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Psychology College of Arts & Sciences

2017

The cultural shaping of compassion

Birgit Koopmann-Holm Santa Clara University, [email protected]

Jeanne L. Tsai

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Recommended Citation Koopmann-Holm, B. & Tsai, J. L. (2017). The cultural shaping of compassion. In E. M. Seppälä, E. Simon- Thomas, S. L. Brown, M. C. Worline, C. D. Cameron, & J. R. Doty (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of compassion science (pp. 273-285). New York: Oxford University Press.

Copyright © 2017. Reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press. This material was originally published in The Oxford handbook of compassion science edited by E. M. Seppälä, E. Simon-Thomas, S. L. Brown, M. C. Worline, C. D. Cameron, & J. R. Doty, and has been reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press. For permission to reuse this material, please visit http://www.oup.co.uk/academic/rights/ permissions.

This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Psychology by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHAP TER 21 The Cultural Shaping of Compassion

Birgit Koopmann-Holm and Jeanne L. Tsai

Abstract

In this chapter, we first review the existing literature on cross-cultural studies on compassion. While cultural similarities exist, we demonstrate cultural differences in the conception, experience, and expression of compassion. Then we present our own work on the cultural shaping of compassion by introducing Affect Valuation Theory ( e.g., Tsai, Knutson, & Fung, 2006), our theoretical framework. We show how the desire to avoid feeling negative partly explains cultural differences in conceptualizations and expressions of compassion. Specifically, the more people want to avoid feeling negative, the more they focus on the positive (e.g., comforting memories) than the negative (e.g., the pain of someone's death) when responding to others' suffering, and the more they regard responses as helpful that focus on the positive (vs. negative). Finally, we discuss implications of our work for counseling, health care, and public service settings, as well as for interventions that aim to promote compassion.

Key Words: culture, compassion, sympathy, affect valuation theory, emotion, American, German

In The Descent ofMan, and Selection in Relation Simon-Thomas, 2010). However, because previous to Sex, Charles Darwin described the feeling of con­ researchers have used other terms (e.g., "sympathy," cern about another person's suffering (i.e., compas­ "empathy," "altruism") to refer to states and behav­ sion), as a basic human instinct that composed the iors that overlap with and are related to compassion, "noblest part ofour nature" (Darwin, 1871 , p. 162). we refer to studies that focus on these states as well. While increasing research suggests that experiences In this chapter, we review the existing cross-cultural of compassion are associated with greater psycho­ research on compassion and then describe our own logical well-being and prosocial behavior (e.g. , work in the area. But first, we describe what we Allred, Mallozzi, Matsui, & Raia, 1997; Condon & mean by "culture." DeSteno, 2011; Hofmann, Grossman, & Hinton, 2011 ; Neff, Hsieh, & Dejitterat, 2005; Neff, What Is Culture? Kirkpatrick, & Rude, 2007; Pace et al., 2009), most By "culture," we refer to socially transmitted of this research has focused on Western samples. As and historically derived ideas that are instanti­ a result, we still know relatively little about the role ated in shared practices, products, and institutions that culture plays in the conception, experience, (Kroeber & Kluckhohn, 1952). Cultural ideas pro­ and expression of compassion, which has implica­ vide individuals with a framework for how to be a tions for which aspects of compassion are "basic" good person (Shweder, 1991), and by engaging in and "instinctual" (Wuthnow, 2012, p. 306). In this framework, individuals recreate this framework line with the other chapters in this Handbook, we for others (Markus & Kitayama, 2010). This proc­ define "compassion" as sensitivity to the pain or ess is called "the mutual constitution of cultures and suffering of another person, coupled with a deep selves" (Markus & Kirayama, 2010) or the "culture desire to alleviate that suffering (Goetz, Keltner, & cycle" (Markus & Conner, 2013). For example,

