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Counter-Terrorism 1 Counter-Terrorism
Counter-terrorism 1 Counter-terrorism WARNING: Article could not be rendered - ouputting plain text. Potential causes of the problem are: (a) a bug in the pdf-writer software (b) problematic Mediawiki markup (c) table is too wide United States Coast GuardCoast Guard on counter-terrorism patrol in Upper New York Bay. Verrazano-Narrows Bridge in distance spanning The Narrows between Brooklyn (left) and Staten Island (right).TerrorismDefinitions of terrorismDefinitionsHistory of terrorismHistoryList of terrorist incidentsIncidents Counter-terrorism (also spelled counterterrorism) incorporates the practices, Military tacticstactics, techniques, and strategies that governments, militarymilitaries, police departments and corporations adopt to attack terrorist threats and/or acts, both real and imputed.The tactic of terrorism is available to insurgencyinsurgents and governments. Not all insurgents use Fearterror as a tactic, and some choose not to use it because other tactics work better for them in a particular context. Individuals, such as Timothy McVeigh, may also engage in terrorist acts such as the Oklahoma City bombing. If the terrorism is part of a broader insurgency, counter-terrorism may also form a part of a counter-insurgency doctrine, but political, economic, and other measures may focus more on the insurgency than the specific acts of terror. Foreign internal defense (FID) is a term used for programs either to suppress insurgency, or reduce the conditions under which insurgency could develop. Counter-terrorism includes both the detection of potential acts and the response to related events. PlanningUnited States Customs and Border Protection officers, fully armed and armored for a counter-terrorism operationMost counter-terrorism strategies involve an increase in standard police and domestic intelligence. -
Tracing the Role of Technology in Iranian Politics: from the Islamic Revolution of 1979 to the Presidential Election of 2009
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 21, Issue 4, Ver. 7 (Apr. 2016) PP 06-16 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org Tracing the Role of Technology in Iranian Politics: From the Islamic Revolution of 1979 to the Presidential Election of 2009 Dr. Farid M.S Al-Salim History Program . Department of Humanities . College of Arts and Sciences. Qatar University P.O Box 2713 Doha, Qatar Abstract: This paper will attempt to examine the question: Given the advances in technology, why did the 2009 election protest movement fail to accomplish any of their goals while the participations of the 1979 Revolution were able to succeed in accomplishing their expressed objective? This question will provide a simplified test to a common tenant of those that support the use of technology as a means of bringing about regime change: that advances in communication technology are diffusing power away from governments and toward individual citizens and non-state actors. In order to answer this question this paper will examine the role of technology as an enabling factor in both the 1979 revolution and 2009 election protests. A brief historical context of the 1979 and 2009 conflicts will be provided, followed by a short history about the use of the Internet in Iran and finally the concluding remarks. Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi was said to be “The Shah-in-Shah” or the King of Kings.1 The head of the Iranian government, son of Reza Shah and architect of the White Revolution, Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi would also be the final ruling monarch of Iran. -
1 Ethics of Nuclear Weapons and National Security Intelligence
1 Ethics of Nuclear Weapons and National Security Intelligence Michael Andregg, University of St. Thomas in St. Paul, MN, USA, [email protected] for Presentation to the International Ethics Section of the ISA, San Francisco, April 6, 2013 Introduction From the beginning of the nuclear age there have been fears that we may have invented a weapon that will destroy us all. J. Robert Oppenheimer, who helped build the first fission bombs, commented often on this (1). Albert Einstein, whose letter to then President Franklin Roosevelt helped convince him to fund them, talked about the imperative to seek peace and new ways of thinking about everything as he neared death (2). Bertrand Russell coauthored a Manifesto with Einstein (and nine others) to warn the world that everything had changed (3). Yet thousands of thoughtful people still felt compelled by the urgencies of World War II to make nuclear weapons and to use two of them against other human beings. To end the war, they said to each other, and perhaps to show the Soviets who would be the big dog following. But then what? Another arms race had begun, and bigger, badder WMDs would be developed soon. As soon as more than one nation had nuclear weapons, some strategy had to be conceived for their use. Mutual Assured Destruction was the main result, and millions learned the irony of a “MAD” strategy, where safety was to be assured by capabilities and declared will to destroy human civilization if we were frightened enough by any enemy. Those we terrified produced similar weapons and strategies. -
Introduction
