DOCSLIB.ORG

Naxalbari, India

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Naxalbari, India Naxalbari, India 1987 marks the twentieth anniver• CPM. In West Bengal, especially, a parliamentary arena its actual main sary of the outbreak of armed strug• great number of genuine revolution• focus of work. gle of the peasant masses led by aries took part in the formation of That is to say the CPM (like most communist revolutionaries in the vil• the CPM as a result of the latter's "centrists") kept two goods in lage of Naxalbari, located in India's vocal criticism of the CPI revisionist stock: revolutionary posturing state of West Bengal, near the city of leaders. directed at the masses and real revi• Darjeeling, not far from the borders But it soon became apparent that sionism and class collaboration of Nepal and what is now Ban• the CPM itself had not really broken aimed at keeping these same masses gladesh. Before 1967 this remote vil• with revisionism. On an internation• forever enchained to the reactionary lage was unknown beyond the sur• al plane, the CPM tried to steer a system. rounding Terai region in the foot• ' 'middle road'' between Soviet revi• It was in this context that in 1965 hills of the Himalayas. Today Nax• sionism and the Marxist-Leninist Charu Mazumdar began developing albari is known to scores of millions line that was represented at the time a revolutionary opposition to the as the symbol of the people's war by the Communist Party of China. revisionist leadership of the CPM that will one day sweep imperialism Although the CPM came out against and began training the cadre of the and reaction off the face of India. Khrushchev's denunciation of Stalin Darjeeling district committee of the Before Naxalbari, the communist and even made a show of ' 'defend• CPM in a radically different line movement in India was dominated ing" him, and although the CPM which would explode two years later by revisionism. The Communist had a so-called positive assessment in Naxalbari. These early writings of Party of India (CPI) had long be• of Mao Tsetung, it was unable to Charu Mazumdar became known as fore abandoned even the pretext of make the kind of radical rupture re• the "Eight Historic Essays." In revolution in favour of the quired with the long revisionist his• them Mazumdar stresses that the "parliamentary road" to power. tory in India and to assimilate Mao revolution in India would follow the Under the pressure of the criticism Tsetung Thought as the new stage of path of China — specifically the of revisionism begun by Mao Marxism-Leninism and apply it to path of protracted warfare and of Tsetung and the Communist Party the conditions of India. On the prac• surrounding the cities from the of China in the early 1960s, a section tical front the CPM was content to countryside. This analysis went of cadres and members of the CPI uphold the necessity of armed strug• straight up against not only the revi- had split off and formed the Com• gle in words while making the' 'tac• sionists' "parliamentary road" but munist Party of India (Marxist) or tic" of participating in the also the earlier, secret so-called Tac- 5 parts of India: in Bihar, Punjab, Andhra Pradesh, and Kerala as well as in many regions of West Bengal 20 YEARS where it all started. The Naxalbari struggle dramati• cally reconfigured the political land• scape on the Indian left. The revi• SINCE sionist CPI and CPM became thoroughly exposed as they openly sided with the central authorities who responded to the Naxalbari THE CLAP OF movement with widespread slaught• er and terror. On the other hand, throughout the country young peo• ple came forward from within and SPRING outside the traditional communist movement to take up the banner of Marxism- Leninism-Mao Tsetung THUNDER Thought and the armed struggle for power. Charu Mazumdar was at the centre of the efforts to group the genuine communist revolutionaries and his line became the basis for the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) on 22 April 1969. While the centre of the revolution• tical Line which held that the revo• albari is located. Although this ary work of the CPI(ML) was in the lution in India would follow neither "Report on the Peasant Movement countryside, the movement had pro• the Chinese road nor the Russian in the Terai Region" was signed by found effects on all aspects of Indi• road but be a combination of urban Kami Sanyal, who later degener• an society, including the urban uprisings in the cities and what they ated into a right opportunist, it can areas. This was particularly true of called "partisan warfare" in the be said to represent, in the main, Calcutta, the capital of West Bengal. countryside. Although often Charu Mazumdar's line at the time Calcutta is infamous throughout cloaked in the garb of India's "par• and the report still provides valuable the world for its despicable inhuman ticular conditions," this argument insight into the Naxalbari movement conditions and its teeming millions was