INSIDE THATCHER's MONETARIST REVOLUTION Also by Gordon Pepper
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The Role of HM Embassy in Washington
The Role of HM Embassy in Washington edited by Gillian Staerck and Michael D. Kandiah ICBH Witness Seminar Programme The Role of HM Embassy in Washington ICBH Witness Seminar Programme Programme Director: Dr Michael D. Kandiah © Institute of Contemporary British History, 2002 All rights reserved. This material is made available for use for personal research and study. We give per- mission for the entire files to be downloaded to your computer for such personal use only. For reproduction or further distribution of all or part of the file (except as constitutes fair dealing), permission must be sought from ICBH. Published by Institute of Contemporary British History Institute of Historical Research School of Advanced Study University of London Malet St London WC1E 7HU ISBN: 1 871348 83 8 The Role of HM Embassy in Washington Held 18 June 1997 in the Map Room, Foreign & Commonwealth Office Chaired by Lord Wright of Richmond Seminar edited by Gillian Staerck and Michael D. Kandiah Institute of Contemporary British History Contents Contributors 9 Citation Guidance 11 The Role of HM Embassy in Washington 13 edited by Gillian Staerck and Michael D. Kandiah Contributors Editors: GILLIAN STAERCK Institute of Contemporary British History DR MICHAEL KANDIAH Institute of Contemporary British History Chair: LORD WRIGHT OF Private Secretary to Ambassador and later First Secretary, Brit- RICHMOND ish Embassy, Washington 1960-65, and Permanent Under-Sec- retary and Head of Diplomatic Service, FCO 1986-91. Paper-giver DR MICHAEL F HOPKINS Liverpool Hope University College. Witnesses: SIR ANTONY ACLAND GCMG, GCVO. British Ambassador, Washington 1986-91. PROFESSOR KATHLEEN University College, University of London. -
Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Congdon, Tim Book — Published Version Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism Provided in Cooperation with: Edward Elgar Publishing Suggested Citation: Congdon, Tim (2007) : Keynes, the Keynesians and Monetarism, ISBN 978-1-84720-139-3, Edward Elgar Publishing, Cheltenham, http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781847206923 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/182382 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/legalcode www.econstor.eu © Tim Congdon, 2007 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical or photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. -
Revue Française De Civilisation Britannique, XXII- Hors Série | 2017 Britain in the Seventies – Our Unfinest Hour? 2
Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XXII- Hors série | 2017 The United Kingdom and the Crisis in the 1970s Britain in the Seventies – Our Unfinest Hour? Les années 1970- le pire moment de l'histoire britannique? Kenneth O. Morgan Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/1662 DOI: 10.4000/rfcb.1662 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Electronic reference Kenneth O. Morgan, “Britain in the Seventies – Our Unfinest Hour?”, Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XXII- Hors série | 2017, Online since 30 December 2017, connection on 21 September 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/1662 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/rfcb. 1662 This text was automatically generated on 21 September 2021. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Britain in the Seventies – Our Unfinest Hour? 1 Britain in the Seventies – Our Unfinest Hour? Les années 1970- le pire moment de l'histoire britannique? Kenneth O. Morgan 1 In popular recollection, the 1970s have gone down as the dark ages, Britain’s gloomiest period since the Second World War. It may be that the aftermath of the Brexit vote in 2016 will herald a period of even greater crisis, but for the moment the sombre seventies, set between Harold Wilson’s ‘swinging sixties’ and Margaret Thatcher’s divisive eighties, stand alone. They began with massive trade union stoppages against Heath’s Industrial Relations Act. -
The Educational Backgrounds of Leading Journalists
