Confucian Tradition, Modernization, and Globalization
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Journal of chinese humanities 1 (���5) 241-258 brill.com/joch Confucian Tradition, Modernization, and Globalization Yao Xinzhong Abstract Drawing on important theories on tradition and modernization that developed in the past few decades, this article is intended to argue against two extreme views concerning tradition and modernity, one propagating that modernization intrinsically precludes tradition and the other claiming that, to uphold tradition, we must reject modernity. Applying the “circular model” of tradition and modernity and the paradigm of “long tradition,” we contend that tradition and modernity comprise and supplement each other and that, together, they form a continuum in the process of modernization, in contrast to the widespread view that modernization breaks away from tradition. We further examine critically various proposals on the usefulness of tradition for modern life and on the value of Confucian ethics for modernization in China. By arguing that tradition must not be separated from modernity and must be seen as part of modern- ization, this article concludes that only by including tradition will modernization be sustainable and that Confucian ethics can play an important role in reshaping the moral landscape of China in the rapidly modernized and globalized age. Keywords Confucian ethics – globalization – modernization – tradition * Yao Xinzhong is a professor of philosophy and head of the Department of Philosophy, Renmin University, Beijing. China; e-mail: [email protected]. This article derives in part from an M.A. course jointly taught by Ralph Parfect and the author at King’s College London. The author thanks Dr. Parfect for his contribution to the course and his work on the lecture notes. Further research on this article was supported by a research grant from Southeast University. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���5 | doi 10.1163/23521341-010100Downloaded13 from Brill.com10/06/2021 12:31:53PM via free access 242 Yao Since the initiation of “the reform and opening up policy” in the late 1970s, China has been in great transformation, facilitated primarily by dramatic economic development and its wider repercussions in social and cultural spheres. These changes have inevitably reshaped the ethical perspectives of the Chinese people and have implicitly or explicitly altered the moral values, beliefs, norms, and thinking styles that we long took for granted in the past. In other words, ethical traditions, either old or new, have changed in the process of modernization and in the context of globalization. What does it mean for ethical traditions to change along with moderniza- tion? To answer this question, we must examine what we mean by tradition, what role the “changing tradition” can play in modernization, and how mod- ernization actively absorbs rather than totally rejects tradition. Drawing on various theories concerning tradition and modernization, this article argues against two extreme views concerning tradition and modernity, one propa- gating that modernization intrinsically precludes tradition and the other claiming that, to uphold tradition, we must reject modernity. Applying the “circular model of tradition and modernity” and the “paradigm of long tradition,” this article contends that instead of a conventional view of total contradiction, tradition and modernity comprise each other and together form a continuum in the process of modernization. It further examines various proposals on the usefulness of tradition for modern life and investigates how Confucian tradi- tions and modernizing powers interact intensively to shape contemporary ethics in China and beyond. Value of Tradition The word “tradition” in English stems from the Latin traditio and tradere, the latter of which has the original meaning of “deliver, betray.” After the Renais- sance, it came to refer more broadly to processes of handing over or hand- ing down. In ordinary language, “tradition” involves a wide range of contents including all cultural heritages from the past, both material and spiritual. However, in this article it is used in a much narrower sense, referring to the transmission of beliefs, values, practices, and lifestyles, as defined in diction- ary as “the transmission of customs or beliefs from generation to generation.”1 1 Judy Pearsall, ed., Concise Oxford Dictionary, 10th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 1519. In Chinese, the meaning of “tradition” can be seen in a passage of the Mencius: 苟為善, 後世子孫必有王者矣。 君子創業垂統, 為可繼也。 