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Pennsylvania: the National Election of 1932

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Pennsylvania: the National Election of 1932 PENNSYLVANIA: THE NATIONAL ELECTION OF 1932 BY E. JEFFREY LUDWIG* IN THE Presidential election of 1932, Pennsylvania had one of its closest elections, with the Democrats garnering 1,295,948 votes and the Republicans maintaining their traditional dominance, but with only 1,453,540 votes.' Even with this narrow victory, on the surface the strength of the Republican party seemed to be assured. Yet the event of the Republican party's victory was accompanied by another apparently strange phenomenon-that is, the total number of votes cast in the Presidential election declined from 3,159,612 in 1928 to 2,858,968 in 1932. Although Maryland, Alabama, and Virginia also showed a decline in total votes cast, Pennsylvania's decline was by far the largest of any state (ap- proximately 300,000), and was the only state that went Republican to show such a decline.2 To approach an understanding of the election, it seems ap- propriate to begin with a glance at the interrelation between the changing nature of the county votes in this election and that of 1928, and the associated increase or decrease in votes of the counties. First, let us note that of those counties which went Re- publican in 1928 and Democratic in 1932, sixteen showed a de- crease in the total numbers of voters participating.. Of these sixteen, in the years between 1920 and 1940 Adams, Clarion, and Sullivan went Democratic only in 1932. Twelve counties-Al- legheny, Northampton, Schuylkill, Westmoreland, York, Berks, Cambria, Clearfield, Fayette, Lehigh, Montour, and Northumber- land-were to remain in the Democratic fold through the thirties and at least up to 1940. Only Erie, of the counties with a de- creased vote, went back to the Republican fold after voting Demo- *Mr. Ludwig has done graduate work at the University of London and dur'ng the past year at Harvard University. 'Edgar Eugene Robinson, The Presidential Vote, 1,896-I932 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1934), p. 308. 2Ibid., pp. 131-378. 334 NATIONAL ELECTION OF 1932 335 cratic in 1932 and 1936. Now let us look at those counties which went Democratic and increased in total vote cast in 1932. Of the eight such counties, Columbia, Greene, and Monroe had gone Democratic every year since 1920 except 1928. Fulton, another county that increased in 1932, had previously voted Democratic in 1924. Washington and Beaver Counties went Democratic from 1932 to 1940, while Pike County went Democratic only in 1932 and 1936 in the years between 1920 and 1940. Lastly, the three counties which had gone Democratic in 1928 and remained Demo- cratic-Elk, Lackawanna, and Luzerne-all showed a marked decline in their total number of voters.3 It is often asserted by political scientists that a dissenting or protest vote brings a higher election turnout. In Pennsylvania in 1932 a protest vote would have been a vote for the candidates of the Democratic party. One political scientist has suggested that the "Democratic percentage [in Pennsylvania] was in part the result of a rise in the general interest in voting."4 Yet, in Penn- sylvania in 1932, the opposite seems to have been true. Those counties which went Democratic, and in which the total vote de- creased, had a percentage decrease greater than the percentage increase shown by any of those counties which showed an increase. For example, Pike, which was to go Democratic in 1936 as well as in 1932, did show a small voting increase, from 3,395 to 3,558; but Erie, which also went Democratic in 1932 and 1936, showed a sharp decline, from 50,097 votes cast in 1928 to 40,442 in 1932. Although the three counties that went Democratic in 1932 after having done so in 1928 also showed a voting decline in 1932, this decline came in the wake of a startling increase in voting in those counties between 1924 and 1928-Elk had gone from 9,352 to 13,009, Lackawanna from 62,401 to 99,269, and Luzerne from 87,396 to 141,411.5 The suggested reasons for this increase will be noted later in this article. Further, it should be noted that of those counties which showed an increase and also went Democratic, four had gone Democratic in 1920 and/or 1924, and therefore did 3 Harold F. Alderfer, Presidential Elections by Pennsylvania Counties, 1920-1940 (State College, Pa.: Pennsylvania State College, 1941), pp. 14-15. Hereafter cited as Alderfer, Presidential Elections, 1920-1940. 4Harold F. Gosnell and William G. Colman, "Political Trends for In- dustrial America: Pennsylvania an Example," Public Opinion Quarterly, IV (1940). p. 482. Hereafter cited as Gosnell and Colman, "Political Trends." 5Alderfer, Presidential Elections, I920-1940, pp. 17-19. 