The Fight for Control Within the Syrian Opposition
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Offensive Against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area Near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS
June 23, 2016 Offensive against the Syrian City of Manbij May Be the Beginning of a Campaign to Liberate the Area near the Syrian-Turkish Border from ISIS Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) fighters at the western entrance to the city of Manbij (Fars, June 18, 2016). Overview 1. On May 31, 2016, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a Kurdish-dominated military alliance supported by the United States, initiated a campaign to liberate the northern Syrian city of Manbij from ISIS. Manbij lies west of the Euphrates, about 35 kilometers (about 22 miles) south of the Syrian-Turkish border. In the three weeks since the offensive began, the SDF forces, which number several thousand, captured the rural regions around Manbij, encircled the city and invaded it. According to reports, on June 19, 2016, an SDF force entered Manbij and occupied one of the key squares at the western entrance to the city. 2. The declared objective of the ground offensive is to occupy Manbij. However, the objective of the entire campaign may be to liberate the cities of Manbij, Jarabulus, Al-Bab and Al-Rai, which lie to the west of the Euphrates and are ISIS strongholds near the Turkish border. For ISIS, the loss of the area is liable to be a severe blow to its logistic links between the outside world and the centers of its control in eastern Syria (Al-Raqqah), Iraq (Mosul). Moreover, the loss of the region will further 112-16 112-16 2 2 weaken ISIS's standing in northern Syria and strengthen the military-political position and image of the Kurdish forces leading the anti-ISIS ground offensive. -
Syria: "Torture Was My Punishment": Abductions, Torture and Summary
‘TORTURE WAS MY PUNISHMENT’ ABDUCTIONS, TORTURE AND SUMMARY KILLINGS UNDER ARMED GROUP RULE IN ALEPPO AND IDLEB, SYRIA Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2016 Cover photo: Armed group fighters prepare to launch a rocket in the Saif al-Dawla district of the Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons northern Syrian city of Aleppo, on 21 April 2013. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Miguel Medina/AFP/Getty Images https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2016 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 24/4227/2016 July 2016 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 METHODOLOGY 7 1. BACKGROUND 9 1.1 Armed group rule in Aleppo and Idleb 9 1.2 Violations by other actors 13 2. ABDUCTIONS 15 2.1 Journalists and media activists 15 2.2 Lawyers, political activists and others 18 2.3 Children 21 2.4 Minorities 22 3. -
THE PUBLIC MONETARY AUTHORITY in NORTHWEST SYRIA Flash Report 10 July 2020 KEY DEVELOPMENTS
THE PUBLIC MONETARY AUTHORITY IN NORTHWEST SYRIA Flash report 10 July 2020 KEY DEVELOPMENTS The Public Monetary Authority (PMA) is a rebranding of the Hay’at Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS)'s General Institution for Cash Management and Customer Protection (CMCP) which was established in May 2017. The PMA imposed a mandatory registration on currency exchange and hawala companies and classified them into three main categories depending on the size of their financial capital. The PMA has the right to supervise, monitor, and inspect monetary transactions, data, records and documents of licensed companies to ensure compliance with the PMA’s regulations, during the validity period of the license, or even if the license was terminated or revoked. Licensed companies must provide the PMA with a monthly report detailing incoming and outcoming financial remittances and must maintain financial liquidity ranging from 25% to 50% of the company's financial value in US dollars at the PMA custody at all times. Financial transfers made in Turkish lira will include the Syrian Salvation Government (SSG), as the currency will be brought in from the SSG's Sham Bank. This is not the case of financial transfers made in other currencies including the US dollar. The intervention of the PMA in hawala networks has profound implications for humanitarian organizations operating in northwestern Syria, however hawala agents, particularly in medium to large agencies, can reject the PMA's monitoring and control requirements. INTRODUCTION constant price fluctuation", according to interviews To mitigate the impact of the rapid and continuous published on local media agencies. collapse of the Syrian pound, which exceeded 3,000 SYP per USD in early July 2020, local authorities in Local authorities however have not explained the northwest Syria have decided instead to trade political aspect of this shift with regards to its effect using the Turkish lira. -
Policy Notes for the Trump Notes Administration the Washington Institute for Near East Policy ■ 2018 ■ Pn55