2 73 women's magazines contain advertisements with Bencharit, Chim, Yeung, & F ung, under review) . models that reflect the beauty ideals of the adver­ Consequently, experiences and expressions of tisers. Readers of these magazines may at least to excitement may mean something_ different in East so me degree consciously or unconsciously internal­ Asian vs. U.S. contexts. ize these beauty ideals. Consequently, they may try In this chapter, we argue that cultures shape dif­ to emulate these ideals by purchasing clothes and ferent aspects of compassion (for a discussion of other products that reflect the ideals. Furthermore, different factors that might bring about cultural dif­ readers may consciously or unconsciously use these ferences in compassion, see Chiao, Chapter 12 this ideals when judging the beauty of others. volume). More specifically, we propose that culture Culture not only shapes ideals of beauty, but may shape how people conceptualize compassion also ideals of emotion (Markus & Kitayama, 201 0). (i.e., which feelings, thoughts, and behaviors peo­ The "cultural construction" approach to emotion ple view as being compassionate/helpful), experi­ (Boiger & Mesquita, 2012) argues that people's cul­ ence compassion (i.e., how people feel when they tural contexts shape their emotions by providing a see others suffering), and express compassion (i .e., framework for interpreting each emotional episode. what people do when they see others suffering), as For example, in a cultural context like the United illustrated in Figure 21.1. Here we focus on the spe­ States, in which people are encouraged to influence cific case in which cultural differences in views of others, excitement, enthusiasm, and other high­ negative affect shape how individuals conceptualize arousal positive states are viewed as desirable, in part and express compassion. At the end of the chapter, because being excited helps individuals change their we discuss the implications of these cultural differ­ environments to be consistent with their desires, ences for cross-cultural counseling, health care, and beliefs, and preferences (Tsai, Knutson, & Fung, public service. 2006; Tsai, Miao, Seppala, Fung, & Yeung, 2007). Thus, in many U.S. contexts, people are encouraged What Do We Know About Compassion to show and express their excitement and enthusi­ Across Cultures? asm, and people who show these states are rated First we will review existing cross-cultural stud­ more positively (S ims &Tsai, 2015). In contrast, in ies of the conception, experience, and expression of Eas t Asian contexts, in which people are encouraged compassion and related states, which demonstrate to adjust to others, calm, peacefulness, and other cultural similarities and differences. low-arousal positive states are viewed as desirable in part because being calm helps individuals attend Conception to their environments and ultimately change their Across different cultures, people conceive of own desires, beliefs, and preferences to be consist­ compassion and other related states (e.g., sympa­ ent with those of others. Thus, in many East Asian thy, empathy) as emotional (e.g., Shaver, Murdaya, contexts, people are encouraged to show and express & Fraley, 2001). At the same time, cultures also their calm and peacefulness, and people who show appear to differ in what is construed as being com­ these states are rated more positively (Tsai, Blevins, passionate. For instance, most Western concepts of

Culture l Views of Negative Affect

Conception Experience Expression

Which feelings, thoughts, How people feel when they What people do when and behaviors people see others suffering they see ochers suffering view as being compassionate/helpful

Figure 21.l 1he cultural shaping of compassion through views of negative affect.

TH E CULTURAL SHAPING OF COMPASSION 274 I compassion assume that people should feel the most motivation is associated with both types of help­ compass ion for people whom they can identify with­ ing behavior to similar degrees (Miller & Bersoff, (Batson, O 'Quin, Fultz, Vanderplas, & Isen, 1983), 1994). Together, these studies suggest char culcure whose perspectives they can share (Toi & Batson, may shape people's conceptions of compassion and 1982), and whom they feel similar to (Batson, ocher related scares. Duncan, Ackerman, Buckley, & Birch, 1981; Batson, Fultz, & Schoenrade, 1987). In contrast, Experience Buddhist conceptions of compassion assume that Several studies suggest char the elicicors of sym­ everyone and everything is interconnected (Dalai pathy are similar across cultures: people feel sympa­ Lama, 1997), and therefore, people should be able thy for others who suffer for reasons chat are beyond to feel compassion towards all beings, including their control (e.g., Zhang, Xia, & Li, 2007). In adversaries and transgressors. German, Israeli, Indonesian, and Malaysian con­ Differences in the conceptualization of com­ texts, children expressed sympathy (e.g., they lifted passion and related states have been demonstrated their inner eyebrows and spoke in a soft voice) for berween independent and interdependent cul­ targets who are sad because they have lose a treasured tural contexts. For instance, K.itayama and Markus coy (Trommsdorff, Friedlmeier, & Mayer, 2007). (2000) found that feelings of social engagement Moreover, feeling sympathy seems co have similar like sympathy (being concerned and feeling sorry consequences across cultures. For instance, in North about someone's suffering) are more strongly associ­ American and Brazilian children, feeling sympathy ated with feeling good in Japanese than in American led to greater reports of helping behavior (e.g., giv­ samples. In another se t of studies (Davis, 1980; Siu ing money to a stranger in need) (Eisenberg, Zhou, & Shek, 2005), participants completed a com­ & Koller, 2001). monly used measure to assess trait empathy (i.e., the Empathy for another person's pain has been ability to identify, share, and understand another's linked to specific patterns of brain activity across emotions) (Interpersonal Reactivity Index [IRI]; different cultures (e.g., similar patterns of brain Davis, 1980). For English speakers, four aspects of activation in the left inferior frontal cortex and the empathy emerged (fantasy [the tendency to imagine left insula; de Greek et al. , 2012; C. Jiang, Varnum, the feelings of fictitious characters], perspective-tak­ Hou, & Han, 2014). Differences, however, have ing [the tendency to adopt another's point of view], also been observed (e.g., de Greek et al., 2012; empathic concern [the tendency co experience feel­ C. Jiang ec al., 2014) (for a description of cultural ings of concern and sympathy for ochers], and per­ neuroscience, see Chiao, Cha peer 12 chis volume). sonal distress [the tendency co feel anxiety when For example, whereas Chinese participants showed ochers are suffering] ; Davis, 1980). While fantasy a pattern of brain activity suggesting char chey and personal distress also emerged for Chinese were regulating their emotions when empathizing speakers, perspective-caking and empathic concern with a fami li ar angry target, German participants comprised one factor, suggesting less of a distinc­ showed a pattern of brain activity suggesting that tion berween cognitive and emotional aspects of they were assuming the perspective of che angry empathy for Chinese speakers (Siu & Shek, 2005). target (de Greek er al., 2012). Furthermore, com­ Similarly, another study examined che factor struc­ pared co European American participants, Korea n ture of the IRI in a Chilean sample (Fernandez, participants, who value social hierarchy more than Dufey, & Kramp, 2011) and found no correlation European Americans, showed a greater empathic berween perspective-caking and personal distress for neural response in the left cemporoparietal junc­ male participants. Together, these data suggest chat tion for in-group compared co our-group members che distinction berween cognitive and emotional experi encing emotional pain (Cheon et al., 2011; aspects of empathy may vary within culcures. see also Chiao, Chapter 12 chis volume). Cultures also vary in what chey regard as "altru­ The experiential consequences of empathy istic" (i.e., as an act of helping someone for his/ also appear to differ across culcures. For instance, her sake while disregarding one's own needs). For J. Park, Haslam, Kashima, and Norasakkunkic instance, while helping ochers is generally regarded (2015) found that while empathy reduces che focus as a moral ace in the United Scares and India, for on oneself in Japan, it does not in Australia. More Americans, a spontaneous act of helping is associated specifically, chey examined the self-humanizing with more altruistic motivation than a reciprocal ace bias, which is the bias to see oneself as more human of helping. For Hindu Indians, however, alcruiscic than ocher people on average. After recalling having

