Vol. 8 Nº2 págs. 277-292. 2010

www.pasosonline.org https://doi.org/10.25145/j.pasos.2010.08.020

Heritage in ’s Desinicized Nationalism

Duarte B. Moraisii The Pennsylvania State University (EEUU)

Su-Hsin Leeiii National Taiwan Normal University (Taiwan)

Jing-Shoung Houiv Tung-Hai University (Taiwan)

Chung-Hsien Linv Feng-Chia University (Taiwan)

Careen M. Yarnalvi The Pennsylvania State University (EEUU)

Garry Chickvii The Pennsylvania State University (EEUU)

Abstract: In postmodern societies, the touristic consumption of symbols of identity contributes to the formation of national identities. The purpose of this study was to examine residents’ and tourists’ pers- pectives on the meanings attached to and impacts caused by heritage tourism development. Data col- lected through structured interviews and field observations in Lu-Kang, Taiwan revealed that the local heritage is seen as personally meaningful not only by local residents and culture brokers but also by domestic visitors. Tourism development is reported to bring economic and cultural revitalization but is also blamed for crowding, commercialization and environmental pollution. Lu-Kang, is thus a space for the dissemination of extant symbols of a Desinicized national identity; symbols that accentuate Taiwan’s history of colonization and ethnic diversity, and that situate the nation’s origin with the arrival of mi- grants from the Mainland.

Key words: Nationalism; Heritage; Taiwanization.

ii Associate Professor of Recreation, Park, and Tourism Management. The Pennsylvania State University. 801 Ford, University Park, PA 16802. 814-865-5614. FAX.814-867-1751. E-mail: [email protected]. iii Professor of Geography. National Taiwan Normal University, 106, Taiwan. E-mail: [email protected]. iv Professor of Landscape Architecture. Tung-Hai University, 407, Taiwan. E-mail: [email protected]. v Associate Professor of Land Management. Feng-Chia University, 403, Taiwan. E-mail: [email protected] vi Assistant Professor of Recreation, Park, and Tourism Management. The Pennsylvania State. University, University Park, PA 16802. E-mail: [email protected] vii Professor of Recreation, Park, and Tourism Management. The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA 16802. E-mail: [email protected]

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Resumen: En las sociedades posmodernas, el consumo turístico de los símbolos de la identidad contri- buye a la formación de las identidades nacionales. El propósito de este estudio fue examinar las perspec- tivas de residentes y turistas sobre los significados asociados a y los impactos causados por el desarrollo del patrimonio turístico. Los datos recogidos mediante entrevistas estructuradas y observaciones de cam- po en Lu-Kang (Taiwan) pusieron de manifiesto que el patrimonio local es visto como significativo no sólo por los residentes locales y los agentes culturales, sino también por los visitantes nacionales. El desarrollo del turismo ha traído la revitalización económica y cultural, pero también hacinamiento, co- mercialización cultural y contaminación ambiental. Lu-Kang, es, pues, un espacio para la difusión de los símbolos existentes de una identidad nacional; con símbolos que acentúan la historia de Taiwan de la colonización y la diversidad étnica, y que sitúan el origen de la nación con la llegada de migrantes pro- cedentes del continente.

Palabras clave: Nacionalismo; Patrimonio; Taiwanización.