NOTES Introduction 1. Robert Kagan to George Packer. Cited in Packer’s The Assassin’s Gate: America In Iraq (Faber and Faber, London, 2006): 38. 2. Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke, America Alone: The Neoconservatives and the Global Order (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004): 9. 3. Critiques of the war on terror and its origins include Gary Dorrien, Imperial Designs: Neoconservatism and the New Pax Americana (Routledge, New York and London, 2004); Francis Fukuyama, After the Neocons: America At the Crossroads (Profile Books, London, 2006); Ira Chernus, Monsters to Destroy: The Neoconservative War on Terror and Sin (Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, CO and London, 2006); and Jacob Heilbrunn, They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons (Doubleday, New York, 2008). 4. A report of the PNAC, Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century, September 2000: 76. URL: http:// www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf (15 January 2009). 5. On the first generation on Cold War neoconservatives, which has been covered far more extensively than the second, see Gary Dorrien, The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture and the War of Ideology (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 1993); Peter Steinfels, The Neoconservatives: The Men Who Are Changing America’s Politics (Simon and Schuster, New York, 1979); Murray Friedman, The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy (Cambridge University Press, New York, 2005); Murray Friedman ed. Commentary in American Life (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 2005); Mark Gerson, The Neoconservative Vision: From the Cold War to the Culture Wars (Madison Books, Lanham MD; New York; Oxford, 1997); and Maria Ryan, “Neoconservative Intellectuals and the Limitations of Governing: The Reagan Administration and the Demise of the Cold War,” Comparative American Studies, Vol. -
Severn House Paperbacks Spring 2021
SEVERN HOUSE PUBLISHERS Hitmen I Have Known Bill James In the 35th installment of the popular Harpur and Iles police procedural series, tensions in the community are mounting following the gruesome deaths of two men. Alarmingly, suspicion falls on Assistant Chief Constable Iles. He seems at ease with the accusations, as are his superiors in the police f... Summary Assistant Chief Constable Iles finds himself suspected of murder in the fast-paced 35th installment of the popular Harpur and Iles police procedural series. Tensions in the community are mounting following the gruesome deaths of two men, both of whom were accused yet acquitted of the murder of an undercover police officer. It looks like vigilante justice, but who is responsible? Alarmingly, suspicion falls on Assistant Chief Constable Iles. Severn House Publishers 9781847519900 Matters escalate when a TV show investigating the murders is aired, further implicating Iles. Iles seems at Pub Date: 1/26/21 ease with the accusations, as are his superiors in the police force. But others are not feeling so secure. $17.95 USD/$19.95 CAD Trade Paperback Local crime bosses Ralph Ember and Mansel Shale fear reprisals against Iles will result in their own businesses 192 Pages Carton Qty: 38 suffering. And so they begin to plan how to remove potential troublemakers from their path . Fiction / Mystery & Detective Contributor Bio FIC022020 Critically acclaimed crime writer Bill James is a former journalist who wrote for The Sunday Times, Daily Series: A Harpur and Iles Mirror, Spectator, New Review and Punch. Married with four children, he lives in Wales. -
Khomeini's Face Is in the Moon
Khomeini’s Face is in the Moon Limitations of Sacredness and the Origins of Sovereignty Olmo Gölz Introduction During the course of the year 1978, the person of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini1 became regarded as the leading figure of the Iranian Revolution who “ultimately engineered the downfall of the Pahlavi monarchy”.2 From his exile, first in Iraq and since September 1978 in France, he maintained his grasp on the events in Iran through his local network and developed a distinct charismatic, if not messi- anic appeal – so that the later success of the revolution was closely associated with both the abscondence of the detested Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi in January 1979 and the return of Ayatollah Khomeini to Iran some days later, culminating in the public opinion that the Shah had left by the force of the Ayatollah.3 In his persuasive evaluation of the source and significance of Ayatollah Khomeini’s charisma during the Iranian Revolution of 1977–1979, the political scientist Daniel Brumberg came to the conclusion that the revolutionary leader’s gravity drew on a rather multi-faceted foundation.4 On the one hand, the Ayatol- lah’s example would validate Hannah Arendt’s theory that mass leaders tend to use the notion of infallibility as a propaganda effect and therefore often an- nounce “their political intentions in the form of prophecy”.5 In this regard, cha- risma is explained as the effect of deliberate use of cultural symbols by elites,6 and Brumberg admits that Khomeini grasped this logic, for example, when in 1978 he publicly legitimized out of exile the deviant actions of his followers as the fulfil- ment of a divine prophecy. -
Bradley Impact Fund
