of me like this and threw me like this to the floor’

O agkel Tom qori, e tau-ri xoya, qai xidomox-i xoya i wai qori art uncle T that2 III1 hold-tr III1 then throttle-tr III1 prep water that2 ‘It got hold of Uncle Tom and throttled him out there at sea’ na liga- - 0! art hand-III1poss III1 mark completely ints prep art neck-III1poss like this ‘and it left a hand impression on his neck, like this’

' mark completely ints prep art next day ‘The mark could be seen the next day’

." ! ! < -na. art uncle Dave Iexcl3 then go thither that asp hoarse asp art neck-III1poss ‘When we came upon Uncle Dave, his voice was hoarse by then’

Xeitou qai laxo yani, s !O :P Iexcl3 then go thither asp say hither art III1 exc of disgust ‘When we arrived, he said “Yuck!”’

-vi xeitou na bogi gona. thing strong happen-tr Iexcl3 art night that ‘We experienced something powerful that night’

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Gona o yau, o K, Yalu levu xei Niki. that art I1 art K Y big and N ‘That was me, K, big Yalu, and Niki’

"Tau- P' ! hold-tr Iexcl3 part ints neg comp five art minute ‘“Let he possess us”. Within five minutes’ yalu-mi yau gona qai wabura-xi yau sobu gona i na floa, grab-tr I1 that then threw-tr I1 down that prep art floor ‘he grabbed me and threw me down on the floor’

' conj snap completely ints hither art mosquito-net ‘And the mosquito net snapped’

.> - ! 0 ' art Y big when asp take-tr III1 not comp then do able art one art thing ‘When it possessed big Yalu, he wasn’t able to do anything’

> #< 0 that3 conj Iexcl3 sit asp like this ‘That was when we were sitting like this’ o rogo-< ava ni laxo wavoxi tixo i yasa ni vale. II1 hear-tr completely asp ints art sound-of foot conj go round cont prep side of house ‘you could clearly hear footsteps going beside the house’

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E: Laxo yani vei Anti Zein, lei xana uvi xei na weleti, go thither to Aunty Jane go-and eat yam and art pawpaw ‘He went to Aunty Jane’s place and ate yam and pawpaw’

-rai-taxa tixo mai na liga-na i na luvas. then caus-see-tr cont hither art hand-III1poss prep art louvre ‘and he was showing his hands through the louvres’

W: < F ! how art III1 art hand art III1 asp mark be at III3 art uncle Henry ‘How about the hand impression at Uncle Henry’s place?’

no-dratou vale maxawa. poss-III3 house old ‘their old house’

# - < -na. conj paint times-some together III1 mark asp ints art hand-III1poss ‘Despite being painted over a few times, the hand impression remains’

N: <:. ! -ca na tevoro, o Sheli excl art III+ part ints art child III+ asp see-tr art ghost art Shelly ‘Even the children such as Shelly have seen ghosts’

# -rere- that3 asp sug caus-scare-tr very ints ‘Now! That is truly scary’

J: <: tale qori lewa. excl asp hop again that2 girl ‘Ae! You’ve jumped to another topic, girl’

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W: . * # ! o xoya ma xau- < 0 ' art S and P art year asp finish art III1 pst take-tr III2 asp prep sea ‘Last year, he took Samu and Pau out to sea’

. -muri-

rau caca-wiri-wir ! 0-drau benisini III2 redup-go round empty poss-III2 benzene ‘they went around in circles, and ran out of fuel’

< " ' III2 then go-and crash asp prep D ‘and grounded at Dogociri’

! -ca na lori ne- G 0 asp morning III2 asp then see-tr art lorry poss-of F conj pass like this ‘It was morning when they saw Filipe’s lorry drive past this way’

- - a. III2 asp then know-tr comp III2 asp be ints prep M ‘They then realised they were still at Muanicula’

I: " ,< 8 ! # Naiyala, one again art time art granny Lisi III1 pst walk from inland conj go hither N ‘At another occasion, granny Lisi walked from inland to come to Naiyala’