Introduction riences are typically co-constructed by fac- tions with potentially conflicting interests The growing efforts devoted to the study (Bandyopadhyay and Morais 2005; Ban- of heritage tourism support the idea that dyopadhyay, Morais and Chick 2008; Chro- heritage tourism is more than just the nis 2005; Davis and Morais 2004; Nuryanti commercial provision of services to fulfill 1996). Therefore, it is not surprising that society’s nostalgic search for authenticity tourism researchers have challenged the (Bandyopadhyay, Morais and Chick 2008; idea that heritage tourism experiences re- MacCannell 1976; McCain and Ray 2003; flect the ideology of one single homogene- Urry 2002). Rather, heritage tourism is ous group. Instead, several authors have now widely regarded as a biased selection commented that heritage tourism expe- and interpretation of history in ways that riences are negotiated cultural productions, further the ideology of those with the co-constructed by the tourism industry, the means of cultural production (Johnson media, the government, non-governmental 1999). For example, Light (2001) reported organizations, local residents, and by the that the heritage of the “House of the tourists themselves (Aas, Ladkin, and People” in Bucharest has been renegotiated Fletcher 2005; Chronis 2005). Accordingly, and is now narrated in a way consistent while some of the aforementioned sources with Romania’s emerging post-socialist make important contributions to under- identity. Pretes (2003) indicated that standing the ideological motivations in- Mount Rushmore National Monument, the fluencing the official framing of the past in Wall Drug Store and Rapid City Dinosaur heritage destinations, few authors have National Park in South Dakota, USA pro- examined how other groups involved in the vide symbols of independence, freedom, co-construction of heritage for tourism in- equality, free enterprise and natural gran- terpret, negotiate, translate and strengthen deur central to American nationalism. the destinations’ symbols of identity. Chronis (2005) claimed that social values of Another predominant focus of research patriotism and national unity permeate the has been the nature of the relationship stories conveyed to thousands of visitors to between heritage conservation and tourism the Gettysburg National Park (USA). Last- development. Some authors have noted ly, both Arranz (2006) and Pritchard and that tourism development tends to cause Morgan (2001) commented on how promo- heritage degradation (Jansen-Verbeke tions of Wales to the British were embed- 1998; Mitchell 1998). Namely, some argue ded with hegemonic portrayals of Wales as that tourism leads to the standardization of the primitive other, while promotions for built and live heritage (Jansen-Verbeke foreign markets were embedded with na- 1998) as the industry responds to tourists’ tionalist discourses of resistance against demands with easily recognizable and in- British rule. terpretable cultural products (Johnson One of the frequent preoccupations of 1999; Light 2001; Lowenthal 1996). Con- tourism scholars is that the tourism system versely, some authors support the belief is complex and, as a result, tourist expe- that the relationship between tourism de-

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velopment and heritage preservation may tended that this is the process through be synergistic (Aas, Ladkin, and Fletcher which nationalism turns otherwise dis- 2005; McKercher, Ho, and du Cros 2005). persed and fragmented populations into a Those authors point out that heritage pre- national community united around an im- servation is costly and demands political agined common heritage. will, and that economic and political value In addition to concerns over the engi- can be obtained through the thoughtful use neering of a national identity, the study of of the heritage resources for tourism. nationalism requires thinking about how this imagined identity is disseminated and Nationalism assimilated by the populace (Coakley 2004). Despite the contemporary prevalence of This process is critical because without widespread labor mobility, cultural hybridi- widespread socialization of the population ty, and global division of production and into the identity imagined by the intelli- trade, nations seem to remain at the center gentsia, nationalism movements would be of today’s “world order, the main object of perceived as internal colonialism or as a individual loyalties, the chief definer of [an new form of autocratic government. Some individual’s] identity” (Smith 1971, p. 2). of the tools used by nations to “communi- Nationalism, or individuals’ collective alle- cate” with their populations include closely giance to a nation (Hutchinson & Smith managed institutions such as public educa- 1994) is foremost centered in the principle tion, and the mass media (Coakley 2004). of self-determination: the populace must In addition, nations also nurture desirable govern their own future free from outside national identities through the sanctioning control or the control of domestic elites of important symbols of nationalism such (Hutchinson & Smith 1994). Furthermore, as language, maps, currency, and holidays nationalism requires a sense of commonali- (Anderson 1991; Smith 1991). While these ty among members of the nation and of tools of political socialization have been difference in contrast to outsiders; a com- widely debated and studied by nationalism monality based on a collective conscious- scholars (Anderson 1991; Lowenthal 1996; ness of a shared past and vision for the Wang 2005), less attention has been given future (Weber 1948). to the contemporary phenomenon of herit- Much of the contemporary debate over age tourism. Heritage tourism has become nationalism centers precisely in the inter- increasingly associated with nationalism section of these two principles: self- because this form of tourism allows indi- determination and communality. Namely, viduals to gaze and experience selected some authors argue that collective percep- symbols of identity (Johnson 1999; Palmer tions of a national identity may be manipu- 1999; Richter 1999; Walsh 1992). Moreover, lated to influence desirable political choices Light (2001) notes that in postmodern so- resulting in a false sense of self- cieties heritage tourism is becoming a pre- determination due to careful manipulation dominant factor in shaping national identi- of history (Coakley 2004). While many take ties because postmodern individuals define a Marxist view of nationalism and see it as and express who they are through conspi- a transition of power from an elite to the cuous consumption. Hence, the current masses, others argue that nationalism re- increased interest in heritage tourism in sults from the rise of a new elite; the intel- the context of nationalism is warranted and ligentsia, a social class that controls the timely as this postmodern consumption of means of cultural production and dissemi- national symbols is likely to affect much of nation (Smith 1971). Indeed, Hobsbawm what has been written about construction (1983) proposed that the process of natio- and dissemination of national identities. nalism lays on inventing traditions by fo- cusing on slices of history that support the The Taiwanization Movement intelligentsia’s ideology. Coakley (2004) Most nationalist movements are charac- further proposed that, since history is sub- terized by turbulent and, all too often, vio- jective and complex, this purposefully lent transitions from authoritarian rule to crafted and easily consumable history is democratic self-determination (Smith frequently based on “over-simplification, if 1971). A few nations, however, are able to not misinterpretation and fabrication” of progress through the nationalism process the past (p. 533). Anderson (1991) also con- in a relatively peaceful way (Laliberté