The Educational Backgrounds of Leading Journalists June 2006 NOT FOR PUBLICATION BEFORE 00.01 HOURS THURSDAY JUNE 15TH 2006 1 Foreword by Sir Peter Lampl In a number of recent studies the Sutton Trust has highlighted the predominance of those from private schools in the country’s leading and high profile professions1. In law, we found that almost 70% of barristers in the top chambers had attended fee-paying schools, and, more worryingly, that the young partners in so called ‘magic circle’ law firms were now more likely than their equivalents of 20 years ago to have been independently-educated. In politics, we showed that one third of MPs had attended independent schools, and this rose to 42% among those holding most power in the main political parties. Now, with this study, we have found that leading news and current affairs journalists – those figures who are so central in shaping public opinion and national debate – are more likely than not to have been to independent schools which educate just 7% of the population. Of the top 100 journalists in 2006, 54% were independently educated an increase from 49% in 1986. Not only does this say something about the state of our education system, but it also raises questions about the nature of the media’s relationship with society: is it healthy that those who are most influential in determining and interpreting the news agenda have educational backgrounds that are so different to the vast majority of the population? What is clear is that an independent school education offers a tremendous boost to the life chances of young people, making it more likely that they will attain highly in school exams, attend the country’s leading universities and gain access to the highest and most prestigious professions. -
This Is Malcolm Mcbain Interviewing Peter Jay at His Home in Woodstock, Oxfordshire on Friday 24Th of February 2006
1 BDOHP Biographical Details and Interview Index JAY, Peter (Born 7 February 1937) Career Details (with, on right, relevant pages in interview) Family and early life pp 2-14 Midshipman and Sub-Lieutenant RNVR, 1956–57 p 15 Assistant Principal and Principal, Treasury, 1964–67 pp 16-20 (and see pp 22-25 on resignation) Economics Editor, the Times, 1967–77 pp 20-22 Appointment to Washington pp 25-29 Ambassador to United States, 1977–79 pp 29-45 (Peter Jay was later Director, Economist Intelligence Unit, 1979–83; President, TV- am, 1983–; Presenter, A Week in Politics, Channel 4, 1983–86; and Economics Editor, BBC, 1990-2001) The interview closes with comments on the Euro (pp 46-47) and the War in Iraq (pp 48-52). 2 The Hon Peter Jay interviewed on 24 February 2006 by Malcolm McBain Copyright: Peter Jay Family background and education MMcB Mr Jay, could I ask you a little bit about your family? I see that you were educated at Winchester and went to Christ Church, Oxford and got a first class honours degree. It all suggests a privileged start in life, but your father was Douglas Jay I believe? PJ That’s correct. Yes, I think I was both lucky and privileged in having a father who was, and indeed a mother, who were, in their different ways, outstanding and interesting individuals. So were the very strong connection each of them separately had with Oxford near where I now still live and in which I’ve spent a significant minority of my life though mainly I’ve been a Londoner. -
The 1981 Budget – Facts & Fallacies Tuesday September 27Th 2011 The
The 1981 Budget – Facts & Fallacies Tuesday September 27th 2011 The Grocers’ Hall, Princes Street, London EC2 Session One: Emerging from the 1970s.1 PETER JAY Right, my lords, ladies, and gentlemen I hope you are now in the mood, so let’s get on with it. First of all, the boilerplate − the rules of the game. They are very simple. We are in the business of making history. You, the witnesses, will tell it like it was, and the Churchill Archives Centre will take it all down and may give it in evidence against you at any time that suits them. No one else is allowed to record anything that is said, but you are allowed to write notes. If there is time, and if I feel like it, questions may be taken from the floor at the end. Those contributing from the floor must – or this is what I’m told – say who they are for the record, and anyone who speaks must sign the Archives consent form, spare copies of which Andrew Riley has at this moment. I’m not sure what sanctions there are for anyone who speaks and then refuses to sign, but, I imagine, intense academic odium. We are, in every sense, on the record. We are not, repeat not, on Chatham House rules. Speakers will have the chance to edit their transcripts but it will all be published and anyone may quote what anyone else has said. So, ladies and gentlemen, you have been warned. The title of this session is ‘Emerging from the 1970s’ or, as I would impartially put it, ‘How the legacy was lost’. -
Winter's Not Yet Gone
