Santa Clara University Scholar Commons Psychology College of Arts & Sciences 2017 The cultural shaping of compassion Birgit Koopmann-Holm Santa Clara University, [email protected] Jeanne L. Tsai Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.scu.edu/psych Part of the Psychology Commons Recommended Citation Koopmann-Holm, B. & Tsai, J. L. (2017). The cultural shaping of compassion. In E. M. Seppälä, E. Simon- Thomas, S. L. Brown, M. C. Worline, C. D. Cameron, & J. R. Doty (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of compassion science (pp. 273-285). New York: Oxford University Press. Copyright © 2017. Reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press. This material was originally published in The Oxford handbook of compassion science edited by E. M. Seppälä, E. Simon-Thomas, S. L. Brown, M. C. Worline, C. D. Cameron, & J. R. Doty, and has been reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press. For permission to reuse this material, please visit http://www.oup.co.uk/academic/rights/ permissions. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Psychology by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHAP TER 21 The Cultural Shaping of Compassion Birgit Koopmann-Holm and Jeanne L. Tsai Abstract In this chapter, we first review the existing literature on cross-cultural studies on compassion. While cultural similarities exist, we demonstrate cultural differences in the conception, experience, and expression of compassion. Then we present our own work on the cultural shaping of compassion by introducing Affect Valuation Theory ( e.g., Tsai, Knutson, & Fung, 2006), our theoretical framework. We show how the desire to avoid feeling negative partly explains cultural differences in conceptualizations and expressions of compassion. Specifically, the more people want to avoid feeling negative, the more they focus on the positive (e.g., comforting memories) than the negative (e.g., the pain of someone's death) when responding to others' suffering, and the more they regard responses as helpful that focus on the positive (vs. negative). Finally, we discuss implications of our work for counseling, health care, and public service settings, as well as for interventions that aim to promote compassion. Key Words: culture, compassion, sympathy, affect valuation theory, emotion, American, German In The Descent ofMan, and Selection in Relation Simon-Thomas, 2010). However, because previous to Sex, Charles Darwin described the feeling of con­ researchers have used other terms (e.g., "sympathy," cern about another person's suffering (i.e., compas­ "empathy," "altruism") to refer to states and behav­ sion), as a basic human instinct that composed the iors that overlap with and are related to compassion, "noblest part ofour nature" (Darwin, 1871 , p. 162). we refer to studies that focus on these states as well. While increasing research suggests that experiences In this chapter, we review the existing cross-cultural of compassion are associated with greater psycho­ research on compassion and then describe our own logical well-being and prosocial behavior (e.g. , work in the area. But first, we describe what we Allred, Mallozzi, Matsui, & Raia, 1997; Condon & mean by "culture." DeSteno, 2011; Hofmann, Grossman, & Hinton, 2011 ; Neff, Hsieh, & Dejitterat, 2005; Neff, What Is Culture? Kirkpatrick, & Rude, 2007; Pace et al., 2009), most By "culture," we refer to socially transmitted of this research has focused on Western samples. As and historically derived ideas that are instanti­ a result, we still know relatively little about the role ated in shared practices, products, and institutions that culture plays in the conception, experience, (Kroeber & Kluckhohn, 1952). Cultural ideas pro­ and expression of compassion, which has implica­ vide individuals with a framework for how to be a tions for which aspects of compassion are "basic" good person (Shweder, 1991), and by engaging in and "instinctual" (Wuthnow, 2012, p. 306). In this framework, individuals recreate this framework line with the other chapters in this Handbook, we for others (Markus & Kitayama, 2010). This proc­ define "compassion" as sensitivity to the pain or ess is called "the mutual constitution of cultures and suffering of another person, coupled with a deep selves" (Markus & Kirayama, 2010) or the "culture desire to alleviate that suffering (Goetz, Keltner, & cycle" (Markus & Conner, 2013). For example, 2 73 women's magazines contain advertisements with Bencharit, Chim, Yeung, & F ung, under review) . models that reflect the beauty ideals of the adver­ Consequently, experiences and expressions of tisers. Readers of these magazines may at least to excitement may mean