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2004). Taiwan is arguably one of those na- mass public demonstrations where natio- tions as it has over the last three decades nalist “elites begun to construct their own emerged peacefully from a 400-year long [desinicized] version of national [identity]” history of autocratic rule into a growing (Wang 2005, p. 69). The four decades of the sense of shared national identity and of Taiwanization movement have resulted in self-determined destiny (Laliberté 2004; widespread changes permeating all facets Makeham 2005). Taiwan’s nationalism of Taiwanese politics, society, religion and movement is commonly termed Bentuhua, culture (Chang 2003; Sangren 2003). For literally meaning localization. In this paper example, the Renshi Taiwan education the movement will movement led to the infusion of history, be termed Taiwanization (Jacobs 2005; geography and languages specific to Tai- Rudolph 2003; 2004) to better reflect its wan in school curriculums (Wang 2005). In intended meaning – the process whereby addition, media broadcasting has included “the uniqueness of Taiwanese socie- increasing amounts of programming in ty/culture/history must be appreciated and Taiwanese regionalects, and there has been interpreted from the viewpoint of the Tai- an increased interest and investment in wanese people,” and the process in which theme parks, historic areas, and festivals all peoples from Taiwan “achieve equal focusing on Aborigine, Hakka or Hoklo political citizenship and political power, heritage (Hou 2000; Taiwan Tourism Bu- and are able to pursue the goal of a distinct reau 2003). nation-state status for Taiwan” (Makeham While the Taiwan-centered version of a 2005, p. 11). The Taiwanization movement national identity is complex, disputed and germinated in the 1960’s and 1970’s while ever evolving, there are several tenets that the regime governed the isl- have remained central over time. First, and as the displaced legitimate government since the arrival of Taiwan’s aborigines, of all (Chang 2003; Wang 2005). various ethnic groups migrated to Taiwan During this period, the Kuomintang and were often ruled by colonizing powers adopted a policy of cultural by until they were allowed to democratically promoting and repressing elect their president in 1996 (Wang 2005). Aborigine cultures, Hakka culture, and Second, the national identity is intimately Hoklo culture (hybridized Han culture connected with Taiwan’s colonial heritage. brought by early Han immigrants from On one hand, it portrays the period during province) (Hsiau 2000). For exam- Japanese rule (i.e., 1895-1945) as a golden ple, the Kuomintang initiated the Chinese age by highlighting education and infra- Cultural Renaissance Movement in 1966 to structure developments brought by the establish Taiwan as “the defender of au- Japanese, and underplaying their alleged thentic Chinese culture” and to instill pride atrocities (Taylor 2005). On the other hand, in the Chinese culture among all Taiwa- it characterizes the period of nese (Wang 2005, p. 61). Further, the Ku- rule (1683-1895) and the period of Kuomin- omintang declared traditional Mandarin as tang rule until the 1996 elections as dark Taiwan’s official language and by imposing ages in which foreign colonizing powers fines on anyone caught using aborigine and exploited the Taiwanese (Wang 2005). Taiwanese regionalects (Wang 2005). This Third, the Taiwanese national identity is China-centered view was also reflected in anchored also in an age of struggle for de- the government’s media policies limiting mocracy with particular focus on the Dan- the amount of broadcasting in non- huai party leaders imprisoned by the Kuo- Mandarin dialects, in the control of text- mintang after the Kaushong incident in book contents portraying Taiwan a one of 1979 (Jacobs 2005). China’s 36 provinces (Wang 2005), and in the investment in and preservation of Chi- Lu-Kang’s Taiwanese Heritage nese built heritage (Taylor 2005). Contras- Several authors have already aptly tingly, the birth of the Taiwanization commented on the role of institutions such movement is often associated with the as formal education (Wang 2005), official Danhua party’s (unofficial opposition party) language (Hsiau 2000), religion (Katz and publication of dissident magazines and Rubinstein 2003), popular literature (Had-