KOOPMANN-HOLM AND TSAI 275 empathized with someone else, Japanese were less response format, participants in the U.S. and Spain likely than Australians to show the self-humanizing were able to differentiate sympathetic touches (pat­ bias. In other words, experiencing empathy resulted ting followed by stroking) from angry, afraid, dis­ in the Japanese focusing less on themselves and see­ gusted, surprised, loving, and grateful ones. ing human attributes in others more than it did for Other studies suggest that certain cultural ideas the Australians O. Park et al. , 2015). and practices increase the likelihood that people will Findings from another set of studies (Arkins, express compassion. For example, engaging in med­ Uskul, & Cooper, 2016) revealed that British par­ itation appears to increase expressions of compas­ ticipants showed more empathic concern than East sion (e.g., Condon, Desbordes, Miller, & DeSreno, Asian participants, whereas East Asian participants 2013; Kemeny et al ., 2012; Leiberg, Klimecki, & showed more empathic accuracy (the skill to cor­ Singer, 2011; Weng et al., 2013). Condon and col­ rectly identify other people's feelings and thoughts) leagues (2013) found that participants who were than British participants when witnessing oth­ randomly assigned to an eight-week meditation ers' social pain. One possible explanation for the course (versus a no-intervention control group) findings regarding empathic accuracy is that more were more likely to offer their chair to a person on empathic concern among British participants might crutches. have interfered with empathic accuracy, as emotions In perhaps one of the largest cross-national studies can interfere with cognitive tasks (Arkins et al., of expressions of compassion, Levine, Norenzayan, 2016). Alternatively, it could be that empathy is and Philbrick (2001) examined how people in 23 more other-focused among East Asians, so they are nations around the world responded to situations in first just trying to understand how the other person which strangers needed help (e.g., a person who has is feeling before showing empathic concern. The dropped a pen, a person with a hurt leg, a blind per­ findings regarding empathic concern are consistent son who is trying to cross the street). People from with ocher findings that Western adolescents and nations with a tradition of simpatia (the tendency young adults reported more empathic concern when of being concerned about ocher's well-being and of confronted with someone's suffering than did East fostering harmony in relationships, which is highly Asian adolescents and young adults (Cassels, -Chan, valued in Latino culture), such as Brazil and Costa Chung, & Birch, 2010; Trommsdorff, 1995). Rica, were more likely to help others in these situa­ Finally, because cultural ideas can. be instanti­ tions than people from nations without a tradition ated in practices (Kroeber & Kluckhohn, 1952), of simpatia such Singapore and Malaysia (Levine ocher studies examined culture in terms of cultural eral.,2001). or religious practices like meditation. These studies In that study, people from poorer nations (e.g., demonstrated increased empathy (Lutz, Brefczynski­ Malawi and India) were also more likely to help Lewis, Johnstone, & Davidson, 2008; Shapiro, others than those from wealthier nations such as the Schwartz, & Bonner, 1998), social connectedness Netherlands and the United States. These findings (Hutcherson, Seppala, & Gross, 2008), as well as are consistent with work by Stellar, Manzo, Kraus, hope and optimism for another (Koopmann-Holm, and Keltner (2012) demonstrating that within the Sze, & Tsai, in preparation) for individuals who United States, individuals of lower socioeconomic meditate. Together, these studies suggest that while status reported feeling more compassionate towards the elicitors of compassion and related states may be a peer undergoing a stressful job interview than did similar, various aspects of the experience of compas­ those of higher socioeconomic status. These social sion may differ across cultures. class differences and differences between poorer and wealthier nations are likely also due to culture: Expression Compared to higher socioeconomic contexts, lower Relatively less research has focused on the socioeconomic contexts endorse more "interde­ expression of compassion and related states. One pendent" models of self, which encourage individu­ study found that sympathetic touches can be distin­ als to be more sensitive and responsive to the needs guished from other emotional touches. Hertenstein of others (Snibbe & Markus, 2005). and colleagues (Hertenstein, Keltner, App, Bulleit, One main limitation of the study by Levine & Jaskolka, 2006) asked participants in the United et al. (2001), however, is that it assumes that the States and Spain to touch other participants' arms in expressions ot' compassion are similar across cul­ ways that communicated specific emotions, without tures. For instance, Levine et al. (2001) assumed seeing or talking to each other. Using a forced-choice that helping a blind person cross the street is a

