Clare Rowan, Under Divine Auspices: Divine Ideology and the Visualisation of Imperial Power in the Severan Period
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Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium*
Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium* MELINDA SZEKELY Pliny the Elder writes the following about the king of Taprobane1 in the sixth book of his Natural History: "eligi regem a populo senecta clementiaque, liberos non ha- bentem, et, si postea gignat, abdicari, ne fiat hereditarium regnum."2 This account es- caped the attention of the majority of scholars who studied Pliny in spite of the fact that this sentence raises three interesting and debated questions: the election of the king, deposal of the king and the heredity of the monarchy. The issue con- cerning the account of Taprobane is that Pliny here - unlike other reports on the East - does not only use the works of former Greek and Roman authors, but he also makes a note of the account of the envoys from Ceylon arriving in Rome in the first century A. D. in his work.3 We cannot exclude the possibility that Pliny himself met the envoys though this assumption is not verifiable.4 First let us consider whether the form of rule described by Pliny really existed in Taprobane. We have several sources dealing with India indicating that the idea of that old and gentle king depicted in Pliny's sentence seems to be just the oppo- * The study was supported by OTKA grant No. T13034550. 1 Ancient name of Sri Lanka (until 1972, Ceylon). 2 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 89. Pliny, Natural History, Cambridge-London 1989, [19421], with an English translation by H. Rackham. 3 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 85-91. Concerning the Singhalese envoys cf. -
Pushing the Limit: an Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty
Illinois Wesleyan University Digital Commons @ IWU Honors Projects Greek and Roman Studies 4-24-2015 Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty Colleen Melone Illinois Wesleyan University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/grs_honproj Part of the Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons Recommended Citation Melone, Colleen, "Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty" (2015). Honors Projects. 5. https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/grs_honproj/5 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Colleen Melone Pushing the Limit: An Analysis of the Women of the Severan Dynasty Abstract By applying Judith Butler’s theories of identity to the imperial women of the Severan dynasty in ancient Rome, this paper proves that while the Severan women had many identities, such as wife, mother, philosopher, or mourner, their imperial identity was most valued due to its ability to give them the freedom to step outside many aspects of their gender and to behave in ways which would customarily be deemed inappropriate. -
Civic Responses to the Rise and Fall of Sol Elagabal in the Roman Empire
EMPIRE OF THE SUN? CIVIC RESPONSES TO THE RISE AND FALL OF SOL ELAGABAL IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE Martijn Icks During its long and turbulent history, the city of Rome witnessed many changes in its religious institutions and traditions. For many centuries, these came to pass under the benevolent eye of Iupiter Optimus Maximus, the city‟s supreme deity since time immemorial. Not until the fourth century AD would Iupiter finally loose this position to the monotheistic, omnipotent God of Christianity. However, the power of the thunder god had been challenged before. The first deity who temporarily conquered his throne was Sol Invictus Elagabal, a local sun god from the Syrian town of Emesa. This unlikely usurper was the personal god of the emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, whose short-lived reign lasted from 218 to 222 AD, and who has been nicknamed Elagabalus for his affiliation with Elagabal. Even before his rise to power, Elagabalus served as Elagabal‟s high priest. The deity was worshipped in the form of a conical black stone, a so-called baitylos or “house of god”, which resided in a big temple in Emesa. Elagabalus, at that time a fourteen-year-old boy, performed ritual dances in honour of his god. By doing so, he drew the attention of Roman soldiers who were stationed near the town. They proclaimed the boy emperor under the false pretense that he was a bastard son of emperor Caracalla (211-217 AD). Elagabalus won sufficient military support, defeated the reigning emperor and thus gained the throne. He installed himself in Rome and took his god with him. -