in fact aimed at defeating those as well as some of the thinking of of slum dwellers. It was also, and re• who wanted to uphold and apply those who led it. mains, the stronghold of the CPM Mao Tsetung's line. The Communist Party of China, as well as an important intellectual In his "Eight Essays" and in a under the leadership of Comrade centre in India. more developed way later on in Mao Tsetung, was quick to recog• Under the impact of the peasant other writings, Charu Mazumdar nise the importance of the Naxalbari upsurge in the countryside the in• develops his thesis of the "area-wide movement. The political support fluence of the "Naxalites" grew in seizure of power." This was of the given by the CPC, mainly through Calcutta by leaps and bounds. A utmost importance in distmgrushing its radio and press, helped further powerful movement developed the Naxalbari struggle from the fan the already spreading flames of amongst the youth and students many militant struggles of the the struggle. The articles in the against the comprador educational peasants in India which frequently Chinese press were also a means by system; statues of Gandhi and other went over into revolutionary vio• which the CPC was able to indirect• pro-imperialist, anti-national mis- lence. As Mazumdar points out, if ly offer comradely advice to the In• leaders of the people were destroyed. such struggles did not aim at seizing dian communists (see the article, The movement spread to the slums power but remained merely struggles "Let the Red Flag of Naxalbari Fly as well, where large numbers of the for land they would degenerate into Still Higher" reprinted in this issue, workers and the urban poor saw the "mihtant economism." with its stress on the importance of CPI(ML) and the armed struggle it In 1968 a report was prepared by guerrilla warfare.) Within a very was waging in the countryside as the the communist revolutionaries in the short period of time Naxalbari-type road to eliminate their oppression. Siliguri subdivision, in which Nax• struggles were taking off in many Charu Mazumdar, while hailing and 6 Supporting the movement in the ised to fight with their traditional problems of the relationship be• , cities, continually .called upon the weaporis while, at the _ same time, tween such''annihilations'' and ef• revolutionary youth to go to the striving to seize guiis from the reac• forts to launch and develop people's countryside, integrate with the tionaries themselves. He saw guer• war. But such questioning has noth• peasants and in this way help rilla warfare as the main fofm to ing in conirrion with the hysteria of propagate trie armed struggle. In mobilise the' entire strength of the the bourgeoisie and its apologists in factyntanyhuh^edsheeci^d"his call. people against the enemy — and ar- the face Of the "Naxalite violence,'' .. Asthe-arhieH sfrugglfe'was raging gtled that revisionist-led mass move• As Mao put it, "A revolution is not . inthehe^^ ments could never do so.,Arid, in a dinner party, or writing an essay, ^b^'afelt^elfeegaalkJ develop in fact, in some areas the'OP'l(ML) was or painting a picture, or doing em• the'cities theniselyte.-lt.se'ems that able to lead the poof peasants in broidering; it cannot be so refined, this- fa&f have" Been sp'orrtanequs in establishing guerrilla squads on a so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, origin, but b'edarne more systematic wide scale — it is estimated that kind, courteous, restrained and a's revolutionary youths arid slum several thousands were mobilised in magnanimous. A revolution is an in• dwelieft sought to participate in the such squads in' 1970 iii West Bengal surrection,, an act of violence by C;Pl(ML)'s ^guh-snatching'' cam* alone. ..• which One class overthrows r paign aimed at seizing weapons He argued that people's war must another." from the reactionaries and theif be waged on the plains as well as in Does this mean, then, that com• armed forces, to provide the afma- the more inaccessible mountain and munist revolutionaries Of India did rrfent for a people's army. While forest regions in order to rely on the not make any mistakes or that Com• l&fge number's of amis were s*eize"d broad masses of the peasants. He rade Mazumdar solved all of the ah4. a-considerable number of constantly stressed the need to mobi• problems of the Indian revolution? • - , pofic*ine,n arid' other, reactionaries . lise the peasants to establish their Obviously, such a situation would wete wiped out* the reactionary own rule through revolutionary be unlikely in any revolutionary • forces,' aided by the CPM, were able cornmittees, named after the organs movement and all the more in the to unleash a vicious onslaught of of political power established in Chi• case of a movement that erupted so white terror that eventually restored na in the midst of the Great suddenly that in the space of two or ' 'order'' at the cost of thousands of Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • What Is the Theory of Three Worlds?