THE CULTURA L SHAPING OF COMPASSION compassionate acc. Again, chis might depend on affect") and how they wane co avoid feeling (their how individualistic or collecciviscic the culcure is. "avoided affect"). As mentioned above, most peo­ In cultures char promote independence (individu­ ple wane co avoid feeling negative scares. Of course, alistic cultures), helping a blind person across the there may be specific situations in which avoided street may undermine char person's sense of auton­ affect includes positive scares. For example, people omy and control. Thus, in these cultures, the com­ might cry co avoid being coo excited about a pos­ passionate ace might be co first assess whether the sible opportunity in order co minimize their dis­ blind person needs and wanes help. In the next appointment if chat opportunity does not arise. section, we describe our own work, which exam­ However, in Western contexts like the United ines how cultural differences in views of negative States and Germany, people wane co avoid nega­ emotion influence what constitutes an expression tive more than positive affective states (Koopmann­ of compassion. Holm & Tsai, 2014). While there may be times when people cannot avoid feeling these negative Affect Valuation Theory: Cultural scares, people are often successful at not feeling the D ifferences in Avoided Negative Affect scares they wane to avoid scares (Koopmann-Holm Verweinen lassc die Nachce mich, &Tsai, 2014). Moreover, structural equation mod­ Solang ich weinen mag. eling demonstrates char actual, ideal, and avoided [Lee me pass the nights in rears, negative affect are distinct constructs in the U.S. As long as I wane co cry.] and Germany (Koopmann-Holm & Tsai, 2014). Uohann Wolfgangvon Goethe, 1749-1832; In ocher words, actually feeling negative scares, ide­ Goethe, 1827. p. 3 16) ally wanting to feel negative states, and wanting co avoid feeling negative scares are separate aspects of Be still, sad heart! And cease repining; our emotional lives. Behind the clouds is the sun still shining. The second premise of AVT predicts chat culture (Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. 1807-1882; shapes ideal and avoided affect more than it does Longfellow, 1842, p. 112) ' actual affect, whereas temperament shapes actual affect more than it does ideal and avoided affect. Mose people wane co feel more positive than nega­ Rozin (2003) and Shweder (2003) argue char cul­ tive states, and wane co feel more positive and less neg­ tural factors shape what people view as desirable­ ative than they actually feel. And yet, people Yary in good, moral, and virtuous; and by extension, what the specific positive states chat they wane co feel (e.g., they view as undesirable-bad, immoral, and sin­ Tsai et al., 2006), as well as in their desire co avoid ful. Similarly, AVT predicts chat cultural factors negative emotions (Koopmann-Holm &Tsai, 2014). should shape what affective scares people view as Affect valuation theory (AVT) incorporates chis var­ desirable and undesirable. Although cultural factors iation into models of affect and emotion. Although also shape what affective scares people actually feel most of our research has focused on cultural and indi­ (Kitayama, Markus, & Kurokawa, 2000; Mesquita vidual variation in the affective states chat people ide­ & Markus, 2004), decades of empirical research sug­ ally wane co feel (their "ideal affect") (e.g., D. Jiang, gest char, across cultures, actual affect is primarily Fung, Sims, Tsai, & Zhang, 2015; Koopmann-Holm, shaped by people's temperament (Costa & McCrae, Sze, Ochs, &Tsai, 2013; B. Park, Tsai, Chim, Blevins, 1980; David, Green, Marcin, & Suls, 1997; Diener & Knutson, 2016; Sims & Tsai, 2015; Tsai, 2007; & Lucas, 1999; Gross, Sutton, & Ketelaar, 1998; Tsai er al., 2016; Tsai er al., 2006; Tsai, Louie, Chen, Lykken & Tellegen, 1996; McCrae, Cosca, & & Uchida, 2007; Tsai, Miao, & Seppala, 2007; Tsai, Yik, 1996; Rusting & Larsen, 1997; Schimmack, Miao, Seppala, et al., 2007), our recent research dem­ Radhakrishnan, Oishi, Dzokoco, & Ahadi, 2002; onstrates chat the premises of AVT also extend co Tsai et al. , 2006), as well as their regulatory abilities the affective scares chat people wane co avoid feeling and immediate circumstances (e.g., Gross, 1998). ("avoided affect") (Koopmann-Holm & Tsai, 2014). In support of chis prediction, across three studies, In chis chapter, we will primarily focus on chis new we observed char, on average, European Americans research, but we will discuss how compassion might wanted co avoid feeling negative scares more than be influenced by ideal affect at the end of chis chapter. Germans did. Thus, although most people want co The first premise of AVT postulates char how avoid negative scares, there are cultural differences people actually feel (their "actual affect") often dif­ in the degree co which people want co avoid feeling fers from how they ideally wane co feel (their "ideal negative. In contrast, c ulcural differences in actual

