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Local Textile Trading Systems in Indonesia: an Example from Flores Island University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Textile Society of America Symposium Proceedings Textile Society of America 1990 Local Textile Trading Systems in Indonesia: An Example From Flores Island Roy W. Hamilton National Museum of Natural History Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/tsaconf Part of the Art and Design Commons Hamilton, Roy W., "Local Textile Trading Systems in Indonesia: An Example From Flores Island" (1990). Textile Society of America Symposium Proceedings. 604. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/tsaconf/604 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Textile Society of America at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Textile Society of America Symposium Proceedings by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. REVOLVING BANANAS: THE INFLUENCES OF INDIAN TRADE TEXTILES Local Textile Trading Systems in Indonesia ON JAVANESE BATIK DESIGN (Precis only) An Example From Flores Island by Robyn Maxwell Roy W. Hamilton National Museum of Natural History The influence of the Indian double ikat silk patola on Southeast Asian textile structure and design has long been acknowledged, however, the impact of Indian Several of the papers presented at this symposium deal painted and printed mordant-dyed cotton textiles, traded into the region over with the trade of textiles over long distances, from one centuries, has been largely undocumented. Recent finds now indicate the great variety continent to another. Such trade systems undeniably had of cotton textile types imported into Indonesia. tremendous impact on the societies involved, but in many parts This talk explored the role of these Indian cotton trade textiles in the of the world individuals and communities are bound together development of Javanese batik, and the effect of the change of medium on design in much smaller circles of trade that are equally formative. transformations. Designs from a range of batik-producing regions were examined, In this paper I will discuss a tiny network of textile trade including the well known pisang balik (inverted banana) pattern of the central that involves the carrying of cloth to neighboring villages principalities. over mountain paths and along surf-swept beaches. Trading systems on this scale are as much the rule as the exception and our understanding of textile trade must encompass the minute as well as the grand. This paper developed out of a talk I gave at a conference in August, 1989. At that time my arguments were fairly straightforward, focusing on the role ecological factors have played in the development of this textile trade. Having thought over my material for the past year, I am now less inclined to try to make it yield any single conclusion. The present paper is therefore somewhat less tidy, but gives a more realistic picture of the complexity of the problems posed by my research. I will present my material in accordance with the reality of the situation, which is that I am forced to work backward, beginning with the present, which I hope I understand accurately, and then attempting to recreate the past, for which the evidence is patchy. Three Villages In the course of my research on Lio1 textiles, I have been investigating the role of weaving and cloth trading in the economies of three villages in Ndona Subdistrict, which is located east of the town of Ende on the south coast of Flores. Although they are separated by only a few kilometers, ecological conditions vary considerably from one village to another due to the extremely rugged topography. Together with cultural and historical factors, this has led to differing economic strategies in each village. The village of Onelako, where I made my home, is in many ways atypical of the 12 villages in Ndona Subdistrict. It is the only village connected to Ende by road and public transportation, allowing many to commute to employment in town. A government office complex is located in the village, which serves as the administrative capital of the Subdistrict. -192- -193- -194- -195- Since the 1920s, the village has also been a major center of they could make were required to meet family needs. Well- Roman Catholicism on Flores, including the bishop's residence made textiles are highly appreciated in the village and a and one of the island's leading schools. These factors have woman's skill in making particularly the ikat cloths is a led to a higher standard of education, wider employment source of pride and respect. Many women prefer to work with opportunities, and greater cash income in Onelako than in the the traditional natural dyes, indigo and morinda, which demand other villages of the subdistrict. time and mastery. Such textiles are necessarily expensive and women feel they cannot get a commensurate price by taking them In agricultural resources, too, Onelako is relatively to the available markets. Those who do occasionally sell well endowed. The village spreads across the undulating high-quality cloths typically wait to be approached by valley of a small stream, 2 kilometers inland from the coast. relatives or customers who come to their homes, drawn by their This valley is planted with coconut groves, which yield copra reputations. income, and with permanent gardens of staple crops such as cassava (Manihot utilissima) and mung beans fPhaseolus Five kilometers from Onelako, inaccessible by road, the aureusl. Most importantly, the village lands include a strip village of Wolotopo perches on the rocky slope of a canyon along the Wolowona River that has been suitable for the where it disgorges into the sea. Wolotopo has few of the development of irrigation and wet rice agriculture. This land natural resources that support Onelako. Agriculture in is far more productive than the dry hillside rice fields that Wolotopo is marginal at best. Only jicama (Pachvrrhi zus once predominated in Lio agriculture. However, the number of erosus) and cassava are grown with much success in the steep, families with access to this land is limited and the village exposed fields. All rice must be purchased in Ends and is not self-sufficient in rice, the desired staple. carried on foot to the village. To pay for it, and to cover other cash needs, requires a great deal of walking back and Most women in Onelako, except for the elite minority who forth over the trail to the head of the road in Onelako. A have government jobs, spend some of their time making number of villagers hike daily to jobs in Ende. Others can textiles. This is rarely a full-time activity and most women be seen at dawn carrying heavy loads of jicama, firewood, or are primarily interested in making cloth for their own weaner pigs to market. But more often than not, those going familyfs use. Nearly all Onelako women, again with the to market are women carrying Wolotopo's number one commodity, exception of those employed outside the village, wear textiles. handwoven sarongs on a daily basis. Women's sarongs are constructed by the labor-intensive warp ikat technique and the The making of men's sarongs predominates in Wolotopo. work involved in making them accounts for the majority of These cloths are made quickly from pre-dyed commercial yarns woman-hours devoted to textile production. Men in Onelako are and sold at low prices. Usually the women taking sarongs to somewhat less likely to wear sarongs on a daily basis, but the Ende sell them immediately to full-time traders in the textile making of men's sarongs is very common as well. All men own section of the town market, rather than waiting indefinitely sarongs for relaxing and sarongs are also required dress for for an uncertain direct sale. With their small earnings, they certain traditional functions such as marriage negotiations. buy rice and the yarn needed for their next sarong. They can In terms of the actual number of cloths produced, men's and be back in Wolotopo weaving again by mid morning. Some of women's sarongs are roughly equal, but the men's sarongs these women are virtually full-time weavers. In many require less labor because they are constructed of plain households the pressing need for cash to purchase food drives striped cloth that does not involve the tying and dyeing steps this strategy of production and marketing. Under such of the ikat technique. The third type of garment made in the conditions, women prefer to make men's sarongs, which they can village, men's ikat shoulder cloths, represents a small but complete in a week. Although this may result in lower return persistent part of production. These garments are an for their labor in the long run, they feel they cannot afford important part of traditional dress now worn only on special the longer period without cash income that would be required occasions. to complete a woman's sarong. In addition to serving as garments, families strive to It would not be accurate to portray his contrast in maintain a stockpile of textiles. These are among the economic strategies between Wolotopo and Onelako in absolute exchange goods passed from the bride's kin to the groom's as terms. Many fine ikat cloths are made in Wolotopo by talented part of the marriage arrangements. Textiles can also be sold weavers. In fact, the village has a reputation for strongly in time of need and thus serve as a hedge against the future. maintaining the textile exchange aspects of traditional Nevertheless, few Onelako women make textiles specifically marriage customs. Nor is Onelako without families who are for sale. The women of the household in which I lived made hard pressed for cash income and hope to sell textiles.
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