    To All Ldn cdes From DC WHAT IS THE THEORY OF THE THREE WORLDS? Tbe;DC was asked to give a lead in the effort to better under~tand Mao Zedong's Theory.o:f the Differentiation of the Three Worlds (TTW). Th1s paper is the first . of 3 or 4 to be distributed b.~fore we hold a London . meeting on the ·subject in late November. The Nat1onal c~nference on the 1nte~ national situation is due t.o be held next June and our study on a district level will be well directed in preparation for it. In the 4 years since the Editorial Dept of the People's Daily of China brought out the booklet expounding the theory very clearly and preciseq (Foreign Languages Press 1977) . it. has come t~ occupy. a most important position iri Marxist-Leninist circles everywhere. Acceptance of the theory as a strat-egic conce.pt has become the touchstone for .Marxist-Leninists, in the same way that the realisation that th~ Soviet Union had. become an M-L basic principle in the pre-vious 110 years. It is the TTW which proved.to be the tombstone for the social-chauvinist Birchites of the CPB(M-L) and reve~led the hollowness of the adulation o•f the Bainesites of the then CPE(M-L). Thc.y categorically rejected it. At the same time, sycophants of the ne.w :theory appeared who embraced _it so tightly that the pips. squeaked. · Today it has become a line of demarcation which marks us out . ~mong all the 'left' forces in Britain.
    [Show full text]
  • Globalization and National Development
    Globalization and National Development The Perspective of the Chinese Revolution A RIF D IRLIK University of Oregon globalization: the problem of national development under the regime of globalization. The juxtaposition of the terms globalization and national development points to a deep contradiction in contemporary thinking, or a nostalgic longing for an aspiration that may no longer be relevant, but is powerful enough still to disturb the very forces at work in relegating it to the past. There is a suggestion in arguments for globalization that national devel- opment may be achieved through globalization, which in turn would be expected to contribute to further globalization, and so on and so forth into the future, which goes against the tendency of these same arguments to set the global against the national as a negation of the latter. While it may not be a zero-sum relationship, the relationship between globalization and national development is nevertheless a highly disturbed one. Understood as the persistence of commitments to autonomy and sovereignty, most impor- tantly in the realm of the economy, the national obstructs globalization just as globalization erodes the national, at the same time rendering irrelevant ● 241 242 ● Globalization and National Development any idea of development that takes such autonomy and sovereignty as its premise. If we are to take globalization seriously, in other words, the very idea of national development becomes meaningless. On the other hand, if national development as an idea is to be taken seriously, as it was for most of the past century, then globalization appears as little more than an ideo- logical assault on the national, to rid the present of the legacies of that past.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Foreign Policy During the Maoist Era and Its Lessons for Today
    Chinese Foreign Policy during the Maoist Era and its Lessons for Today by the MLM Revolutionary Study Group in the U.S. (January 2007) “U.S. Imperialism Get Out of Asia, Africa and Latin America!” 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction p. 3 A. The Chinese Revolution and its Internationalist Practice— p. 5 Korea and Vietnam B. The Development of Neocolonialism and the Bandung Period p. 7 C. Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party Launch the p. 11 Struggle against Soviet Revisionism D. Maoist Revolutionaries Break with Soviet Revisionism-- p. 15 India, the Philippines, Turkey, Nepal, Latin America and the U.S. E. Support for National Liberation Movements in Asia, Africa p. 21 and the Middle East in the 1960s F. Chinese Foreign Policy in the 1970s p. 27 G. The Response of the New Communist Movement in the U.S. p. 35 H. Some Lessons for Today p. 37 2 Introduction Our starting point is that the struggle for socialism and communism are part of a worldwide revolutionary process that develops in an uneven manner. Revolutions are fought and new socialist states are established country by country. These states must defend themselves; socialist countries have had to devote significant resources to defending themselves from political isolation, economic strangulation and military attack. And they must stay on the socialist road by reinvigorating the revolutionary process and unleashing the political initiative of the masses of working people in all areas of society.1 However, socialist countries cannot be seen as ends in and of themselves. They are not secure as long as imperialism and capitalism exist anywhere in the world.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sino-Soviet Split and the New Communist Movement