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don 2005; Hsiau 2005) and the media (Ja- Kang remained a repressed and isolated cobs 2005) in the Taiwanization movement. town during most of the 20th century until However, with a few exceptions (Hou, Lin its heritage tourism industry begun to and Morais 2005), the study of the role of grow. It’s rich history and fast economic tourism in the Taiwanization movement collapse spared it from the cultural homo- has been largely neglected. This paper at- genization brought by the rapid economic tempts to bring additional insight into the development and modernization registered intersection of Taiwanization and tourism in other regions of Taiwan during the 20th by focusing on a heritage tourism destina- century (DeGlopper 1995). Today Lu-Kang tion closely aligned with the previously has several sites officially designated as discussed central tenets of Taiwan’s na- national heritage (Taiwan tional identity. 2003) attracting between .4 to 1.2 million Lu-Kang (鹿港) is arguably one of Tai- visitors in 2003 (Taiwan Tourism Bureau wan’s most popular heritage tourism desti- 2004). Figure 1 illustrates Lu-Kang’s loca- nations displaying the island’s history of tion in the central region of Taiwan. migration, and colonization by the Japa- nese and well as religious traditions (DeG- Meanings and Tourism Impacts in Lu- lopper 1995). In the 17th century Lu-Kang Kang was a major harbor for exports by the Dutch. Subsequently, it became the prima- Nationalism movements and national ry gateway to Central Taiwan and was identities have long been the focus of aca- designated as a sister sea-harbor of the demic research as they are central to do- town of Han-Chiang on the east coast of mestic and global relations, allegiances and . During the 17th and 18th conflicts. In this postmodern era where centuries Lu-Kang became one of the big- individuals’ identities are strongly asso- gest commercial and cultural centers in ciated with conspicuous consumption, her- Taiwan thanks to intense trading across itage tourism has gained an important role the strait and continuous inflow of Hakka in national identity formation. While sev- and Hoklo immigrants from the Fujian, eral authors have made substantial devel- Xinghua, Zhangzhou and Guangdong prov- opments in the understanding of the inter- sections between tourism and nationalism, inces (DeGlopper 1995). As a result, Lu- their collective efforts have seldom ad- Kang now retains “a fabulous legacy of dressed nationalism movements in South- temples and buildings constructed in vari- East Asia, a region known for its ethnic ous regional styles” (Bender, Grundvig, and complexity, long history of autocratic re- Kelly 2004, p. 208) as testament of Tai- gimes, and inexperience in democracy. Fur- wan’s origin as the home to diverse groups thermore, most contributions have typically of industrious immigrants. The period of focused on the ideology influencing formal Japanese colonial rule registered important institutions of cultural production (i.e., the changes to the town. Buildings were demo- sate) and have paid less attention to the lished to make room for better roads, a meanings, opinions and motivations of oth- train line was built, and the sea port was er groups informally involved in the co- closed due to silting. Further, several Jap- construction of heritage tourism expe- anese colonial style buildings were built riences (e.g., residents and tourists). There- and still remain well preserved (e.g., the fore, the purpose of this study was to com- Lu-Kang Folk Arts Museum) (Bender et al pensate for this lacuna by examining resi- 2004). At the end of the 19th century, Lu- dents’ and tourists’ perspectives on the Kang finally lost its key role in national meanings attached to and impacts caused and cross-strait trade due to the closing of by heritage tourism development in Lu- its port, and due to advances in ocean and Kang, Taiwan. The following two objectives land transportation in the region. As a re- guided this inquiry. sult, Lu-Kang’s economy collapsed and, 1. To examine what meanings residents during the first decade of the 20th century, and tourists attach to Lu-Kang. a large number of its residents migrated to 2. To examine residents’ and tourists’ regions experiencing fast growth (i.e., Tai- perceptions of tourism impacts in Lu-Kang. pei and Kaushung) (DeGlopper 1995). Lu-