KOOPMANN-HOLM AND TSAI I 277 negative affect were not as strong or reliable across to Germans, Americans resist talking about their studies (Koopmann-Holm &Tsai, 2014). failures, indirectly referring to them as "items for improvement" (Hedderich, 1999, p. 161), and American- German Differences in Avoided instead praise each other for their achievements. In Negative Affect line with chis, Friday (1989) compared German and These observed differences in avoided negative American discussion styles among colleagues within affect are supported by historical accounts and per­ one corporation, and found that Germans were sonal anecdotes. For instance, in American Cool, his­ more likely to be forceful compared to Americans. torian Peter Stearns states that, in American society, Similarly, Koopmann-Holm and Matsumoto "fear and anger had no positive function ... ; rather (2011) found differences in emotional display rules, than being directed, they were to be avoided as with German display rules allowing the expression fully as possible" (Stearns, 1994, p. 96). In Against of anger and sadness more than American display Happiness, Wilson describes the first American set­ rules. Together, these findings support our findings tlers as extremely optimistic people who avoided that people in American contexts want to avoid sadness by moving to the "Promised Land": "They negative states more than do people in German thought that they would on the American shore con rexes. discover true happiness and put most sadness to I Where might these cultural differences stem rout" (Wilson, 2008, p. 11). Similarly, McAdams from? American culture endorses a "frontier spirit" describes the key feature of contemporary American (i.e., achieving one's goals, influencing one's circum­ identity as "the transformation of personal suffer­ stances, overcoming nature) more than German ing into positive-affective life scenes that serve to culture does (Koopmann-Holm & Tsai, 2014). redeem and justify one's life" (McAdams, 2004, Early American settlers went to the New World to p. 96), as reflected in American storytelling, which escape their negative circumstances and improve characteristically has positive endings. Indeed, in their lives, and as a result, they may have created a Bright-Sided, Ehrenreich (2009) describes how she culture in which individuals want to avoid the neg­ was scolded, reprimanded, and told to seek profes­ ative. In contrast, the ancestors of today's Europeans sional help by other breast cancer patients when she stayed in their homeland and had to adjust to their expressed her anger and anxiety about her diagnosis. negative life circumstances. These individuals may As suggested by Ehrenreich's experiences, Held and have created a culture that endorses greater accept­ Bohart describe how American culture views "neg­ ance of the negative. Indeed, we observed that ativity, complaining, pessimism" as sinful (Held & because American culture endorses frontier spirit Bohart, 2002, p. 961). values (i.e., valuing achievement over nature) more In contrast, in his book Ein Jahr Holle [One Year than German culture does, Americans want to of Hell], Michael Lesch, a German actor, describes avoid negative emotions more than their German his battle with cancer as "horrible," and full of counterparts do (Koopmann-Holm & Tsai, 2014, anxiety, horror, and shock (Lesch, 2008). Indeed, Study 3). German culture is often described as being mel­ ancholic and pessimistic, as the terms Weltschmerz Implications for Compassion and Angst suggest (Clair, 2005; Gelfert, 2005). This The third premise of AVf is that people's desire is reflected by the Sturm und Drang ("storm and to avoid negative states drives their behavior. In drive") movement in German literature and music their control-theory of behavior, Carver and Scheier in the eighteenth century, which was characterized (1998) argue that most behaviors are directed by the free expression of extreme positive and nega­ towards goals or away from anti-goals, and are tive emotions. In this movement, negative emotions regulated by discrepancy-reducing or discrepancy­ were not only accepted, but also glorified. enlarging feedback systems, respectively. Whereas Previous empirical work supports these his­ discrepancy-reducing systems bring organisms closer torical, ethnographic, and personal accounts of to their goals, discrepancy-enlarging processes move American-German differences as well. For instance, organisms farther from their "anti-goals." We pro­ German scholar Hedderich ( 1999) conducted semi­ pose that avoided negative affect aces like an "anti­ structured interviews with American and German goal"; therefore, people act in ways that actively employees, who had spent at least six months in distance them from the negative states they want the other country. He asked them about differences to avoid. For instance, the more someone wants to between the cultures and concluded that, compared avoid negative affect, the more likely that person

278 THE CULTURAL SHAPING OF COMPASSION :May your memories No one tru0 com/'rehends tfie nea[ your fi eart loss fhat3ou fee( tfiesatfness {f,af3 ou mus{ he ana nurture your sou[ .3oin.3 fhrou_rjh-

~-Hay )'Our memon'es Noon~ fru&romt1,.,knlt1fu fteaf your lie,m /,,,,tf,,fJ'"f"( //,, ,.J,.,,, /{,,/ mud am[ 11urt 11 re ymir sou[ !f'" 6. J';"!J1hrouf,.