TRANSITION 2017 POLICYPOLICY NOTES FOR THE TRUMP NOTES ADMINISTRATION THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ 2018 ■ PN55 TUNISIAN FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN IRAQ AND SYRIA AARON Y. ZELIN Tunisia should really open its embassy in Raqqa, not Damascus. That’s where its people are. —ABU KHALED, AN ISLAMIC STATE SPY1 THE PAST FEW YEARS have seen rising interest in foreign fighting as a general phenomenon and in fighters joining jihadist groups in particular. Tunisians figure disproportionately among the foreign jihadist cohort, yet their ubiquity is somewhat confounding. Why Tunisians? This study aims to bring clarity to this question by examining Tunisia’s foreign fighter networks mobilized to Syria and Iraq since 2011, when insurgencies shook those two countries amid the broader Arab Spring uprisings. ©2018 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ NO. 30 ■ JANUARY 2017 AARON Y. ZELIN Along with seeking to determine what motivated Evolution of Tunisian Participation these individuals, it endeavors to reconcile estimated in the Iraq Jihad numbers of Tunisians who actually traveled, who were killed in theater, and who returned home. The find- Although the involvement of Tunisians in foreign jihad ings are based on a wide range of sources in multiple campaigns predates the 2003 Iraq war, that conflict languages as well as data sets created by the author inspired a new generation of recruits whose effects since 2011. Another way of framing the discussion will lasted into the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution. center on Tunisians who participated in the jihad fol- These individuals fought in groups such as Abu Musab lowing the 2003 U.S. -
War Economy in Syria Study
War Economy in Syria Study 1 War Economy in Syria Study 1 War Economy in Syria Study .................................................................................................................. ............................ .......... ......................................... ............................ .................................................................................................................... ........................................ ................................................................................................................................... .................................................................................................... ........................................................................................................... ........................................................................................................ ....... ............................................................................................................. .................................................. .................................................................................................... .......................................................................................... ...................... ...................................................................... .............................................................................................. ..................................................................................................... -
The Islamic Front by Aaron Y
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2177 Rebels Consolidating Strength in Syria: The Islamic Front by Aaron Y. Zelin Dec 3, 2013 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Aaron Y. Zelin Aaron Y. Zelin is the Richard Borow Fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy where his research focuses on Sunni Arab jihadi groups in North Africa and Syria as well as the trend of foreign fighting and online jihadism. Brief Analysis The latest umbrella organization for key rebel factions in Syria may not include U.S.-designated terrorist groups, but it does oppose many U.S. objectives. he recent merger of several Syrian rebel groups into the Islamic Front (IF) is one of the war's most important T developments. Although the political and military opposition has long been fragmented, the new umbrella organization brings seven groups and their combined force of 45,000-60,000 fighters under one command. It also links the fight in the north and the south. Most notably, though, it affirms the troubles Washington will have setting policy in Syria going forward. WHO ARE THEY? F ormally announced on November 22, the IF includes groups from three prior umbrella organizations: the Syrian Islamic Front (SIF), the Syrian Islamic Liberation Front (SILF), and the Kurdish Islamic Front (KIF). From the SIF, Harakat Ahrar al-Sham al-Islamiyya (HASI), Kataib Ansar al-Sham, and Liwa al-Haqq joined, as did the KIF as a whole and former SILF brigades Suqur al-Sham, Liwa al-Tawhid, and Jaish al-Islam. None of these groups has been designated by the U.S. -
Syrian Armed Opposition Powerbrokers
