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THE CHANGING STYLE of VIRGINIA POLITICS by GEORGE M

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THE CHANGING STYLE of VIRGINIA POLITICS by GEORGE M THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA E s Letter Editor Weldon Cooper Vol. 45, o. 6 Institute of Government, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia 22903 February 15, 1969 THE CHANGING STYLE OF VIRGINIA POLITICS By GEORGE M. KELLEY After more than 40 years of adherence fixation by the Organization on getting Those two moves, in themselv s, mark to the conservative principles of the late by with as little as possible. the turning of a corner in Virginia Ha y Flood Byrd, the entrenched old "Spending money for the demonstrated politics because such would have been giant of Virginia politics - the Democratic needs of the state doesn't mean you are impossible in the political climate of the Organization - is moving toward a new less conservative," Governor Godwin said tate between the 1920's and 1960. political stance. That in itself underscores in a recent interview. "The change is a that a new brand of politics is emerging natural evolution of the times ... the THE ORGANIZATIO in the Commonwealth. result of industrialization and intellectual It was as Governor from 1926-30 that Governor Mills E. Godwin, Jr., a pro­ concern for public education. We're con­ Harry Byrd, a rosy cheeked genteel man duct of the Organization's heydays under vinced a majority of Virginians want re­ with a genius for measuring the political Byrd's leadership, describes the still de­ sponsive conservatism." temperament of hi time, began building veloping changes as no more than an How did this desire for "responsive the Organization into a Virginia political adjustment. He calls it a move to "re­ conservatism" come about? It came from institution. The fact that it ha urvived sponsive conservatism." the "responsible" people of the State, the storms and challenges since the Byrd evertheless, sharp differences between Governor said, as Virginia's economy gubernatorial years indicate the "old the old and the new stance already are boomed with the arrival of the 1960's shoe" comfort with which the tate' discernible. Pay-as-you-go for capital out­ and the demise of the Organization-led voters generally accepted it. lay needs, the unbending fiscal doctrine massive resistance to school integration. Yet, perhaps no political machine ha ever been more carefully structured to on which Byrd built the Organization into Whether the 19,55-1959 massive resis­ provide the necessary vote margin for a seemingly unbeatable political machine, tance years "bought the needed time" for entrenchment. And the roots of the truc­ is giving way to a more viable means for non-violent acceptance of racial mixing ­ turing go back to the la t major re i ion providing facilities when needed, rather as the Organization contends - is a matter of the Constitution in 1928, under the than when the cash is available. The drift for historians to determine. The concern leadership of Byrd. is toward modern business concepts of here is Virginia's changing politics which, That revision brought the "short ballot" fiscal soundness with borrowing to finance by the Governor's own words, became the to Virginia by providing for the popular capital improvements. concern of the Organization. election of only three State government Old Organization inclinations to look " 11 of us knew in 1959 that what re­ officials - the Governor, Lieutenant Gov­ on the tate government as a preserve for mained of massive resi tance was a thing ernor, and ttorney G neral. P w r, in­ it tried and true gentlemanly members of the past," Godwin said. "We had cluding the appointment of all tate de­ also are fading. The image of the "private bought all the time possible through club" is changing to that of the "open partment heads, was concentrated in the honorable means, and that was the extent Governor, and a State Compensation door" for governmental participation by of our commitment. representatives of all political groups. Board, also appointed, was created to set "A moderation et in ... the people Membership on all major committees of salaries for local level con titutional of­ were ahead of the politicians, I found out the General Assembly was opened for the ficers (sheriffs, treasurer, ommon­ in 1964 and 1965." fir t time to Republicans, and even anti­ wealth's attorney, etc.). Organization Democrats, in 1968. Godwin was elected Governor in 1965, With this concentration of power in the and since taking office he has successfully Governor and with key local politicians I CREASE I SERVICE LEVELS brought about the State's first general having to look to Mr. J effer on' cIa ic new political sensitivity to the level obligation bond issue - $81 million for State House in Richmond for alary in­ of services needed by the people also is college and nlenta1 health facilities - in creases, the Organization wa on it way. emerging. Efforts to provide what is neces­ this century. A major revi ion of the The court hou es aero the Common­ sary for the well-being of all