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Figure 1. Study site

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Meanings and Tourism Impacts in Lu- des, craftsmen working on furniture or Kang wood sculptures, and tourists. The data were collected through structured in- Nationalism movements and national terviews using a common interview identities have long been the focus of aca- protocol with minor modifications to fit demic research as they are central to do- each group of informants. The protocol mestic and global relations, allegiances and included six questions of which three conflicts. In this postmodern era where were used for this article. Namely, the individuals’ identities are strongly asso- informants were asked: What does Lu- ciated with conspicuous consumption, her- Kang mean to you? How is tourism po- itage tourism has gained an important role sitively impacting Lu-Kang? and How in national identity formation. While sev- is tourism negatively impacting Lu- eral authors have made substantial devel- Kang? opments in the understanding of the inter- Over a 5-day fieldwork period in sections between tourism and nationalism, July 2004, eleven local residents were their collective efforts have seldom ad- interviewed in Lu-Kang’s two main dressed nationalism movements in South- temples and in the street clusters of East Asia, a region known for its ethnic Lu-Kang’s historic center. The resi- complexity, long history of autocratic re- dents included six males and five fema- gimes, and inexperience in democracy. Fur- les with ages ranging from the mid 20’s thermore, most contributions have typically to 70 years old. Their occupations were focused on the ideology influencing formal equally varied, with many owning and institutions of cultural production (i.e., the often managing tourism businesses sate) and have paid less attention to the (e.g., tea shop, store selling paper mo- meanings, opinions and motivations of oth- ney used in religious offerings), and er groups informally involved in the co- some being students in a neighboring construction of heritage tourism expe- college or being retired from the go- riences (e.g., residents and tourists). There- vernment. During this fieldwork, the fore, the purpose of this study was to com- researchers held two debriefing ses- pensate for this lacuna by examining resi- sions daily to assure that the informa- dents’ and tourists’ perspectives on the tion gathered was shared among the meanings attached to and impacts caused researchers and to detect when the da- by heritage tourism development in Lu- ta were saturated (Creswell 2003). The Kang, Taiwan. The following two objectives data were considered saturated after guided this inquiry. 11 interviews, and as a result no more 1. To examine what meanings residents resident informants were sought. The and tourists attach to Lu-Kang. interviews with tourists followed the 2. To examine residents’ and tourists’ same general procedures described ear- perceptions of tourism impacts in Lu-Kang. lier for local residents. The debriefing sessions revealed that data saturation Study Methods was achieved after 15 tourists were in- Heritage tourism experiences are co- terviewed. These tourists represented constructed by groups of hosts involved both genders and had ages ranging in preparation and delivery of tourism from the mid 20’s to the 50’s, with most services (i.e., local residents, service traveling in nuclear families or in providers, retailers) and by the tourists groups of three to five friends. who bring specific motivations and ex- Collecting data from local guides pectations to the destination (Chronis and craftsmen required a completely 2005). Therefore, in order to study me- different recruiting and interviewing anings and tourism impacts in Lu- methods. Since these informants were Kang, data were collected from four dif- geographically dispersed it was more ferent groups of informants: individu- feasible to interview them in groups. als living in the historical sections of Accordingly, the local Tour Guide Asso- Lu-Kang, individuals working as gui- ciation, the Craftsmen Association and

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the Tourism Bureau coordinated recru- analysis. The analysis of the meanings iting for and scheduling of group mee- attached to Lu-Kang required initial tings with members of the two target open coding to identify the main under- informant groups. Specifically, two lying themes but the analysis of im- group interviews with guides and two pacts employed the 3-dimensions of group interviews with craftsmen were impacts prevalent in the tourism lite- scheduled. The first interview with rature (i.e., cultural, economic, envi- guides included one woman and three ronmental; Gartner 1996). Next, the men with ages ranging from the mid data were analyzed with axial coding 20’s to the mid 50’s, and the second in- according to the underlying themes terview included 2 female college stu- previously identified. The results of dents (mid 20’s) working part-time as this analysis were compiled in tables guides and two full-time male guides in and organized in decreasing order of their 30’s. The first interview with occurrence. The analysis was led by the craftsmen included seven males with primary author with constant involve- ages ranging between the mid 30’s and ment of the American and Taiwanese the mid 60’s, and the second interview co-authors to provide cross-rater and included two females and three males cross-cultural reliability (Creswell with ages ranging between the mid 30’s 2003; Denzin and Lincoln 2000). to the mid 60’s. In both cases (guides Information collected from intervi- and craftsmen), the second interview ews with residents and tourists was generally supported the findings from this study’s primary source of data. the first interview; therefore, the data However, insight from field observati- were deemed saturated and no more ons was instrumental in bringing con- group interviews were scheduled. The text and meaning to the results, and interviews followed a Nominal Group adding richness to their interpretation Technique structure (Ritchie 1985) be- and discussion (Dewalt, Dewalt, and cause this technique allows for indivi- Wayland 1998). While the primary au- dual input from each informant in the thor’s onsite exposure to Lu-Kang was group before assessing the group’s ge- limited to the 5-day fieldwork in July neral consensus on the questions asked 2004, the Taiwanese co-authors had ex- (Creswell 2003). During these group in- tensive experience in the area due to terviews, the informants were asked to their long-term involvement in tourism call out their responses to a question so planning and development projects for their answers could be recorded as lists the local government – Chan- on flip-charts. Next all informants were ghua County. given three red stickers and asked to place them in the flip-chart next to The Meaning of Lu-Kang’s Heritage their three preferred responses. This The first objective of this study was to procedure was repeated to produce a examine what meanings residents and ranked list of answers for each questi- tourists attach to Lu-Kang. A preliminary on. examination of the responses to the ques- The data from individual and group tion “what does Lu-Kang mean to you?” interviews were collected and recorded revealed that the informants’ responses in traditional Mandarin, the official could be coded into four dimensions: per- language in Taiwan. After the data we- sonal roots, pride in shared culture, historic re transcribed to MS Word files, they importance, and utility value (Table 1). were independently translated to En- Axial coding of the data produced lists of glish by two individuals fluent in En- statements weighted according to frequen- glish and Mandarin to maximize accu- cy of occurrence. A first dimension, person- racy of translation (Denzin and Lincoln al roots, was very prevalent in responses of 2000). Once the interviews were trans- residents interviewed in the historic streets lated, the answers regarding meanings of Lu-Kang. Many simply responded that and impacts were isolated for content Lu-Lang was their hometown or that it was