March 2016 Jennifer Cafarella and Genevieve Casagrande MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 29 SYRIAN ARMED OPPOSITION POWERBROKERS Cover: A rebel fighter of the Southern Front of the Free Syrian Army gestures while standing with his fellow fighter near their weapons at the front line in the north-west countryside of Deraa March 3, 2015. Syrian government forces have taken control of villages in southern Syria, state media said on Saturday, part of a campaign they started this month against insurgents posing one of the biggest remaining threats to Damascus. Picture taken March 3, 2015. REUTERS/Stringer All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2016 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2016 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 www.understandingwar.org Jennifer Cafarella and Genevieve Casagrande MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 29 SYRIAN ARMED OPPOSITION POWERBROKERS ABOUT THE AUTHORS Jennifer Cafarella is the Evans Hanson Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War where she focuses on the Syrian Civil War and opposition groups. Her research focuses particularly on the al Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al Nusra and their military capabilities, modes of governance, and long-term strategic vision. She is the author of Likely Courses of Action in the Syrian Civil War: June-December 2015, and Jabhat al-Nusra in Syria: An Islamic Emirate for al-Qaeda. -
Syrian War at the Crossroads
\ POLICY BRIEF 4 \ 2020 Syrian war at the crossroads Curbing arms flow, imposing a no-fly zone and opening al-Yarubiyah border crossing Lena Schellhammer, Marius Bales \ BICC Policy recommendations to EU member states \ Impose a comprehensive arms embargo \ Establish a UN-mandated no-fly zone in to secondary conflict parties northern Syria Suspend the transfer of weapons, ammunition and To stop the cycle of mass displacement and attacks military equipment to secondary conflict parties, such against civilians, a UN-mandated no-fly zone must be as Turkey and Saudi Arabia, to stop illegal re-transfers established in northern Syria. If a no-fly zone is not to the Syrian war zone. Existing national agreements successful in protecting civilians in northern Syria, a to suspend certain arms exports to Turkey (2019) by UN-mandated safe zone must also be considered and Norway, Finland, the Netherlands, France, the United ultimately implemented. Kingdom and Germany, as well as the export moratoria of limited duration for Saudi Arabia (2018), should be \ Extend humanitarian cross-border aid extended to a comprehensive, not time-limited EU (UNSCR 2165) and reopen the al-Yarubiyah arms embargo. border crossing EU member states must call on the UN Security Council \ Buy and destroy the still existing stocks to vote for continuing humanitarian cross-border aid of former Yugoslav weapons (UNSCR 2165) and to reopen the al-Yarubiyah border Many of the weapons that are re-exported to Syria are crossing with Iraq in north-eastern Syria to prevent old arms, produced in former Yugoslavian countries or the humanitarian situation from deteriorating further. -
Islamism Within a Civil War: the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood's Struggle For
RETHINKING POLITICAL ISLAM SERIES August 2015 Islamism within a civil war: The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood’s struggle for survival WORKING PAPER Raphaël Lefèvre, Carnegie Middle East Center SUMMARY: After 30 years in exile outside of Syria, the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood has become an important component of the western-backed Syrian opposition. Despite its influence, the expansion and radicalization of the Islamist scene in Syria challenges the legitimacy of the Brotherhood’s gradualist approach and constrains its presence on the ground. About this Series: The Rethinking Political Islam series is an innovative effort to understand how the developments following the Arab uprisings have shaped—and in some cases altered—the strategies, agendas, and self-conceptions of Islamist movements throughout the Muslim world. The project engages scholars of political Islam through in-depth research and dialogue to provide a systematic, cross-country comparison of the trajectory of political Islam in 12 key countries: Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Syria, Jordan, Libya, Pakistan, as well as Malaysia and Indonesia. This is accomplished through three stages: A working paper for each country, produced by an author who has conducted on-the-ground research and engaged with the relevant Islamist actors. A reaction essay in which authors reflect on and respond to the other country cases. A final draft incorporating the insights gleaned from the months of dialogue and discussion. The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. -
ICT Jihadi Monitoring Group