    The AlexAndriAn X, no. 1 (2021) The Sino-Soviet Split and the New Communist Movement Sofia Rivera The Sino-Soviet Split – the antagonization and breaking down of relations between China and the Soviet Union in the 1960s – had major reverberations throughout the global communist movement. While most of the effects of the Split were found in Asia and Europe, the United States’ communist movement also was profoundly impacted by these ideological trends as they trickled into the dying mass movements of the 1960s. The Sino-Soviet Split revitalized a nascent Marxist Left in the United States under the banner of the New Communist Movement – however, it ultimately killed the very trends it enlivened via increasing sectarianism within the movement. The Sino-Soviet Split has its roots pre-dating the Chinese Civil War but was catalyzed in Nikita Khrushchev’s speech to the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in February 1956. In this document, First Secretary Khrushchev denounced the crimes and cult of personality attributed to his predecessor, Joseph Stalin. Quoting Marx, Engels, and Lenin, Khrushchev provided examples and precedent of the Marxist-Leninist tradition rejecting such individualist authority. He also used historical examples to showcase the evident ineptitude of Stalin’s leadership and policies regarding foreign intervention and the purging of CPSU members.1 This speech shocked the international communist movement and caused a great deal of unrest and instability throughout the socialist sphere as well as within the USSR itself. As Andrew M. Smith’s thesis, Which East Is Red?, indicates, a number of Soviet and Eastern Bloc radicals opposed what Khrushchev’s de-Stalinization stood for: Small gatherings of protest began in Moscow, Leningrad, and Stalingrad, albeit with no major unrest.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 53, Winter-Spring 1985
    WinterISpring 1985 Issue number 53 Contents The '60s-'70sShift by BobAvakian. .. The Disarmament Mirage by R. Ulin .............................25 Not in Our Genes and the Waging of the Ideological Counteroffensive by Ardea Skybreak ......................45 The Political Anatomy of the ERA: Bourgeois Feminism and Prewar Politics by Li Onesto ...........................63 Guevara, Debray, and Armed Revisionism by Lenny Wolff........................ .85 Revolution ,ISSN 019'3-36121is the propaganda organ of the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Con~munistParty USA IRCP,USAI. Correspondence: We welcome correspondence to Revolution magazine. All letters and manuscripts should be clean CODY,.... typed and triole-s~aced. and become the property of Revolution magazine. They should be sent to: RCP Publications, P.O. Box 1317, New York, NY 10185 Subscriptions: In the U.S.: i14.OOlyear Other countries: $16.50/year-surface mail $24.00/year-air mail i20.00lyear-institutional rate Payable by check or money order. send all subscription orders to: RCP Publications, P.O. Box 3486, Merchandise Mart, Chicago, IL 60654 Readers note There was nn Fdll !W.&tssuel by Bob Avakian Chamber of Commerce Types vs. Revolutionary Nationalists Q: In "Conquer the World. ." you put forward the need to look at the '70s developments from a more international viewpoint. You raised Lin Biao's Long Live the Victoy ofPeo- pie's War and the Chinese line of that time (the late '60sl and what it has in common with the "three worlds" theory of later on. Could you expand on your thinking on what hap. pened in the '70s internationally, this whole ebb period in the movement? What happened to the movement of the '60s? Wfiat BA: Take Lin Biao Long Live the Victory ofPeople's War on the accounted for the lull of the 1970s, and the different one handand the "three worlds" theory on theother, First of character of the struggles today from what has gone all, I think the Lin Biao document is a much more revolu- before? How should that entire period be summed up so tionary document.
    [Show full text]
  • The Theory of "Three Worlds" Is Not Consistent with Marxism-Leninism but with Opportunism
    Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line * Ireland Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist-Leninist) The Theory of "Three Worlds" Is Not Consistent with Marxism-Leninism but with Opportunism First Published: Red Patriot August 17, 1977 Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba and Sam Richards Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. The theory of the world being divided into three worlds, the first world -- the two superpowers, U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, the second world -- the "lesser" imperialist powers, i.e. the European imperialist powers, etc., and the third world -- Africa, Asia and Latin America -- is a theory not consistent with Marxism- Leninism but is in line with opportunism. Red Patriot hails the Report of the Central Committee to the National (Internal) Conference of Party Activists in which the Central Committee issued a clear-cut denunciation of the theory of the three worlds and the associated line of advocating support for the EEC as part of the struggle against the two superpowers. The theory of three worlds is a very pernicious theory aiming its attack at the proletarian socialist revolution in all countries. Its introduction into the world at this time of intensified revolutionary struggles by proletarians all over the world, a time of severe economic crisis in the imperialist system and imperialist war preparations is nothing short of an attempt to lull the world proletariat into class collaboration, reactionary national alliances with their own bourgeoisie and the desertion of proletarian revolution under the threat of impending imperialist war.