Holy Statue: Dio Cassius and Agrippa’S Pantheon
Holy Statue: Dio Cassius and Agrippa’s Pantheon Dio Cassius’ anachronisms are well-known (Swan 1987, Millar 1964), but this paper argues that his descriptions of the Pantheon and its statuary (53.27.2-3 and 54.1.1) use specific language and imagery to report the Agrippan monument to his third-century readers. This argument seeks to prove two points: that Dio’s language clarifies his layout of the statues, and that the named gods mark the Agrippan version of the temple. A word-study of ἄγαλμα, ἀνδρίας, and εἰκών follows the design of Estienne’s (2010) analysis of Latin words for statuary: 60% of Dio’s applications of ἄγαλμα refer to divine statues, with 23% describing imperial (mostly divi), but never regular mortals; 54% of uses of ἀνδρίας refer to imperial statues and 34% to mortals, but never singularly uses for divine; εἰκών is the most common, with 50% of uses describing imperial statues, 40% percent to mortals, and less than 1% percent are divine. These data show that Dio never applies certain words for specific types of statues, and context reveals more about overlapping and uncertain images. For example, he never utilizes ἀνδρίας for the divine, but the context of Dio’s five uncertain uses of the plural ἀνδριάντες indicates groups of statues, which included gods, emperors, and men (37.9.1, 54.1.1, 60.6.8, 74.5.3, 74.12.5). Dio then applies the plural broadly as a collective term, where the context of the grouping would elucidate his meaning. In the Pantheon, Dio presents all three types of images sharing the temple (53.27.2-3). -
Vestal Virgins of Rome: Images of Power
Illinois Wesleyan University Digital Commons @ IWU John Wesley Powell Student Research Conference 2013, 24th Annual JWP Conference Apr 20th, 10:00 AM - 11:00 AM Vestal Virgins of Rome: Images Of Power Melissa Huang Illinois Wesleyan University Amanda Coles, Faculty Advisor Illinois Wesleyan University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/jwprc Part of the History Commons Huang, Melissa and Coles, Faculty Advisor, Amanda, "Vestal Virgins of Rome: Images Of Power" (2013). John Wesley Powell Student Research Conference. 3. https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/jwprc/2013/oralpres5/3 This Event is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. 1 The Power of Representation: The Vestal Virgins of Rome Melissa Huang Abstract: The earliest archaeological and literary evidence suggest that the Vestal Virgins began as priestesses primarily responsible for religious fertility and purification rituals. Yet from humble beginnings, the Vestals were able to create a foothold in political life through the turbulence of the transition from Republic to Principate. -
The Roman Augustae: the Most Powerful Women Who Ever Lived a Collection of Six Silver Coins
The Roman Augustae: The Most Powerful Women Who Ever Lived A Collection of Six Silver Coins Frieze of Severan Dynasty All coins in each set are protected in an archival capsule and beautifully displayed in a mahogany-like box. The box set is accompanied with a story card, certificate of authenticity, and a black gift box. The best-known names of ancient Rome are invariably male, and in the 500 years between the reigns of Caesar Augustus and Justinian I, not a single woman held the Roman throne—not even during the chaotic Crisis of the Third Century, when new emperors claimed the throne every other year. This does not mean that women were not vital to the greatest empire the world has ever known. Indeed, much of the time, the real wielders of imperial might were the wives, sisters, and mothers of the emperors. Never was this more true than during the 193-235, when three women—the sisters Julia Maesa and Julia Domna, and Julia Maesa’s daughter Julia Avita Mamaea—secured the succession of their husbands, sons, and grandsons to the imperial throne, thus guaranteeing that they would remain in control. The dynasty is known in the history books as “the Severan,” for Julia Domna’s husband Septimius Severus, but it was the three Julias—and none of the men—who were really responsible for this relatively transition of power. These remarkable women, working in a patriarchal system that officially excluded them from assuming absolute power, nevertheless managed to have their way. Our story begins in Emesa, capital of the Roman client kingdom of Syria, in the year 187 CE. -