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“the place where [they] grew up (…).” rich material culture exemplary of the re- Guides and craftsmen also alluded to their gion’s tradition of combining techniques lifetime roots in the community but, most and styles from several coexisting cultures importantly, they indicated that their pro- (e.g., lamps, dialect). Interestingly, both fessional roles in Lu-Kang were central to themes are highly consistent with Taiwan’s their self identity (“we are interpreters of emerging identity as a nation where sever- Lu-Kang;” “the carpenters in Lu-Kang are al cultures coexist and enrich each other. the best”). These comments indicate that Nations need a myth of origin (Coakley local residents formally and informally 2004) and Lu-Kang is one of the last re- contributing to the tourists’ gaze upon Lu- maining places in Taiwan documenting the Kang have a real connection with the local arrival of Hakka and Hoklo immigrants heritage and are not simply acting inside a from Mainland China during the 17th and touristscape to collect tourist revenues. 18th centuries. The emphasis on the growth, They seem to feel that they are sharing prosperity and cultural openness of this era their personal heritage with the nation – further legitimizes the desinicized national- not just performing an act for money. Con- ist ideology because it speaks of a golden trastingly, tourists’ responses were seldom era where cultural freedom and self- classified in this category with few excep- determination (limited intervention from tions coming from tourists with ancestors the Mainland) led to the nation’s greatest in/from Lu-Kang (“I am Taiwanese. My accomplishments (Coakley 2004). Also the parents lived here but moved to Taipei”). idea that this golden period preceded the Japanese and the Kuomintang lends addi- This finding suggests that a few of the in- tional support to the nationalist movement formants were legacy tourists returning to as precedence provides legitimacy and Lu-Kang to visit relatives or to reconnect power (Lowenthal 1996). with ancestors (McCain and Ray 2003). The residents’ expressed pride in the lo- Most importantly, the way in which those cal dialect and in other local cultural traits legacy tourists declared their personal roots and the tourists’ comments about local and to the destination suggested that they con- folk culture also show a clear localization of sidered this characteristic as proof of their Lu-Kang’s heritage. The heritage con- true Taiwaneseness. structed and consumed in Lu-Kang is, According to a second dimension, pride therefore, representative of that place, and in shared culture, local residents seldom consequently of Taiwan, and not of the eth- alluded to how Lu-Kang’s culture had a nic group or dynasty from which it origi- special significance within the broader na- nated. This localization of culture is central tional heritage. The guides and craftsmen, to the Taiwanization nationalism move- however, were keener in mentioning how ment (Makeham 2005) as it recognized the proud they were about Lu-Kang’s cultural legitimacy of all cultures in Taiwan (Wang significance: “The changes of rituals from 2005). Conversely, this narrative contrasts bamboo to paper” (alluding to the tradi- with the cultural homogenization policies of tional art of making baskets and lanterns earlier (allegedly colonial) governments. used in rituals); and “This was the second Comments recorded from tourists fre- hometown for aliens coming from China” quently alluded to the national significance (referring to the town’s important role as a of Lu-Kang’s culture. Several tourists re- gateway for immigrants from Mainland ferred to Lu-Kang’s culture as theirs (“Lu- th th China during the 17 and 18 centuries). Kang represents our culture”) and as their These findings suggest that, while some country’s (“Preservation of customs and local residents seemed to pay less attention ”) suggesting that herit- to the nation’s interest in their personal age tourism destinations may indeed allow heritage, the local individuals involved in visitors to experience their national identi- tourism were quite cognizant that their ty (Palmer 2005). In addition, it was evi- heritage is of national significance. Moreo- dent that tourists engage in this process of ver, the slices of Lu-Kang’s heritage that identity creation or reaffirmation conscien- seemed particularly valued by the respon- tiously as some affirmed, for example, that dents were the city’s key role in receiving Lu-Kang was a place where “children can immigrants from Mainland China and its