FROM THE DESK OF GABE CONGER BY THE NUMBERS Dear Friends, This month, nearly 1.9 million students will graduate with a bachelor’s degree. What will they take away from their college experience? Many will earn a STEM degree or gain experience through internships. Leadership and technology skills will be enhanced. Yet, too few will have greater respect for vigorous public dialogue and diversity of viewpoints. The pressure to conform to the political correctness so pervasive on America’s college campuses is a barrier to young Americans learning and valuing the principles of free speech and freedom of thought. These principles CLASS1.9M OF 2019 were essential to the founding of our nation, and they are just as essential today. BACHELOR'S DEGREES With such extensive uniformity of opinion, the "informed citizenry" of today is not what our founding fathers pictured. Our theme for this issue is the intersection of the power of ideas, education, and informed citizens. Robert P. George, Princeton University professor and Bradley Foundation Board Member, shares his perspective as a conservative academic 10:1 engaged with young Americans at the threshold of their independence. We’re DEMOCRAT also pleased to announce the 2019 Bradley Prizes winners, whose work has PROFESSORS steadfastly advanced an informed citizenry. The Grant Recipient Spotlight will OUTNUMBER help you create your summer reading list; and in The Future is Now, we share REPUBLICAN Lincoln Network co-founder Aaron Ginn’s ideas for collaboration of like-minded technologists using their Silicon Valley skills to advance liberty and viewpoint diversity. Free thought and free speech are under fire in our society. -
The American Indian Movement, the Trail of Broken Treaties, and the Politics of Media
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Dissertations, Theses, & Student Research, Department of History History, Department of 7-2009 Framing Red Power: The American Indian Movement, the Trail of Broken Treaties, and the Politics of Media Jason A. Heppler Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/historydiss Part of the History Commons Heppler, Jason A., "Framing Red Power: The American Indian Movement, the Trail of Broken Treaties, and the Politics of Media" (2009). Dissertations, Theses, & Student Research, Department of History. 21. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/historydiss/21 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, & Student Research, Department of History by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. FRAMING RED POWER: THE AMERICAN INDIAN MOVEMENT, THE TRAIL OF BROKEN TREATIES, AND THE POLITICS OF MEDIA By Jason A. Heppler A Thesis Presented to the Faculty The Graduate College at the University of Nebraska In Partial Fulfillment of Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts Major: History Under the Supervision of Professor John R. Wunder Lincoln, Nebraska July 2009 2 FRAMING RED POWER: THE AMERICAN INDIAN MOVEMENT, THE TRAIL OF BROKEN TREATIES, AND THE POLITICS OF MEDIA Jason A. Heppler, M.A. University of Nebraska, 2009 Adviser: John R. Wunder This study explores the relationship between the American Indian Movement (AIM), national newspaper and television media, and the Trail of Broken Treaties caravan in November 1972 and the way media framed, or interpreted, AIM's motivations and objectives. -
Iran's “Second” Islamic Revolution
IRAN’S “SECOND” ISLAMIC REVOLUTION: ITS CHALLENGE TO THE WEST Brig.-Gen. (ret.) Dr. Shimon Shapira and Daniel Diker Iranian President Mahmoud The ideological engine powering the Iranian re- via what is known in the West as “Gog and Magog” Ahmadinejad delivers gime’s race for regional supremacy is among the events is driven by his spiritual fealty to the fun- a speech on the 18th more misunderstood – and ignored – aspects of damentalist Ayatollah Mohammad Mesbah Yazdi anniversary of the death Iran’s political and military activity in the Middle and the messianic Hojjatiyeh organization. These of the late revolutionary East. Particularly since the election of Mahmoud religious convictions have propelled the regime founder Ayatollah Khomeini, Ahmadinejad to the presidency in 2005, Iran’s revo- toward an end-of-days scenario that Khomeini had under his portrait, at his 3 mausoleum just outside lutionary leadership has thrust the Islamic Republic sought to avoid. Tehran, Iran, June 3, 2007. into the throes of what has been called a “Second 1 Hard-line Ahmadinejad said Islamic Revolution.” In its basic form, this revolu- Iran’s Second Islamic Revolution is distinguishing the world would witness the tion seeks a return to the principles of former Ira- itself from the original Islamic Revolution in other destruction of Israel soon, nian leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s 1979 important ways: Iran is not only spreading its pow- the official Islamic Republic Islamic Revolution, which was based on: destroy- er in the region by reaching out to Shiite communi- News Agency reported. ing Israel – “the Little Satan” – as a symbol of the ties such as in Iraq and Lebanon, the regime is also United States, “the Great Satan;”2 exporting the actively cooperating with Sunni terror groups in an Islamic revolution domestically and against Arab effort to solicit support from the Sunni Arab street “apostate” governments in the region, and forc- over the heads of established Arab governments. -
Mario Van Peebles's <I>Panther</I>