ICT Jihadi Monitoring Group PERIODIC REVIEW Bimonthly Report Summary of Information on Jihadist Websites The First Half of September 2014 International Institute for Counter Terrorism (ICT) Additional resources are available on the ICT Website: www.ict.org.il Highlights This report summarizes notable events discussed on jihadist Web forums during the first half of September 2014. Following are the main points covered in the report: Sheikh Ayman al-Zawahiri, the leader of Al-Qaeda, announces the establishment of a new Al- Qaeda branch in the Indian subcontinent. According to him, the new branch is meant to focus on spreading the faith in the Oneness of God, liberating occupied Muslim lands, revitalizing the institution of the Caliphate, and supporting persecuted Muslims in the Indian subcontinent. Sheikh Assem Omar, the leader of the new branch, and Usama Mahmoud, the spokesperson for the branch, clarify that they are loyal to al-Zawahiri and that they will work for the sake of the Muslim people in the Indian subcontinent who are being persecuted by the regimes. The spokesperson for Al-Qaeda, Sheikh Sheikh Hussam Abd al-Rauf, claims that there is a false propaganda campaign being waged against Al-Qaeda and its leader, Sheikh Ayman al-Zawahiri. According to him, despite all of the unfounded analyses and forecasts, the organization continues to maintain its power and its control of its branches, and to expand into new arenas of jihad. According to him, local regimes are collaborating with foreign forces hostile to Islam, with the goal of repressing the civil revolutions known as the Arab Spring and thwarting the efforts of the mujahideen to impose shari’a. -
The Formation of Hay'at Tahrir Al-Sham in اﺳم اﻟﻣوﺿوع : Syria: Motives and Goals the Formation of Hay'at Tahri
The Formation of Hay¶at Tahrir al-Sham in : ωϭοϭϣϟϡγ Syria: Motives and Goals The Formation of Hay¶at Tahrir al-Sham in : ωϭοϭϣϟϥϭϧϋ Syria: Motives and Goals 23/02/2017 : έηϧϟΦϳέΎΗ ΔϣΩϘΗϣϟΕΎγέΩϟϭΙΎΣΑϸϟϝΑϘΗγϣϟίϛέϣ : ΏΗΎϛϟϡγ : ωϭοϭϣϟ 9/29/2021 1:10:18 PM 1 / 2 The establishment of Hay¶at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), or the µOrganization for the Liberation of the Levant¶on January 28, 2017, constituted a significant transformation in the position of Jabhat Fateh al-Sham (JFS), formerly known as Jabhat al-Nusra (al-Nusra Front). JFS succeeded in forming a merger of a number of small-armed factions into HTS, due to political and military developments. Such developments include the Astana conference, which took place on January 23 and 24 of this year between the Assad regime and various factions of the Syrian opposition. Other developments include the escalating and widening conflict between JFS and other armed factions, such as the Islamic State-affiliated Jund al-Aqsa. In addition, there is an increasing armed confrontation between HTS and the militant group Ahrar al-Sham. The conflict became evident when HTS sought to take over positions, previously controlled by Ahrar al-Sham in Darat Izza, only five days after Ahrar al-Sham had established itself in these locations. However, HTS eventually withdrew from these positions after intermediaries between the two parties intervened. A New CoalitionIn addition to Jabhat Fateh al-Sham, the coalition, which makes up Hay¶at Tahrir al-Sham, includes the Nour al-Din al- Zenki Movement, which is active in Aleppo, Liwa al-Haqq in Aleppo, Idlib and Hama, the Ansar al-Din Front, and Jaysh al-Sunna in Homs. -
The Precariousness of the De-Escalation Zones in Syria
The Precariousness of the De-Escalation Zones in Syria Mustafa Gurbuz May 10, 2017 Although the Russia-Turkey-Iran agreement on Given the fact that neither the Assad regime nor de-escalation zones in Syria was announced the Syrian opposition has signed the recent with boastful statements, ongoing clashes on agreement, maintaining the de-escalation zones the designated zones point to serious could be an arduous task. Three major problems impediments in implementing the ceasefire on arise (1) the Assad regime’s militaristic the ground. “We as guarantors…will do interpretation of the agreement and reluctance everything for this to work,” declared Russian to provide “rapid, safe and unhindered President Vladimir Putin in his meeting with humanitarian access” and “measures to restore Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who basic infrastructure facilities,” which are stated in turn said that the agreement will solve “50 as essential elements in the agreement, (2) the percent of the Syrian issue.” The Syrian opposition’s deep skepticism and internal opposition groups, however, criticized the divisions, and (3) the potential provocations by overall Astana process, noting that the de- Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and other al-Qaida escalation zones could result in partitioning affiliates to disrupt the process. These are “the country through vague meanings.” nestled among the rebels in all proposed de- escalation zones and are most powerful in the According to a statement from the Russian Idlib region and its surroundings—a critical Foreign Ministry, the agreement suggests that zone that could determine the fate of the the guarantor states—Russia-Turkey-Iran— agreement.