Figure 21.2 Depiction of a prototypical Ameri ca n (l eft) and German (ri ght) sympathy card.

may be to avert the gaze from someone who is suf­ American cards contained more posmve words, fering (e.g., a homeless person asking for money) for more living images, fewer negative words, and fewer fear that the person who is suffering may make them dying images than did German cards (see Figures feel bad. Some preliminary data support this pre­ 21.2 and 21.3): diction: when presented with one image that could To further test our hypotheses regarding culture, either be perceived as a suffering face, a laughing compassion, and avoided negative affect, we asked face, or both, the more participants wanted to avoid European American and German participants to feeling negative affect, the more likely they were to imagine that the father of one of their acquaintances report seeing only the laughing face (Koopmann­ had just died, and that their acquaintance was very Holm, Bartel, Bin Meshar, & Yang, in preparation). sad. We then presented them with three pairs of These findings suggest that cultural differences in sympathy cards. Each pair contained one card that ( avoided negative affect may have consequences for focused more on the negative (e.g., ''A severe loss .. . the experience of compassion. For instance, because take time to grieve") and one card that focused / people must perceive another's suffering before they more on the positive (e.g., "Remembering . .. let can experience compassion, it is possible that the time heal your soul"). As predicted, Americans felt more individuals want to avoid negative affect, the less comfortable sending sympathy cards that con­ less likely they may be to put themselves in situ­ tained primarily negative content than Germans Iations in which they might observe the suffering did, and these differences were mediated by cultural . of another person. The less likely people are to see differences in avoided negative affect. Whereas 72% other people's suffering, the fewer opportunities of Germans chose at least one negative card from they have to experience compassion. the three pairs presented, only 37% of European Furthermore, avoided negative affect may play a Americans did (Koopmann-Holm & Tsai, 2014). role in how people express their sympathy or com­ passion for another. In cultures that encourage peo­ ple to avoid negative states more, people may find 9 responses that focus more on the positive and less 8

on the negative as more helpful and compassionate. 7 "E"' However, in cultures that encourage people to avoid 0 ~ 6 negative states Less, people may find responses that ""§ 8 5 D American Cards acknowledge the negative more and foc us on the '-- 0 OJ ■ German Cards positive less to be more helpful and compassionate. bl) 4 ~ To test this hypothesis, we compared the emotional C: OJ 3 content of a representative sample of American t! o': 2 and German sympathy cards sold in American and German card stores. We examined these cultural products because they are specifically designed as a 0 way of responding to others' suffering. In both the Negative Positive United States and Germany, people send sympa­ Figure 21.3 Frequency of negati ve words and positive words thy cards to show their concern and compassion to (percentage of total words that are negative or positive) in others. Supporting our hypothesis, we found that American and German sympathy cards.

KOOPMANN-HOLM AND TSAI 279 Because these data were correlarional, we Implications for Counseling, Health Care, conducted another study in which we used an Public Service, and Intervention experimental design ro examine whether rhe Our work suggests char behaviors char are tendency ro want to avoid negative affect more regarded as compassionate in one culture may nor caused greater choice of positive versus negative be in another. Focusing on rhe positive may seem cards (Koopmann-Holm & Tsai, 2014, Study 4). superficial in a German context, whereas focusing American and German participants were ran­ on rhe negative may seem discouraging and even domly assigned to either "avoid negative affect" morbid in an American context. Furthermore, our or "approach negative affect" conditions. In rhe findings suggest char American dominant models "avoid negative affect" condition, participants of compassion and empathy might nor apply in were cold ro push a joystick away from themselves German contexts and ocher contexts in which peo­ when they saw a negative (vs. neutral) image on a ple wane ro avoid negative affect less. Indeed, rhe computer screen. In rhe "approach negative affect" two most famous models explaining compassionate condition, participants were told ro pull a joystick responding, che empathy-altruism hypothesis by cowards themselves when they saw a negative (vs. Barson and colleagues (1981, 1983; 1991) and the neutral) image on a computer screen. Afterwards, negative state relief model by Cialdini and colleagues they were presented with the scenario in which (1973), assume that people do nor want ro feel neg­ they had ro choose a card ro send ro someone who ative emotions. The empathy-altruism hypothesis had just lost a loved one. Overall, participants in suggests char rhe more distress people feel when the "avoid negative affect" condition preferred seeing someone suffer, rhe Less they help, _because sympathy cards with positive content more (and people do not want ro feel char distress. Because cards with negative content less) than those in rhe Americans want to avoid feeling negative more than "approach negative affect" condition. These find­ Germans, actually feeling negative/distressed might ings suggest char differences in avoided negative interfere with helping more for Americans than affect at least partially drive different responses ro Germans. The negative stare relief model suggests suffering. char when someone is distressed because another Do the same differences emerge when people are person is suffering, this distress leads ro more help­ suffering themselves? To answer this question, we ing behavior, because people want ro improve their asked participants ro "Please imagine char one of own mood (i.e., reduce their distress) by helping your loved ones just died .... Imagine char you just someone else. While Americans might help others received a sympathy card from one of your acquain­ ro reduce their own distress, Germans might be less tances." We then presented participants with two inclined ro reduce their own distress, because they pairs of different sympathy cards. As described are more accepting of negative emotion. Thus, the above, there was one negative and one positive card motivation ro reduce one's own distress might be for each pair. We rhen asked participants ro report less relevant in German contexts for compassionate how comforting and helpful they found each card. responses to occur. ..; As predicted, Americans raced the negative cards Our findings provide just one ~ample of how as less comforting and helpful than did Germans. culture might shape che expression of compassion. When asked which type of card they would rather Understanding culcural differences in compassion is receive, only 16% of European Americans chose ac important for several reasons. First, understanding least one our of two negative cards, whereas 38% cultural differences in compassion may be critical of Germans chose at least one our of two negative ro developing effective cross-cultural counseling cards. Again, these cultural differences were parrly (Chung & Bemak, 2002). For instance, grief and due ro differences in the desire ro avoid negative trauma counseling is often organized and provided stares: rhe more individuals wanted to avoid neg­ internationally, bur ic is often ineffective because it ative scares, the less comforting and helpful they does not take into account the culrure of the peo­ found rhe negative cards (Koopmann-Holm, ple being counseled (Watters, 2010). Even among Bruchmann, Pearson, Oduye, Mann, & Fuchs, in Western clinical therapies, some may be more effec­ preparation). tive than others, depending on how much individu­ Together, these findings suggest char people als want ro avoid negative emotion. For instance, express compassion differenrly across culcures, and Sigmund Freud, rhe father of psychoanalysis, was people differ in which compassionate responses they Austrian and thus influenced by German culcure. view as helpful. Therefore, the assumption chat suppressing and