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learn local culture and customs” and where utility value as a good destination to pur- one can “absorb culture because there are sue the pleasures of family travel such as few paces like this in the north.” Interes- “purchas[ing] well-known local crafts,” tingly, while authors have aptly docu- “traditional children’s toys,” and “eat[ing] mented on how the public and private sec- famous local food.” Residents did not com- tor may actively use heritage tourism as a ment significantly on Lu-Kang’s historical means to disseminate symbols of a common importance but craftsmen did comment on identity (Palmer 1999; Pretes 2003) few how they depended on Lu-Kang. For exam- authors have examined whether the tour- ple, several indicated that “Lu-Kang is in- ists are conscious participants in this spiration for [their] work” and others noted process. This study suggests that they are; that “masters in Lu-Kang never worry supporting Chronis’ (2005) assertion that about finding jobs.” Interestingly guides tourists are actively involved in negotiat- and residents did not mention this level of ing, defining and strengthening the cultur- dependence on Lu-Kang, although the al meanings of the destination. guides and many of the residents were lo- Informants also highlighted the historic cally involved in the heritage tourism in- and purely utilitarian value of Lu-Kang. dustry. These findings indicate that, for the Namely, tourists commented frequently on respondents, the conservation of heritage Lu-Kang’s historic importance, particularly and its enjoyment (through work or leisure) regarding its “interesting historic sites;” are compatible, and suggest that tensions and “traditional temples and settings.” In between tradition and modernity are not addition, they commented on Lu-Kang’s paramount or universal (Nuryanti 1996).

Table 1. Meanings of Lu-Kang

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Perceived Impacts of Tourism on Lu-Kang’s specific ways in which tourism was facili- Heritage tating cultural development in Lu-Kang. The second objective of the study was to Namely, several guides noted that many examine residents’ and tourists’ percep- books about Lu-Kang were being written tions of tourism impacts in Lu-Kang. Pre- and sold, and that guides were now being vious literature has traditionally divided trained, tested and certified by the local perceptions of impacts into cultural, eco- government. The craftsmen indicated that nomic and environmental (Gartner 1996). the local youth was getting increasingly Therefore, these three dimensions were interested and engaged in the local culture, used for the axial coding of the informants’ alluding to the recent influx of young ap- perceptions of positive and negative im- prentices to their workshops. These find- pacts. Overall, cultural impacts were the ings suggest that heritage tourism in Lu- most frequently mentioned benefits of tour- Kang is not seen as sacrificing local culture ism in Lu-Kang (Tables 2 and 3). Namely, for the sake of economic development, all groups of informants indicated that her- which elucidates the debate over tensions itage tourism in Lu-Kang helped the con- between tradition and modernity in herit- servation and dissemination of local cul- age tourism (Nuryanti 1996). ture. The guides and craftsmen mentioned

Table 2. Positive Impacts of tourism in Lu-Kang

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Table 3. Negative Impacts of tourism in Lu-Kang