Virginians, Virginia Constitution, that promises to wealth, out of which mo t local govern­ even if costs are greater, have replaced open the way for easier adjustments to ments operated, soon evolved into Organi­ what critics long have claimed to be a the rapid technical advancements of the zation strongholds. times, and to problems brought on by To say the capture of the court hou e The author is Head of the Richmond Bureau of The Virginian-Pilot. urbanization, has been launched by him. was the key to the development of th 22 THE UNIVERSI~"Y OF VIRGINIA The net result was a political system itself as the younger people were lured that frustrated Organization challengers. to the fast-growing new urban centers. NEWS Letter S.a~e residue of the Organization's poli­ The Virginia Republican Party, long tIckIng methods remains even today, but stymied by the Organization's conserva­ Assistant Editor it is limited to counties still oriented to tism, also began attracting new blood as RALPH EISENBERG farming. old party leaders gave way to new ones Published on the 15th of each month from who envisioned political potential in tak­ THE ANTI-ORGANIZATION September through August by the Institute ing stands that were less conservative than of Government, University of Virginia, Char­ The arch enemy of the Organization that of the Organization. In 1953, RepUb­ lottesville, Virginia 22903. The views and always has been the band of Delllocratic opinions expressed herein are those of the " lican Ted Dalton, then a State Senator, author, and are not to be interpreted as liberals who through the years have be­ took on Democratic Organization nominee representing the official position of the In­ come known simply as the anti-Organi­ Thomas B. Stanley and lost by only stitute or the University. zation. rrhe strength of the liberals has 42,991 votes on a platform that included Entered as second-class matter January 2, been slow in developing, and it was not 1925, at the post office at Charlottesville, bond issues to finance highways. Virginia, under the act of August 24, 1912. until 1946 that they were able to mount a significant challenge by running Martin THE YOUNG TURKS Printed by the A. Hutchinson against Byrd. The race A restlessness also began to take hold UNIVERSITY PRINTING OFFICE for the Senate seat was a political sensa­ on what many Organization men con­ tion, ~J~!!:.ough Byrd w0I! !landily. sidered to be "a bright crop" of future Organization is an over-simplification. The first real threat, as the Orga~iz;- ­ politiCal prospects that began WInning election to the Assembly in 1947. There were many other factors, includ­ tion men now view it, came three years The Organization system for climbing ing the insistence of Harry Byrd on later when Francis Pickens Miller, a schol­ the political ladder called for service in frugality and integrity in government arly man with all the -attributes liked by the Legislature. Every governor, includ­ and that Organization-backed candidates Virginians, was the liberal candidate for ing Byrd, had come up through service for legislative and other positions of\'pub­ Governor. The primary was bitter, and either in the House of Delegates or lic trust be men of similar conviction. A so were the results. It was the nearest Senate, or in both, and such service even strong love for tradition and the Virginia the liberals have come, as yet, to taking today is considered basic in preparing "way of life" also was a prerequisite. The the governorship from the Organization. for the big political posts. combination of all these factors, parti­ (One non-Organization governor was cularly in the years prior to urbanization, elected in 1937 in the person of James Accordingly, an ambitious young Or­ understandably could be the basis of why H. Price. But the Organization, in recog­ ganization man took steps immediately Virginians could look on the Organization. nition of Price's popularity, fielded no after his election to get assigned to choice as being as natural as spoon bread and candidate and then blocked his program committees where he could prove himself. Smithfield ham. through its control of the General As­ The procedure usually was to have the sembly.) top man in the home county court house THE COURT HOUSE The 1949 gubernatorial primary fea­ write letters of assurance to the House 'The court houses, nevertheless, stood tured John S. Battle of Charlottesville as Speaker, or other influential Organization as the indispensable cog in the machinery the Organization candidate. At the outset members, that the soon-to-arrive fresh­ for electing Organization men. The "court his chances were affected by the third man member could be vouched for as house boys" could encourage the "right" candidacy of· former Richmond Mayor being "politically sound." If the Organi­ people to hurdle the poll tax and qualify Horace Edwards, and a weaker fourth zation leadership was convinced, the new as voters, and then turn them out for candidate, Petersburg businessman Rem­ member usually ended up on at least one appearances by Organization candidates mie Arnold.
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