    [Show full text]
  • Against Avakianism Ajith
    Against Avakianism Ajith Foreign Languages Press Foreign Languages Press Collection “Colorful Classics” #9 (English) A collection directed by Christophe Kistler Contact - redspark.contact@protonmail.com Utrecht, 2017 ISBN: 9781546520429 Note: The original edition of this book was largely spread on internet, and had hyperlinks to the many articles that Ajith quoted. Over time, a large number of those links went dead. To resolve this issue, we removed all of the links in this edition and uploaded PDFs of all the quot- ed articles to our website: https://foreignlanguages.press/colorful-classics/ against-avakianism/documents/ Printing: • First printing : 50 copies • Second printing : 50 copies • Third printing: 50 copies This book is under license Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC-BY-SA 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Contents Introduction 5 1. The Special Meeting and the RCP 7 Letter 2. The Ethics of Avakianist Polemics 13 3. The Arbitrary Stages of Avakianism 39 4. Mis-Rendering Mao 47 5. A Perversion of Internationalism 59 6. The National Task in Oppressed 69 Nations 7. The National Question in Imperialist 89 Countries 8. Infantile Criticism of United Front 103 Tactics 9. Gutting Marxist Political-Economy 117 10. The World Situation 131 11. Socialist Democracy 141 12. Truth, Class Interests and the Scien- 175 tific Method 13. A Rationalist Critique of Religion 203 14. Some “Postist” Traits of Avakianism 213 15. Struggle within the RIM 235 16. More Devious, More Dangerous 245 Introduction INTRODUCTION In early 2012, a Special Meeting of the Parties and Organisations of the Revolutionary Interna- tionalist Movement (RIM) was successfully con- cluded.
    [Show full text]
  • Socialism and Nationalism in the Third World in the Age of Third Worldism
    METU Studies in Development, 44 (December), 2017, 281-300 Socialism and nationalism in the third world in the age of third worldism Erkan Doğan Kocaeli University, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Kocaeli e-mail: do.erkan@gmail.com Abstract This article investigates the relationship between socialism and nationalism with a special emphasis on its Third Worldist variant. The Third Worldist orthodoxy of the post- colonial age blurred the boundaries between nationalism and socialism, with Third Worldist nationalism being an expression of resentment directed against imperialism and the uneven development produced by capitalism. Socialism was understood within this Third Worldist moment in terms of a nation’s political and economic liberation from foreign imperialist powers and their internal collaborators. Socialism was seen as something which would make nations politically and economically independent and developed. Key words: Third Worldism, socialism, national liberation, developmentalism. 1. Introduction In his work, The National Question in Marxist-Leninist Theory and Strategy, Walker Connor (1984: 19-20) points to three different strains of thought within the Marxist legacy in terms of its relationship to the national question. These strains can be read in a chronological sequence as the historical and intellectual sources of the gravitation of socialism towards nationalism from the mid-19th century to the post-colonial era. The first strain is represented by the “classical Marxism” of Marx and Engels and their leading disciples, which emphasized the primacy and indispensability of class struggle, therefore seeing socialism as being irreconcilable with nationalism. The second strain, generalizing the principle of the recognition of the right of self-determination in the realm of action, seems to have been crystallized in the historical experience of the Russian Revolution, opening the door to the implementation of socialism first in Asia and then in other geographies of what would later become the Third World.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Imperialism and Mao's Three Worlds: Deng Xiaoping's Speech At
    Altehenger, Jennifer. "Social Imperialism and Mao's Three Worlds: Deng Xiaoping’s Speech at the UN General Assembly, 1974." Revolutionary Moments: Reading Revolutionary Texts. Ed. Rachel Hammersley. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015. 175–182. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 24 Sep. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781474252669.0028>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 24 September 2021, 22:35 UTC. Copyright © Rachel Hammersley 2015. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 2 1 Social Imperialism and Mao ’ s Th ree Worlds: Deng Xiaoping ’ s Speech at the UN General Assembly, 1974 Jennifer Altehenger At present, the international situation is most favourable to the developing countries and the peoples of the world. More and more, the old order based on colonialism, imperialism and hegemonism is being undermined and shaken to its foundations. International relations are changing drastically. Th e whole world is in turbulence and unrest. Th e situation is one of ‘ great disorder under heaven, ’ as we Chinese put it. Th is ‘ disorder ’ is a manifestation of the sharpen- ing of all the basic contradictions in the contemporary world. It is accelerating the disintegration and decline of the decadent reactionary forces and stimulat- ing the awakening and growth of the new emerging forces of the people. In this situation of ‘ great disorder under heaven, ’ all the political forces in the world have undergone drastic division and realignment through prolonged trials of strength and struggle. A large number of Asian, African and Latin American countries have achieved independence one aft er another and they are playing an ever greater role in international aff airs.