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! " , pst bring chicken roast cont hither reach ints hither to D ‘she was carrying some roast chicken, and upon reaching Daucina’

ma viri-taxa “xe- 0! P' pst throw-tr poss-II1 this I1 asp go ahead ‘threw some over, and said “This is yours, I am going ahead”

Qai mai curu- ! ! -qito- ' then come-and enter-tr III1 prep N pst not comp intentional pst casually- redup-play ints ‘And he possessed her at Naiyala. She didn’t intend it, she was just playing around’

M: ." << , ‘One should swear or show one’s buttocks in contempt at Daucina’

! . ‘or beat a drum (biscuit tin), and he would then disappear’

I: < - ! ' I1 conj asp scared how much comp-I1 shout ints that3 III1 finish ‘No matter how scared I get, I simply have to scream and it will go away’

W: - ! # # ! asp happen-tr I1finish art year asp finish prep hostel ‘It happened to me last year, in the hostel’

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au qai tadra- # -iro-vi yau tixo mai na #! I1 then dream-tr comp like art one art old woman comp ints-peep-tr I1 cont prep art door ‘I dreamt that an old woman was looking at me through the door’

! # -dua. I1 then scream art level-three that3 comp III+ wake all times-one ‘and I screamed, and everyone on the third floor woke up’

J: Na no-dra i-tixo-tixo li qori na yalewa-cina o Delainamasi art poss-III3 nom-redup-stay ints that2 art woman-light art D ‘Delainamasi is the home of the female light-bearers’

W: 0 ' art place occupy art place that3 ‘That place is haunted’

J: # , place that2 conj Iexcl+ asp walk hither art drunk ‘When we walked past that place while we were drunk’

# . not comp one want collapse prep art bus-stop prep here ‘no one would want to collapse at the bus-stop here’

Xeimami sa na vosot-! -dua i na hausig Iexcl+ asp will bear-tr ints Iexcl+ will go completely-one prep art housing estate ‘We would keep walking until we reached the housing estate’

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00 00# ' neg ints comp one want wait prep art place of wait bus ‘no one would want to wait at the bus-stop’

W: - # ##! -maqo- , conj-II1 ascend imm ints hither art slope art coll-redup-mango that3 ‘Just when you come up the slope, the mango trees there’

. asp not ints comp one III1 want collapse prep inside that3 ‘No one would want to collapse in there’

-< 0 A! ' pst build completely asp prep art 1912 or how-many exactly that3 ‘It was built in 1912 or whichever year it was’

J: 9 # ! < @ # " Iexcl+ conj asp walk hither begin prep C comp reach prep D ‘When we walked, starting from Caubati to Delainamasi’

! , not comp one want collapse prep there despite asp drunk ‘no one would want to collapse there, even if they were drunk’

! asp not ints comp one III1 want sleep prematurely ‘no one would want to sleep prematurely’

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xeimami na qai lei davo yani i na hausin, na postofis i kena. Iexcl+ will then go-and lie thither prep art housing-estate art post-office prep there ‘Then we would go and lie down in the housing estate, at the post office there’

= 0 8! 0. prep there conj reach completely prep art bridge prep L art place occupy ‘It is J/. R

I: < A # ! ! I1 hab fun prep I1 comp Iincl+ hab scared prep hostel conj person many ‘It is fun when we get scared in the hostel, when there are many of us’

me < ' conj Iincl+ then corner together asp prep art one art corner ‘when we are all sharing the same corner’

Na qari

A: < ! art ancestral-spirit art crab conj hab enter thither art mullet ‘The crab is an ancestral spirit, when the mullet comes (upriver)’

e na liu tixo yani na qari, me dau curu yani i Cogea. III1 will lead cont thither art crab conj hab enter thither prep C ‘a crab will lead them when they enter into Cogea’

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Appendix E: Map and Sketches The sketches below are of each villages and approximated locations of households in each area. The government road and bushtracks are marked in black while blue lines mark river tributaries.

Sketch map 1: Batinivuriwai

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Sketch map 2: Naxabuta

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Sketch map 3: Wainivesi

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