280 THE CULTURAL SHAPING OF COMPASSION avoiding negative emotions impairs functioning, American and South Korean contexts. In addition and chat one needs to release, accept, and talk about to studying the effectiveness of interventions in dif­ one's negative emotions as a "cure," might reflect the ferent cultural contexts, researchers should include German acceptance of negative emotion. In con­ measures of compassion chat reflect cultural differ­ trast, Aaron Beck, the father of cognitive therapy, ences in the conception, experience, and expression was American. The assumption in cognitive therapy of compassion. chat one needs to repair one's negative mood (i.e., make it positive) might reflect the American desire Limitations and Future Research to avoid negative emotion. Indeed, contrary to psy­ Our studies have some limitations chat should choanalytic thought, repressive coping (i .e., ignor­ be addressed in future research. First, we examined ing or suppressing negative thoughts and feelings) how avoided negative affect shapes hypothetical leads to better mental and physical health after the responses to the suffering of an acquaintance; future loss of a loved one in an American sample (Coifman, studies should examine whether these findings gen­ Bonanno, Ray, & Gross, 2007), perhaps because it eralize to actual negative events. For example, we are is consistent with the American value placed on currently investigating what types of cards are con­ avoiding negative emotion. Thus, understanding sidered most helpful by recently bereaved individu­ cultural and individual differences in avoided nega­ als, as well as how people respond to posts of actual tive affect might inform therapists and other health suffering on Twitter. Future studies should also providers how best to respond to another's suffer­ examine responses to other individuals (e.g., the suf­ ing. While some might prefer to "pass the nights fering of a family member or friend) and responses in tears, as long as [they] wane to cry" as described to different types of suffering (e.g. , having AIDS or by Goethe (1827, p. 316), others might prefer their cancer, occupational or marital difficulties). heart to "cease repining [because) behind the clouds Second, we have only begun to examine cul­ is the sun still shining" as described by Longfellow tural differences in compassion and related states (1842, p. 112). using American (mainly European American) and Knowing about cultural differences in com­ German samples. Interestingly, these are two cul­ passion may be important not just for counseling tures chat are often lumped together as "individu­ settings, but also for health care and public serv­ alistic and Western." Future studies should examine ice, where compassion can lead to better outcomes expressions of sympathy and compassion in ocher (Amador, Flynn, & Betancourt, 2015). For exam­ cultural contexts as well (e.g., Gaines & Farmer, ple, in our increasingly multicultural world, it is 1986; Grossmann & Kross, 2010). important for clinicians to know how to compas­ Third, it would be important to examine how sionately convey the diagnosis of a terminal illness these cultural differences in compassion affect com­ to patients and their families. Furthermore, an passion fatigue. Are people more susceptible to awareness of cultural differences in compassion in fatigue when they want to avoid negative affect? Our educational settings is important for advising stu­ data suggest that the desire to want to avoid feel­ dents from various cultural backgrounds and might ing negative may lead to feeling even more negative be an important aspect of "ethnoculcural empathy" when exposed to negative stimuli (see Koopmann­ (Wang et al., 2003), or understanding the perspec­ Holm & Tsai, 2014, p. 1109). Therefore, it is pos­ tive of an ethnically different person. sible that people who want to avoid feeling negative Understanding cultural and individual differ­ more might show earlier and/or greater signs of ences in expressions of compassion is also critical compassion fatigue than people who want to avoid to interventions chat aim to promote compassion, feeling negative less. Future research should test chis empathy, sympathy, and altruism in different cul­ prediction. tures. For instance, previous studies have demon­ Furthermore, future studies should also examine strated chat meditation increases compassion (e.g., how ideal affect (the affective states people ideally Condon et al. , 2013; Kemeny et al. , 2012; Leiberg want to feel; Tsai et al., 2006) might shape com­ et al., 2011; Weng et al., 2013); however, none of passion. As mentioned above, we have found chat the studies have examined whether the findings hold American culture values excitement states more and across different ethnic and cultural groups. Indeed, calm states less than many East Asian contexts do Layous, Lee, Choi, and Lyubomirsky (2013) dem­ (Tsai et al., 2006). To the degree that compassion­ onstrated chat specific happiness interventions ate responses involve positive emotion, people from do not seem to be similarly effective in North cultures chat value excitement states more might