    [Show full text]
  • Less Revolution, More Realpolitik China's Foreign Policy in the Early
    WORKING PAPER 93 Less Revolution, More Realpolitik China's Foreign Policy in the Early and Middle 1970s By Zhou Yi, February 2020 THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann and Charles Kraus, Series Editors This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources from all sides of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. Among the activities undertaken by the Project to promote this aim are the Wilson Center's Digital Archive; a periodic Bulletin and other publications to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to Cold War history; a fellowship program for historians to conduct archival research and study Cold War history in the United States; and international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars. The CWIHP Working Paper series provides a speedy publication outlet for researchers who have gained access to newly-available archives and sources related to Cold War history and would like to share their results and analysis with a broad audience of academics, journalists, policymakers, and students. CWIHP especially welcomes submissions which use archival sources from outside of the United States; offer novel interpretations of well-known episodes in Cold War history; explore understudied events, issues, and personalities important to the Cold War; or improve understanding of the Cold War’s legacies and political relevance in the present day.
    [Show full text]
  • Communist Organization of Greece the Influence of the Chinese
    Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Communist Organization of Greece The influence of the Chinese Revolution on the Communist Movement of Greece Published: May 2006 http://www. : international.koel.gr Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. The influence of the Chinese Revolution on the Communist Movement of Greece (2006) Contribution to the project of Comrade Bao Yu Ching Introduction Without a doubt, the struggle of the Chinese communists has influenced and to a point defined the development of the international communist movement. We cannot know what the scope of the resistance against revisionism and capitalist restoration would be if the essential contribution of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Chinese communists and Mao Tsetung had not taken place. However, the real question that should bother us and points towards a critical assessment is: has everything possible to oppose revisionism and the capitalist restoration been done? The answer is not easy and we don’t have all the clues necessary to give it. The internal developments in China and the international developments during the ’60s and ’70s are not easy to be “deciphered”, neither would be methodologically correct to judge by the “result”. On one hand, there is the fact that the “general headquarters” that led the struggle against Soviet revisionism during the ’60s (and looked united at that time), would split later, during the Cultural Revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • PART ONE: MAO AS a MARXIST I. This Part Draws On: Snow, I937/I96I
    Notes PART ONE: MAO AS A MARXIST I. This Part draws on: Snow, I937/I96I; I970; I973; Ch'en, I965, Schram, I967a; and Han Suyin I972; I976. There have, of course, been thousands of texts on this or that aspect ofCPC theory and practice which draw upon Mao's work in a more or less useful manner. Certain of this work has been outstanding, for example: the detailed studies ofjan Myrdal and jack Gray or the wider ranging work of Macciocchi. Our debt to the studies of Charles Bettelheim, already mentioned in SCMT, is acknowledged again here. For one assessment of recent texts by Mao, see Stavis, I976. We shall deal with Soviet and Trotskyist assessments of Mao in Part Three of our book. 2. Our citation method involves consulting the Bibliography, for fuller details of works cited. The text used-here Marx's Eightunth Brumaire-is identified by date and page(s) after the author's name. 3· Rossanda's text was first published in 11 Manifesto, July-Aug. I970, then translated in Temps modernes, Dec. I970/Jan. I97I, thence to Socialist Register, I97I. Compare three texts (I97I, I974 and I976) but note some significant criticisms in Bettelheim (I 97 I b). Rossanda, in general, reifies 'Stalinism' ignoring what Bettelheim now sees as the 'Bolshevik ideological formation' (I977: I5f). 4· Since Althusser goes on to speak of 'a silent critique' and pecause it has been claimed that the critique mentioned by Althusser 'remained so implicit as not to have come to the attention of the Chinese Communist Party [sic], which is under the illusion that it is loyal to Stalin's memory' (Callinicos, I976: 93); it is as well now, in advance of detailed examination in Part Three, to refer the reader to Chapter 4 of SCMT and to published texts available in English and French translation for many years which are critical of Stalin.
    [Show full text]