Winter’s not yet gone Construction and Memory of the Winter of Discontent in Popular and Scholarly Discourse Sam Henick Columbia University Undergraduate History Thesis — Spring 2018 Seminar Convener: Professor Blackmar Second Reader: Professor Pedersen Introduction Control over the historiography is as important as control over the history itself. 1 — Donald McCloskey, If You’re So Smart (1990) On 28 March 1979, Margaret Thatcher, the leader of the Opposition, posed a vote of no confidence, declaring that: “The people witnessed the spectacle of a Government abdicating their authority to strike committees. The Prime Minister’s objectives were not achieved, and his strategy failed.”2 The motion passed 311 to 310, leading to the fall of the Labour government, the first administration to leave office because of a Commons division since 1924.3 How did the Labour Government find itself in this position five years after it had been elected? More specifically, how did the Government conduct itself leading up to and during the “Winter of Discontent” and how did the Government’s actions fit into broader narratives of economic decline and ungovernability? The Winter of Discontent is the name the British press assigned to the wave of industrial unrest that gripped the UK beginning at the end of 1978 and continuing through February 1979. January 22, 1979 was the biggest individual day of strike action since the General Strike of 1926, with an estimated 1.5 million public sector workers walking off their jobs. The strikes themselves and their coverage in the press reveal an underlying narrative; Colin Hay’s seminal article “Narrating Crisis” (1996) analyzes the discursive construction of the moment of “crisis” and the Winter of Discontent as “a strategic moment in the transformation of the British state.”4 The “metanarrative” of the crisis of ungovernability was established through the implicit linking of primary narratives of 1 Donald McCloskey, If You’re So Smart (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 50. -
12. Criticizing the Critics of Monetarism
12. Criticizing the critics of monetarism By the start of the twenty-first century monetarism – unlike a surprisingly adaptable Keynesianism – was being referred to in the past tense. For some people it was a convenient swearword, used to express their loathing for everything that had gone wrong (as they saw it) since conservative govern- ments in the USA and the UK embraced free-market economics in the 1980s. A more sympathetic author interpreted the rise and fall of mon- etarism in Britain as a problem in ‘social learning’. In his words, writing in the mid-1990s, The social learning process since 1979 has been a mixed affair. The 1980s were a time of policy experiments . While it would be wrong to see policy as an unqualified success in the 1980s, it would be equally incorrect to conclude that nothing positive has come from the past 16 years.1 A particularly interesting discussion by Thomas Mayer and Patrick Minford appeared in the spring 2004 issue of World Economics. Their paper on ‘Monetarism: a retrospective’ concluded that, ‘Monetarism as a distinct school is in decline, but monetarist ideas are flourishing and form a major part of the modern synthesis’ (p. 184).2 The various assessments generally saw monetarism as an outgrowth of theoretical ideas revived by (mostly) American economists in the 1950s and 1960s, and translated into policy across the industrial world to combat the high inflation of the 1970s; and they correctly recognized the strong influence that monetarism had on UK policy-making in the early years of the Thatcher government from 1979. -
INAUGURAL LECTURE the Future of Financial Journalism in the Age Of
INAUGURAL LECTURE The Future of Financial Journalism in the Age of Austerity Steve Schifferes, Marjorie Deane Professor of Financial Journalism, Department of Journalism, City University London The global financial crisis which began with a whimper in August 2007 – when BNP Paribas announced froze access to two of funds which were based on sub‐prime assets – spread with terrifying speed and depth around the world. Its consequences are not over, and will be with us for some time to come. By 2010, the global crisis had reduced global wealth by some $50 trillion, cost governments some $10 trillion in bail‐out costs, and had reduced world trade by some 10% and global economic output by 5%. With governments reeling from the consequent budget deficits, major cutbacks in public services are underway from Athens to Whitehall to Washington. But the crisis had another outcome that might prove even more damaging in the long‐term: the further erosion of trust in our institutions, from bankers to regulators to governments and indeed, to journalists. The inability to foresee the crisis and the lack of adequate mechanisms to deal with its aftermath, has produced a cynicism about the moral fecklessness and incompetence of the key actors in the drama. It has been an interesting time to start a new programme in financial journalism, and I would like to thank the Department of Journalism, the Marjorie Dean Foundation for their generous funding, and our industry collaborators the Financial Times and the BBC for their support for this programme. 1 The key -