KOOPMANN-HOLM AND TSAI 281 find excited responses to be more compassion­ However, people who want to avoid feeling nega­ ate, whereas people from cultures that value calm tive focus more on the positive when responding to states more might find calm responses to be more someone's suffering. This might make them actu­ compassionate. ally feel more positively when seeing someone suffer Another important point that future research compared to people who don't want to avoid feeling should address is how compassion should be negative. For example, when people who want to measured across but also within cultural contexts. avoid feeling negative see someone else's suffering, Should we focus our efforts on examining how peo­ they focus on the positive more and thus construe ple respond to someone they relate and feel similar the situation differently than people who want to to as suggested by Western concepts of compassion avoid the negative less. They might focus on the (Batson et al., 1981; Batson er al ., 1987)? Or should good times a grieving person had with a deceased we include a Buddhist perspective on compassion loved one, which might lead to an experience of a (Dalai Lama, 1997), which emphasizes the inter­ "warm glow" when feeling compassionate. For indi­ connectedness of all beings and therefore encourages viduals wanting to avoid feeling negative less, they compassion towards everyone, including transgres­ might focus on the pain the person feels as a result sors and adversaries? We argue for the importance of having lost a loved one, which might lead to of alternative measures of compassion in order to feeling this pain when feeling compassion. Future understand chis construct from a cross-cultural per­ research needs to test this prediction and should spective (Koopmann-Holm, Sze, et al., in prepa­ also examine whether feeling more negative while ration). In addition to including the dimension of feeling compassionate erases the positive feelings of extensivity (the quality of including everyone, not compassion (e.g., the "warm glow"), or whether the just in-group members, but also transgressors and positive and negative feelings coexist. adversaries) to compassion, it will also be impor­ Importantly, previous research has documented tant to examine compassion from a more collectiv­ clear cultural similarities in compassion. In face, ise viewpoint as well. For example, group solidarity the core tendency to relate to ochers and respond includes compassionate acts not necessarily stem­ to others' suffering might very well be universal, ming from an individual's emotion and apprais­ as Darwin suggests (Darwin, 1871). Even though als, but rather from a collective social identity (M. we find cultural differences in how people respond Gaborit, personal communication, February 19, to someone's suffering in European American and 2016). Scavrova and Schlosser (2015) define solidar­ German contexts and in what they regard as help­ ity as "behaviors that are driven by a sense of shared ful, sympathy cards are readily available in both cul­ identity with the disadvantaged and are directed at tures. This suggests that sending a sympathy card to improving their conditions" (Stavrova & Schlosser, express one's compassion occurs frequently enough 2015, p. 2), which is very much in line with the def­ for these cultural products to exist, suggesting cul­ inition of compassion in this Handbook. tural similarities in compassion. However, our work Finally, our work has focused on the cultural demonstrates that the motivations that follow chis shaping of the conceptualizations and expressions initial emotional tendency to be compassionate and of compassion. More research is needed to exam­ to want to help (i.e., whether people focus on the ine how these differences shape the experience of positive or negative) are shaped by culture. compassion. Our findings suggest chat compassion In conclusion, although Darwin might have been is expressed differently, depending on the degree to correct in proposing that the tendency to feel com­ which people want to avoid feeling negative emo­ passion is basic and instinctual, it is clear that there tions. Because compassion is expressed differently, are differences across cultures in the conception, based on the "cultural construction" view of emo­ experience, and expression of compassion. Here we tion (Boiger & Mesquita, 2012), it is possible that demonstrate that cultural differences in the degree compassion is also experienced differently. Previous to which people want to avoid negative emotions studies suggest that cultural differences exist in how predicts how people respond to ochers' suffering people experience empathy and altruistic motiva­ as well as people's preferences for how they would tion (de Greek et al., 2012; Miller & Bersoff, 1994; like others to respond to their own suffering (i.e., Siu & Shek, 2005). Our research suggests that peo­ what they regard as most helpful and compassion­ ple who want to avoid feeling negative may actually ate). The more people want to avoid negative affect, feel more negative when exposed to negative images the more they focus on the positive (vs. negative) (see Koopmann-Holm & Tsai, 2014, p. 1109). when responding to others' suffering, and the more

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