Regarding negative cultural impacts, all Waitt 2000). Interestingly, when contrast- informants reported concerns about the ing the interview data with observations possible degradation of the heritage tour- from the field it was evident that the in- ism experience in Lu-Kang. Interestingly, formants had a selective preoccupation while all informants shared this concern, with cultural authenticity. Namely, field each group focused on aspects closest to observations revealed that several cultural them. Namely, residents declared that “in- practices have been modified to suit the creased [number of] vendors detract from pressures of increased tourism in the area. cultural authenticity,” guides noted that For example, paper money offerings are no “non-professional guides cause tourists to longer burned in the most visited temples be misinformed” craftsmen reported that because they caused excessive air pollution; “fake souvenirs with limited local characte- instead, they are collected in bags and re- ristics are imported,” and tourists com- cycled. Contrastingly, both interview data plained about the lack of reliable informa- and field observations revealed great con- tion about the local heritage. These com- cern over fake crafts imported from China, ments suggest that both producers and denouncing them as inauthentic and of consumers of the heritage tourism expe- inferior quality. As a result, complaining rience in Lu-Kang are interested in the about loss of authenticity is a statement authenticity of the experience which is con- against Mainland China and a reaffirma- sistent with a growing body of literature tion of the current nationalist ideology. examining the importance of authenticity The local respondents’ comments about in heritage tourism (Chhabra, Healy and the economic impacts brought by tourism Sills 2003; Chronis 2005; Taylor 2001; were generally positive. For example, in-

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formants indicated that tourism develop- nation’s origin, prosperity and multicultu- ment was attracting businesses, jobs and, ralism. Therefore this study supports pre- most importantly, young people, to the vious assertions that history is framed in area. Interestingly, the guides noted that easily consumable products for touristic tourism was particularly instrumental in consumption, and that these heritage tour- the “revitalization of traditional indus- ism products consist of incomplete stories tries.” Conversely, most responses regard- that reflect the political orientation of those ing environmental impacts were negative. with the means of cultural production Namely, the most salient environmental (Johnson 1999). impacts were poor parking, intense and Along with this study, there is growing noisy traffic, and improper disposal of gar- evidence that heritage tourism is being bage by tourists and restaurants. The used, much like public education and mass government hoped that media, as a tool to disseminate desirable heritage tourism would bring much needed identities (Anderson 1991; Bandyopadhyay, economic revitalization to this economically Morais and Chick 2008; Johnson 1999; stagnant region and these findings suggest Lowenthal 1996; Wang 2005). However, that it did. Namely, respondents noted that few have considered that some efforts to tourism development had led to govern- shape national identities may be detected ment subsidies for infrastructure improve- as propaganda and consequently resisted ments, to an influx of youngsters and out- and ineffective (Hutchinson & Smith 1994). siders due to new job creation, and to the Nationalism movements require a feeling of reappearance of bustling and jovial atmos- self-determination in which the populations pheres in Lu-Kang’s commercial streets. feel that their identities are not being ma- These findings are consistent with Strauss nipulated by foreign or domestic elites with and Lord’s (2001) report that heritage tour- the means of cultural production (Coakley ism in Southwestern Pennsylvania, USA, 2004; Hutchinson & Smith 1994). There- had produced substantial economic benefits fore, successful efforts of political socializa- to the region. Further, they also suggest tion require the perception of agency in the that the economic benefits are trickling process of identity construction. While sev- down through the economy and felt by the eral authors have commented on the con- service providers and local residents. temporary importance of heritage tourism in this process of political socialization Conclusion (Light 2001; Palmer 1999), only a few have noted that, in tourism, the populace (typi- This paper attempted to contribute to cally domestic tourists) is actively involved the ongoing debate regarding the potential in the construction of the experience (Chro- role of heritage tourism as a tool of political nis 2005; Palmer 2005). In this study too, socialization (Bandyopadhyay, Morais and there is evidence that tourists consciously Chick 2008; Chronis 2005; Light 2001; sought out sites and experiences that Palmer 2005; Pretes 2003). Namely, the helped them develop and/or celebrate their meanings of a heritage destination in Tai- national identity. Thus, it seems that tour- wan were investigated to ascertain whether ism may have unique characteristics as a these meanings coalesced or collided with tool of political socialization, and that it the emerging Taiwanese national identity. may be particularly fruitful to further ex- The findings reveal that the respondents amine the comparative role of the state and generally felt an intimate personal connec- the populace in the definition, renegotia- tion with the local heritage, and felt re- tion and interpretation of the cultural capi- sponsible with disseminating it with visi- tal that forms modern national identities. tors. The slices of history/culture chosen as While this study makes a substantial central to the local heritage were well contribution to the understanding of the aligned with Taiwan’s current Desinicized role of heritage tourism in shaping national nationalism, turning local residents into identities, the generalizability of its find- protectors and disseminators of the nation’s ings is limited to the study region. Taiwan identity and turning the destination into a is an Asian country with a disputed nation- space for learning and celebration of the al identity and even a questioned sove-

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