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Papers in Communication Studies Communication Studies, Department of 8-2007 Mario Van Peebles’s Panther and Popular Memories of the Black Panther Party Kristen Hoerl Auburn University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/commstudiespapers Part of the Critical and Cultural Studies Commons, Gender, Race, Sexuality, and Ethnicity in Communication Commons, and the Other Communication Commons Hoerl, Kristen, "Mario Van Peebles’s Panther and Popular Memories of the Black Panther Party" (2007). Papers in Communication Studies. 196. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/commstudiespapers/196 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Communication Studies, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Papers in Communication Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Published in Critical Studies in Media Communication 24:3 (August 2007), pp. 206–227; doi: 10.1080/07393180701520900 Copyright © 2007 National Communication Association; published by Routledge/Taylor & Francis. Used by permission. Published online August 15, 2007. Mario Van Peebles’s Panther and Popular Memories of the Black Panther Party Kristen Hoerl Department of Communication and Journalism, Auburn University, Auburn, Alabama, USA Corresponding author – Kristen Hoerl, email [email protected] Abstract The 1995 movie Panther depicted the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense as a vibrant but ultimately doomed social movement for racial and economic justice during the late 1960s. Panther’s narrative indicted the white-operated police for perpetuating violence against African Americans and for un- dermining movements for black empowerment. -
Introduction Chapter 1
Notes Introduction 1. Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd ed. (Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press, 1970). 2. Ralph Pettman, Human Behavior and World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1975); Giandomenico Majone, Evidence, Argument, and Persuasion in the Policy Process (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989), 275– 76. 3. Bernard Lewis, “The Return of Islam,” Commentary, January 1976; Ofira Seliktar, The Politics of Intelligence and American Wars with Iraq (New York: Palgrave Mac- millan, 2008), 4. 4. Martin Kramer, Ivory Towers on Sand: The Failure of Middle Eastern Studies in Amer- ica (Washington, DC: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000). 5. Bernard Lewis, “The Roots of Muslim Rage,” Atlantic Monthly, September, 1990; Samuel P. Huntington, “The Clash of Civilizations,” Foreign Affairs 72 (1993): 24– 49; Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996). Chapter 1 1. Quoted in Joshua Muravchik, The Uncertain Crusade: Jimmy Carter and the Dilemma of Human Rights (Lanham, MD: Hamilton Press, 1986), 11– 12, 114– 15, 133, 138– 39; Hedley Donovan, Roosevelt to Reagan: A Reporter’s Encounter with Nine Presidents (New York: Harper & Row, 1985), 165. 2. Charles D. Ameringer, U.S. Foreign Intelligence: The Secret Side of American History (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1990), 357; Peter Meyer, James Earl Carter: The Man and the Myth (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1978), 18; Michael A. Turner, “Issues in Evaluating U.S. Intelligence,” International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence 5 (1991): 275– 86. 3. Abram Shulsky, Silent Warfare: Understanding the World’s Intelligence (Washington, DC: Brassey’s [US], 1993), 169; Robert M. -
Ethnic Community, Party Politics, and the Cold War: the Political Ascendancy of Miami Cubans, 1980–2000
The Japanese Journal of American Studies, No. 23 (2012) Ethnic Community, Party Politics, and the Cold War: The Political Ascendancy of Miami Cubans, 1980–2000 Hideaki KAMI* INTRODUCTION Analysis of the implications of the rapidly growing Latino/Hispanic electorate for future U.S. political life is a relatively new project for his- torians and political scientists.1 Indeed, the literature on Latino politics has long considered their political underrepresentation as the central issue for research. Many scholars in the field have sought to explain how the burden of historical discrimination and antagonistic attitudes toward immigrants has discouraged these minorities from taking part in U.S. politics. Their studies have also explored how to overcome low voter turnout among Latinos and detect unfavorable institutional obstacles for voicing their opinions in government.2 However, partly due to previous academic efforts, the 1990s and 2000s have witnessed U.S. voters of Hispanic origin solidifying their role as a key constituency in U.S. pol- itics. An increasing number of politicians of Hispanic origin now hold elective offices at local, state, and national levels. Both the Republican and Democratic Parties have made intensive outreach efforts to seize the hearts and minds of these new voters, particularly by broadcasting spe- cific messages in Spanish media such as Univision.3 Although low *Graduate student, University of Tokyo and Ohio State University 185 186 HIDEAKI KAMI turnout among Latino voters and strong anti-immigrant sentiments among many non-Latino voters persist, the growing importance of the Latino electorate during the presidential elections has attracted increas- ing attention from inside and outside academic circles.4 Hence, in 2004, political scientist Rodolfo O.