something_ different in East so me degree consciously or unconsciously internal­ Asian vs. U.S. contexts. ize these beauty ideals. Consequently, they may try In this chapter, we argue that cultures shape dif­ to emulate these ideals by purchasing clothes and ferent aspects of compassion (for a discussion of other products that reflect the ideals. Furthermore, different factors that might bring about cultural dif­ readers may consciously or unconsciously use these ferences in compassion, see Chiao, Chapter 12 this ideals when judging the beauty of others. volume). More specifically, we propose that culture Culture not only shapes ideals of beauty, but may shape how people conceptualize compassion also ideals of emotion (Markus & Kitayama, 201 0). (i.e., which feelings, thoughts, and behaviors peo­ The "cultural construction" approach to emotion ple view as being compassionate/helpful), experi­ (Boiger & Mesquita, 2012) argues that people's cul­ ence compassion (i.e., how people feel when they tural contexts shape their emotions by providing a see others suffering), and express compassion (i .e., framework for interpreting each emotional episode. what people do when they see others suffering), as For example, in a cultural context like the United illustrated in Figure 21.1. Here we focus on the spe­ States, in which people are encouraged to influence cific case in which cultural differences in views of others, excitement, enthusiasm, and other high­ negative affect shape how individuals conceptualize arousal positive states are viewed as desirable, in part and express compassion. At the end of the chapter, because being excited helps individuals change their we discuss the implications of these cultural differ­ environments to be consistent with their desires, ences for cross-cultural counseling, health care, and beliefs, and preferences (Tsai, Knutson, & Fung, public service. 2006; Tsai, Miao, Seppala, Fung, & Yeung, 2007). Thus, in many U.S. contexts, people are encouraged What Do We Know About Compassion to show and express their excitement and enthusi­ Across Cultures? asm, and people who show these states are rated First we will review existing cross-cultural stud­ more positively (S ims &Tsai, 2015). In contrast, in ies of the conception, experience, and expression of Eas t Asian contexts, in which people are encouraged compassion and related states, which demonstrate to adjust to others, calm, peacefulness, and other cultural similarities and differences. low-arousal positive states are viewed as desirable in part because being calm helps individuals attend Conception to their environments and ultimately change their Across different cultures, people conceive of own desires, beliefs, and preferences to be consist­ compassion and other related states (e.g., sympa­ ent with those of others. Thus, in many East Asian thy, empathy) as emotional (e.g., Shaver, Murdaya, contexts, people are encouraged to show and express & Fraley, 2001). At the same time, cultures also their calm and peacefulness, and people who show appear to differ in what is construed as being com­ these states are rated more positively (Tsai, Blevins, passionate. For instance, most Western concepts of Culture l Views of Negative Affect Conception Experience Expression Which feelings, thoughts, How people feel when they What people do when and behaviors people see others suffering they see ochers suffering view as being compassionate/helpful Figure 21.l 1he cultural shaping of compassion through views of negative affect. TH E CULTURAL SHAPING OF COMPASSION 274 I compassion assume that people should feel the most motivation is associated with both types of help­ compass ion for people whom they can identify with­ ing behavior to similar degrees (Miller & Bersoff, (Batson, O 'Quin, Fultz, Vanderplas, & Isen, 1983), 1994). Together, these studies suggest char culcure whose perspectives they can share (Toi & Batson, may shape people's conceptions of compassion and 1982), and whom they feel similar to (Batson, ocher related scares. Duncan, Ackerman, Buckley, & Birch, 1981; Batson, Fultz, & Schoenrade, 1987). In contrast, Experience Buddhist conceptions of compassion assume that Several studies suggest char the elicicors of sym­ everyone and everything is interconnected (Dalai pathy are similar across cultures: people feel sympa­ Lama, 1997), and therefore, people should be able thy for others who suffer for reasons chat are beyond to feel compassion towards all beings, including their control (e.g., Zhang, Xia, & Li, 2007). In adversaries and transgressors. German, Israeli, Indonesian, and Malaysian con­ Differences in the conceptualization of com­ texts, children expressed sympathy (e.g.,