Cassius Dio's Livia and the Conspiracy of Cinna Magnus Eric Adler Connecticut College, [email protected]
Connecticut College Digital Commons @ Connecticut College Classics Faculty Publications Classics Department 2011 Cassius Dio's Livia and the Conspiracy of Cinna Magnus Eric Adler Connecticut College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/classfacpub Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Adler, E. "Cassius Dio's Livia And The onC spiracy Of Cinna Magnus." Greek, Roman And Byzantine Studies 51.1 (2011): 133-154. Web. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Classics Department at Digital Commons @ Connecticut College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classics Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Connecticut College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author. Cassius Dio’s Livia and the Conspiracy of Cinna Magnus Eric Adler HE CONSPIRACY of Cn. Cornelius Cinna Magnus, which took place at some point during the age of T Augustus, has vexed scholars for generations.1 And for good reason. We possess only two accounts of this unsuccessful plot—one by Seneca (Clem. 1.9) and another by Cassius Dio (55.14–22).2 These descriptions, as we shall see, prove both mutually contradictory and, in places, internally inconsistent. Accordingly, we cannot be certain about crucial details sur- rounding the conspiracy: its date, location, participants, and even its historicity. As a result, scholars examining the Cinna plot have understandably tended to focus their attention on these fundamental issues; many, furthermore, have attempted to home in on Seneca’s and Dio’s likely sources. -
Chapter 4 the Rejected Ruler
CHAPTER 4 THE REJECTED RULER ‘Nor emperor he, nor Antoninus, nor citizen, nor senator, nor man of noble blood, nor Roman’ - Historia Augusta, Vita Severi Alexandri During his reign, Elagabalus had presented himself as a good and worthy ruler: first as a be- nevolent monarch in the tradition of the Antonines, later as the invincible priest-emperor of Elagabal. After he had been violently overthrown by the praetorians, this positive image was discarded in favour of another, far less flattering view. To what extent this change reflected a genuine dislike for the priest-emperor, and to what extent it was merely keeping in line with the propaganda of Severus Alexander, who had little choice but to condemn his predecessor, is a question which remains ultimately unanswerable. However, this chapter will not only describe the negative images which emerged in Greek and Roman literature after Elagabalus’s death, but will also offer possible explanations for the reasons why particular authors chose to portray the emperor in particular ways. What we are interested in, is the construction of a fic- tional Elagabalus, an imperial monster who surpassed Caligula, Nero and Commodus in al- leged wickedness and vice. Starting with Xenophon in the fourth century BC, who wrote a panegyric on the Spar- tan king Agesilaos, many Greek and Roman authors had defined the boundaries of good and bad rule.1 A good ruler typically came from a line of noble and worthy ancestors. He re- spected the gods, loved his country and ruled wisely and justly, taking heed of the advice of good and worthy councilors. -
Emperor Elagabalus and Traditional Roman Religion
Emperor Elagabalus and Traditional Roman Religion The Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus is best-known to history as Elagabalus due to his affiliation with the Syrian god of the same name. As a youth he became a priest of Elagabalus in Syria, and he brought the worship of this god along with himself to the Roman capital. There the god Elagabalus was assimilated with different aspects of the Roman sun-god Sol (especially Sol Invictus or the “unconquered sun”). This, in turn, led to affiliation with the Greek sun-god Helios, from which we get an alternative name for both the emperor and god, Heliogabalus. Recent scholarship has also pushed to reclaim the identification of this emperor by his birth-name, Varius Avitus Bassianus, and examinations of his life as Varian studies (de Arrizabalaga y Prado, 2005). All of these distinctions are used for an emperor who only ruled the Roman Empire for four years (218-222 CE), and is most noted for his religious preference for the god Elagabalus, a questionable sexual identity, and a lack of mental