The Callaghan Government and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process, 1977-79
Nigel J. Ashton A local terrorist made good: the Callaghan government and the Arab-Israeli peace process, 1977-79 Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Ashton, Nigel J. (2016) A local terrorist made good: the Callaghan government and the Arab-Israeli peace process, 1977-79. Contemporary British History . ISSN 1361-9462 © 2016 Taylor & Francis Group This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/66267/ Available in LSE Research Online: April 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. 1 ‘A Local Terrorist Made Good’: The Callaghan Government and the Arab-Israeli Peace Process, 1977-79 2 Abstract The British government had played an important role during the 1950s and 1960s as a mediator in the Arab-Israeli conflict, most notably through the development of Project Alpha between 1954 and 1956, and through the negotiation of United Nations Security Council resolution 242 in 1967. -
Britain in the 20Th Century: Thatcherism, 1979- 1990 Transcript
Britain in the 20th Century: Thatcherism, 1979- 1990 Transcript Date: Tuesday, 24 April 2012 - 6:00PM Location: Museum of London 24 April 2012 Britain in the 20th Century: Thatcherism Professor Vernon Bogdanor Margaret Thatcher was elected Leader of the Conservative Party in February 1975, much to the surprise of many leading Conservatives. Reginald Maudling, who had been Chancellor and Home Secretary in previous Conservative Governments, said that the Party had taken leave of its senses. Lord Carrington, who was to be Foreign Secretary in Margaret Thatcher’s Government, said that she would be out of the leadership by Christmas. However, she was Leader of the Conservative Party for 15 years and Prime Minister for 11.75 years, which is the longest continuous time of any Prime Minister since the Napoleonic Wars (Lord Liverpool 1812- 1827). Furthermore, she gave her name to an ideology: Thatcherism. She is the only Prime Minister of the twentieth century who did that. We do talk, it is true, about someone being Churchillean, but I think by that we mean a style rather than a set of ideas. But Thatcherism, is a set of ideas, and in this lecture I intend to describe what these ideas were. Now, Margaret Thatcher was very different from most of her predecessors, apart from, ironically, the man she supplanted, Edward Heath, with whom she had I think something in common. The four Prime Ministers of Conservative Governments in 1951 to 1964 were Churchill, Anthony Eden, Harold Macmillan, and Sir Alec Douglas-Home. Churchill was the grandson of a duke; Eden was the son of a baronet; Harold Macmillan was the son-in-law of a duke; and Sir Alec Douglas-Home had been a 14th Earl before he renounced his title. -
CARRICK, Sir Roger John, KCMG
BDOHP Biographical Details and Interview Index Roger John CARRICK (born 13 October 1937) KCMG 1995; CMG 1983; LVO 1972. Career (with, on right, relevant pages in interview) Entry to FO, 1956 pp 2-3 Served in Royal Navy, 1956-58 p 3 School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University of London, p 4 1961 Sofia, 1962 pp 4-9 FO desk officer, Jordan; then Treasury Centre for Administrative pp 9-10 Studies, 1965 Paris, 1967 pp 10-14 Singapore, 1971 pp 14-19 FCO, Personnel Operations Department 1973 (deputy head, 1976) pp 12-25 Visiting Fellow, Institute of International Studies, University of p 25 California, Berkeley, 1977 Counsellor, Washington, 1978 pp 25-32 Head, Overseas Estate Department, FCO, 1982 pp 46-50 Consul-General, Chicago, 1985 pp 33-38 Assistant Under-Secretary of State (Economic), FCO, 1988 - Ambassador to Jakarta, Indonesia, 1990 pp 38-42 High Commissioner to Australia, 1994 pp 42-46 Retired, 1997 pp 50-51 1 Interview with Sir Roger Carrick on 8 January 2004 by Virginia Crowe. Copyright: Sir Roger Carrick VC You were recruited in 1956. What made you join the Foreign Service? RC I rather wanted to escape suburban London where I was brought up in what was once a village, and to see something of the world. I had found all that rather constraining. I recall a boring exercise of ploughing through career advice, bits of paper here and there, but also the challenge of getting into the Foreign Office, which some of my friends said I would never do. VC And what did you do? Take exams or was it interviews? RC Exams first; a fairly serious exam held in a great hall in London.