336 PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY not have as strong a tradition of Republicanism as did the other counties that voted Democratic in 1932. Of the seven counties that stayed in the Republican ranks and showed an increase in total votes cast in 1932, three went over to the Democratic fold in 1936. Furthermore, the increase in total votes in these counties was quite small; however, in 1936, all seven showed a great increase in the number of ballots cast. In the thirty-three remaining Republican counties, the percentage de- crease in total votes was greater than the percentage increase shown by the other seven Republican counties. But, as with the other seven counties, all showed a marked increase in the 1936 electionY Harold F. Gosnell suggests that "the Catholic, foreign-born, wet elements have tended to support the Democratic candidates, while the dry, rural voters have tended to turn against them with the exception of 1932, when the general protest against the de- pression conditions tended to obliterate these particular relation- ships."7 We might, however, examine the economic scene to see if it really did "obliterate" other socio-political issues. Of the twenty counties having an unemployment percentage higher than 30% in May, 1932, thirteen went Democratic in the November elections. However, of the twenty-five counties showing an un- employment percentage between 25.0 and 29.9 per cent, only six went Democratic in the Presidential election.8 Thus, although there is a very high correlation between those counties having the highest rate of unemployment and the Democratic vote cast in those counties, there is a very low correlation between those counties with the second highest rate of unemployment and Demo- cratic predominance in 1932. Although the statistic gathering sec- tion of the Pennsylvania Department of Labor and Industry did not have the efficient fact gathering methods found after the re- organization of the department in 1933, we can probably assume that while the percentage of unemployment given is inaccurate, the relative unemployment situation of the respective counties is depicted with general accuracy.9 'Alderfer, Presidential Elections, 1920-1940, pp. 20-22. 7Gosnell and Colman, "Political Trends," p. 476. 'Pennsylvania Department of Labor and Industry, Labor and Indvstryv, XIX (August 1932), p. 1. 'Pennsylvania Department of Labor and Industry, Pennsylvania Labor and Industry in the Depression (Harrisburg, 1934), p. 19. Hereafter cited as Labor and Industry in the Depression. NATIONAL ELECTION OF 1932 337 The relief efforts of the early depression years in Pennsylvania, while resulting in a flurry of activity, did not really do the job that needed to be done."' Throughout the state, depression con- ditions continued unabated until the year 1932, at the end of which one can discern signs of a lessened severity (e.g., unem- ployment declined). In a study by Harold F. Alderfer, certain correlations are made between the industrial character and the number of wage earners in the state and the Democratic or Re- publican votes cast between the years 1920 and 1940. Industrial character was determined by three factors in this statistical survey: the value of products, the amount of primary horsepower, and the number of wage earners: VOTING BEHAVIOR AND INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT". Republican Democratic Minor 1924 .04 -. 31 .00 1928 .43 .40 .16 1932 .30 .22 .40 1936 .61 .59 .47 "lOAt first Governor Gifford Pinchot established labor camps to construct highways and dams. In 1931, the Talbot Bill provided $10,000,000 for "food, clothing, fuel, and shelter for residents . without means of sup- port," while at the same time reducing other state appropriations by $10,- 000,000. "Prosperity Bonds" to the amount of $35,000,000 were to be sold to Pennsylvania's wealthy at 4% interest, but the proceeds were not to be used for doles. Furthermore, Philadelphia and Pittsburgh were permitted to make loans up to three million dollars to be a liability in the following year's budget. Charitable donations were also encouraged, with employees of the Department of Labor and Industry taking the lead by pledging $34,420. Lastly, in order to increase revenue, a sales tax of 1% went into effect on September 1, 1932, expected to bring in a gross revenue for the state of $12,000,000. For more detail on the above see Labor and Industry in the Depression, pp. 27-28; Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Laws of the Gcneral Assembly of the Coininonwea'th of Pennsylvania, Passed at the Session of igpi, Act 7-E, 1503-1505 (Harrisburg, 1931) ; Isidore Feinstein "Gentlemen in Politics: Honorable Gifford Pinchot," American Mercury, XXIX (1933), p. 84; Pennsylvania Denartment of Labor and Industry, Labor and Industry, XIX (July, 1932), 8; and, Harrisburg Telegraph, September 7, 1932, p. 1. ' Counties are ranked according to their industrial development and then according to their Republican and Democratic votes. These rankings are then correlated using the correlation formula r = 2 sin !7 rho where 6-6 d' rho - I n' n .Alderfer, Presidential Elections, 1920-194o, p.
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