stability. This paper examines Elagabalus and his interactions with traditional Roman religious practices. As emperor he was also pontifex maximus or high priest of and responsible for overseeing Rome’s traditional cults, festivals and sacred objects. Holding multiple priesthoods would not have been in and of itself a problem for most Romans. However, Elagabalus showed overwhelming preference for his god, who was relatively unknown in the capital but at the clear expense of Rome’s traditional religions. The Historia Augusta provides the fullest account of Elagabalus’s outrages including the transfer of sacred objects to his god’s temple including the emblem of the Mother Goddess, fire of Vesta, Palladium, and sacred shields (3.4). -
Idai.Publications Idai.Publications
https://publications.dainst.org iDAI.publications ELEKTRONISCHE PUBLIKATIONEN DES DEUTSCHEN ARCHÄOLOGISCHEN INSTITUTS Dies ist ein digitaler Sonderdruck des Beitrags / This is a digital offprint of the article Sam Heijnen – Eric M. Moormann A Portrait Head of Severus Alexander in Delft aus / from Archäologischer Anzeiger Ausgabe / Issue 1 • 2020 Umfang / Length § 1–9 DOI: https://doi.org/10.34780/aa.v0i1.1017 • https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0048-aa.v0i1.1017.2 Zenon-ID: https://zenon.dainst.org/Record/002001103 Verantwortliche Redaktion / Publishing editor Redaktion der Zentralen Wissenschaftlichen Dienste | Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Weitere Informationen unter/ For further information see https://publications.dainst.org/journals/index.php/aa/about ISSN der Online-Ausgabe / ISSN of the online edition 2510-4713 ©2020 Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Zentrale, Podbielskiallee 69–71, 14195 Berlin, Tel: +49 30 187711-0 Email: [email protected] / Web: https://www.dainst.org Nutzungsbedingungen: Mit dem Herunterladen erkennen Sie die Nutzungsbedingungen (https://publications.dainst.org/terms-of-use) von iDAI.publications an. Die Nutzung der Inhalte ist ausschließlich privaten Nutzerinnen / Nutzern für den eigenen wissenschaftlichen und sonstigen privaten Gebrauch gestattet. Sämtliche Texte, Bilder und sonstige Inhalte in diesem Dokument unterliegen dem Schutz des Urheberrechts gemäß dem Urheberrechtsgesetz der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Die Inhalte können von Ihnen nur dann genutzt und vervielfältigt werden, wenn Ihnen dies im Einzelfall durch den Rechteinhaber oder die Schrankenregelungen des Urheberrechts gestattet ist. Jede Art der Nutzung zu gewerblichen Zwecken ist untersagt. Zu den Möglichkeiten einer Lizensierung von Nutzungsrechten wenden Sie sich bitte direkt an die verantwortlichen Herausgeberinnen/Herausgeber der entsprechenden Publikationsorgane oder an die Online-Redaktion des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts ([email protected]). -
Collector's Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage
Liberty Coin Service Collector’s Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage (49 BC - AD 518) The Twelve Caesars - The Julio-Claudians and the Flavians (49 BC - AD 96) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Julius Caesar (49-44 BC) Augustus (31 BC-AD 14) Tiberius (AD 14 - AD 37) Caligula (AD 37 - AD 41) Claudius (AD 41 - AD 54) Tiberius Nero (AD 54 - AD 68) Galba (AD 68 - AD 69) Otho (AD 69) Nero Vitellius (AD 69) Vespasian (AD 69 - AD 79) Otho Titus (AD 79 - AD 81) Domitian (AD 81 - AD 96) The Nerva-Antonine Dynasty (AD 96 - AD 192) Nerva (AD 96-AD 98) Trajan (AD 98-AD 117) Hadrian (AD 117 - AD 138) Antoninus Pius (AD 138 - AD 161) Marcus Aurelius (AD 161 - AD 180) Hadrian Lucius Verus (AD 161 - AD 169) Commodus (AD 177 - AD 192) Marcus Aurelius Years of Transition (AD 193 - AD 195) Pertinax (AD 193) Didius Julianus (AD 193) Pescennius Niger (AD 193) Clodius Albinus (AD 193- AD 195) The Severans (AD 193 - AD 235) Clodius Albinus Septimus Severus (AD 193 - AD 211) Caracalla (AD 198 - AD 217) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Geta (AD 209 - AD 212) Macrinus (AD 217 - AD 218) Diadumedian as Caesar (AD 217 - AD 218) Elagabalus (AD 218 - AD 222) Severus Alexander (AD 222 - AD 235) Severus The Military Emperors (AD 235 - AD 284) Alexander Maximinus (AD 235 - AD 238) Maximus Caesar (AD 235 - AD 238) Balbinus (AD 238) Maximinus Pupienus (AD 238) Gordian I (AD 238) Gordian II (AD 238) Gordian III (AD 238 - AD 244) Philip I (AD 244 - AD 249) Philip II (AD 247 - AD 249) Gordian III Trajan Decius (AD 249 - AD 251) Herennius Etruscus