若夫 Journal of chinese humanitiesDownloaded from 1 Brill.com10/06/2021 (2�15) 241-258 12:31:53PM via free access Confucian Tradition, Modernization, and Globalization 243 As a body of beliefs and practices and so forth, tradition is often found in writ- ten materials, a collection of surviving texts that are handed down over history and by which we know the beliefs and practices of the past. However, apart from the written tradition, there are also oral traditions that are passed to us through oral narratives. Regardless of the means by which tradition is main- tained, people tend to differentiate a “living tradition” (e.g., Confucian vir- tues among the Chinese) from a “dead tradition” (e.g., the customs in ancient Egypt relating to the pharaohs). A dead tradition refers to the beliefs, values, and practices that can be found only in museums, archaeological excavations, or forgotten texts that are no longer meaningful in contemporary life. In con- trast, a “living tradition” is transmitted through both the texts and the minds and bodies of the people and is alive in our life and functions in social/moral/ religious practices and conventions. Although tradition can be viewed from different perspectives, separation of the actual tradition from written tradition or the living from the dead is applicable only in theoretical research. In fact, these elements are often inter- mingled, mutually supported, and strengthened. There are many ways for the written tradition to become actually held beliefs and values. For exam- ple, orthodox texts at a particular point in time could have been imposed on a population by imperial decree, and the popularization of certain ideas in the texts could have been accomplished through drama, storytelling, primary education, and family rituals. Popular practices and beliefs can also influence how texts were and are written and make their way into orthodox texts. One of the most famous examples is that the popular poems during the Zhou dynasty (1045? BCE-256 BCE) were selected and collected into the Book of Poetry (Shi Jing), which subsequently became accepted as one of the Confucian classics and since then has influenced the Chinese way of life for thousands of years. Although the word “tradition” is often used by scholars as well as ordinary people, few of them have clearly defined the word before using it. “There has been very little analysis of the properties of tradition,” according to Edward Shils. This prompts him to examine the word and describe what “properties” it has: 成功,則天也。(If a man does good deeds, then among his descendants in generations to come there will surely rise one who will become a king. All a gentleman can do in starting an enterprise [chuang ye 創業] is to leave behind a tradition [chui tong 垂统] which can be carried on [ke ji 可繼]. Heaven alone can grant success” (1B:14; D.C. Lau, trans., Mencius [London: Penguin Books, 1970], 71). Journal of chinese humanities 1 (2�15) 241-258 Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 12:31:53PM via free access 244 Yao “Tradition” and “traditional” are among the most commonly used terms in the whole vocabulary of the study of culture and society. The terms “tra- dition” and “traditional” are used to describe and explain the recurrence in approximately identical form of structures of conduct and patterns of belief over several generations of membership or over a long time within single societies . and within corporate bodies as well as over regions which extend across several bounded territorial discrete societies.2 This short paragraph includes four key phrases—“identical forms,” “con- duct and belief,” “recurrence,” and “bodies and regions”—that are important in understanding the properties of tradition. The first one refers to the par- ticular nature of “tradition,” namely, the existence of any tradition lies in the “approximately identical” things that exist and are being transmitted. If things are totally different or are only remotely similar, they cannot form a tradition. The second refers to the actual contents of a tradition: any tradition must be related to clearly identifiable patterns of beliefs and conducts that form cer- tain structures. A tradition is sustained by common memories, emotions, and beliefs; it is also identified by the “approximately identical” structures of behavior and way of living. The beliefs and conduct form the two sides of a tradition, the internal contents and the external contents. The third one refers to the time dimension of tradition: a tradition accumulates through the recur- rence of the same or similar patterns of beliefs and conduct, namely certain kinds of beliefs and conduct occur again and again over a long time or at least for several generations before being regarded as a tradition. The last one indi- cates that tradition has a spatial dimension, often confined to particular social organizations or geographic regions. Tradition is, in essence, the way of life followed by people with a common origin or purpose. Abiding by certain ways of life, people tend to follow the same or similar customs or fall into a similar structure of behavior within a particular group or society, which are then dis- tilled into a common history and a shared code of conduct. The properties of a tradition tell us that tradition is the recurrence of more or less stable structures and patterns of beliefs and conduct that formed in the past but are successively handed down. What is handed down often appears in various forms, such as ritual, codes, conventions, customs, beliefs, practices, and memories.