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Informe Itiae Bride Democracia U Comunicación Prensa Obrera U Sindical Agencias Noticiosas
www.flacsoandes.edu.ec REVISTA LATINOAMERICANA DE COMUNICACION Informe ITIae Bride Democracia u Comunicación Prensa Obrera u Sindical Agencias noticiosas Solé Díaz Bordenave Silva Somavía Vargas Pasquini ( II época ) DIRECTOR GENERAL DR. LUIS E. PROANO CONSEJO INTERNACIONAL DE REDACCION DR. LUIS RAMIRO BELTRAN LIC. ALBERTO MALDONADO Centro Internacional de Investigaciones para el Escuela de Ciencias de la Información Desarroll CIID - COLOMBIA Universidad Central de Quito - ECUADOR DR. MIGUEL DE MORAGAS SPA DR. PETER SCHENKEL ¡•acuitad de Ciencias de la Información Inundación l'riedrich Ebert en CIESPAL Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona - LSPAÑA LIC. MARCO ENCALADA DR. JOHN T. McNELLY Director Técnico de CIESPAL Universidad de Winsconsin - Madison DR. LUIS GONZAGA MOTTA DR A. CUMANDA GAMBOA DE ZELAYA Experto en Comunicación Social Decano de la Facuitad de Comunicación Fundación Friedrich Ebert en CIESPAL Unh'ersidad Estatal de Guayaquil - ECUADOR RAFAEL RONCAGLIOLO DR. EDUARDO CONTRERAS BUDGE Director de ILET - Instituto Latinoamericano Experto en Comunicación Social de Estudios Transnacionales - MEXICO. Fundación F’riedrich liberten CIES PAL DR. JOSE MARQUES DE MELO JOSE STEINSLEGER instituto Metodista de Ensino Superior E d itor / A sesor BRASIL Fundación Friedrich Ebert en CIESPAL COMITE EDITORIAL JOSE STEINSLEGER DR. PETER SCHENKEL LIC. MARCO ENCALADA Edición, Redacción y Diseño Gráfico Universidad Autónoma del Caribe CORRESPONSALES Universidad de Sao Paulo * María Nazareth Fcrreira Ana Leticia Valle C. Facultad de Comunicación Social -
1 America's Relations with Greece to 1945: from Aloof Soft Power to The
1 AMERICA’S RELATIONS WITH GREECE TO 1945: FROM ALOOF SOFT POWER TO THE ONSET OF REGIONAL HARD POWER The Inaugural Demetrios and Demetra Partalis Kales Annual Lecture in Modern Greek History delivered at the Michigan League on November 12, 2009 by S. Victor Papacosma, Emeritus Professor of History and Director of the Lemnitzer Center for NATO and European Union Studies at Kent State University, Executive Director of the Modern Greek Studies Association The interest and involvement of the United States in Greek affairs began a slow trajectory from rather peripheral in the early nineteenth century to a level of increased concern by the end of World War II. But even by the beginning of 1945, as the following comments will try to point out, projections pointed to a limited regional presence for the United States, essentially a continuation of softer, relatively idealistic policy objectives. By early 1947, however, a dramatic reorientation would manifest itself, and not just for US relations with Greece. We must start at the beginning. George Washington in his 1796 Farewell Address had advised American abstention from European political and military entanglements. The level of American contact with the more distantly located, Ottoman-dominated Balkans developed even more slowly than that with other European regions during the nineteenth century. If any official American policy existed toward the problematic Eastern Question with its accompanying great power rivalries, it was that, in the issue of the Turkish Straits, freedom of the seas and therefore freedom of transit and navigation in the Straits should prevail both for naval and commercial vessels.1 The first Balkan people to attract the significant attention of America were the Greeks. -
Environmental Information in The
Environmental information in the A journalist’sMediterranean guide to key questions and institutions CREDITS The designation of geographical entities in this book, and the presentation of the material, do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IUCN or Agencia EFE, concerning the legal status of any country, territory, or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of IUCN, Agencia EFE or other participating organizations. Reproduction of this publication for educational and other non-commercial purposes is authorized without prior written permission from the copyright holder provided the sources are fully acknowledged. Reproduction of this publication for resale or other commercial purposes is prohibited without prior written permission of the copyright holder. This publication was funded by MAVA Foundation. Published by: IUCN Centre for Mediterranean Cooperation and Agencia EFE Produced by: IUCN Gland, Switzerland and Málaga, Spain; Agencia EFE, Madrid, Spain. Written and coordinated by: Catalina Arévalo and Lourdes Lázaro Marín Review: Andrés Alcántara, Juan María Calvo, Ignacio Fernández Bayo, Alain Jeudy, Arturo Larena, Sonsoles San Román y Carla Danelutti Citation: Arévalo, C., Lázaro Marín L. et al. 2016. ENVIRONMENTAL INFORMATION IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. A journalist’s guide to key questions and institutions. Gland, Switzerland, and Malaga and Madrid, Spain. IUCN and Agencia EFE. 96 pp Translations: Sonsoles San Román English proofreading: C. Tribe Design: porfinlunes.es Printed by: Solprint S. L. (Málaga) ISBN: 978-2-8317-1830-9 Available from: www.iucn.org/mediterranean, www.efeverde.com © 2017 International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources and Agencia EFE Acknowledgements The present document is the result of a first step of collaboration with the Alliance of Mediterranean News Agencies and its environmental and scientific journalists. -
The Greek New Right and the Eve of Conservative Populism
The Visio Journal ● Volume 4 ● 2019 The Greek New Right and the Eve of Conservative Populism By Athanasios Grammenos* The economic crisis in the Eurozone and its dire consequences for Greece terminated the post-1974 political consensus, which was based on a pro-European and democratic concord. The collapse of the social-democratic Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) in 2012 allowed space for the radical Left to become the new pole of the political system. To this advancement, the conservatives, being the other pole, responded with a prompt enlargement attempt to the populist right-wing, engulfing several elements of the New Right. This new political order had had evident effects on the party’s social and economic agenda, escalating the political debate at the expense of established liberal principles. While in opposition (2015-2019), New Democracy (ND), member of the European Peo- ple’s Party (EPP) in the European Parliament, voted against a series of liberal bills (gender issues, separation of Church and State, the Macedonian issue, etc.) giving out positions with authoritarian and populist essence. The purpose of this paper is to focus on the rise of the New Right in Greece (2012-2019) in both rhetoric and practice, and its consequences for law institutions, human rights and foreign affairs. It is argued that ND, currently holding office, has been occupied by deeply conservative elements as a response to the rise of the radical Left, adopting occasionally ultra-conservative positions in a wide range of social issues. Although the case of Greece is unlike to those in other European countries, nevertheless, to the extent to which the preservation of traditional hierarchies come into question, the political platform of the Greek New Right, which has embedded authoritarian attitudes cultivating an anti-liberal sub-culture to the party’s voters, is in accordance with several European conservative movements like in Hungary, Austria or Czechia. -
AHEPA Steamed About White House GID Event NYC Mayor Holds Greek
O C V ΓΡΑΦΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ Bringing the news ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ to generations of ΑΠΟ ΤΟ 1915 The National Herald Greek Americans A WEEKLY GREEK AMERICAN PUBLICATION c v www.thenationalherald.com VOL. 12, ISSUE 599 April 4, 2009 $1.25 GREECE: 1.75 EURO AHEPA Steamed About White House GID Event Ike Gulas Sends Letter to Obama Criticizing “Gatekeepers,” Andy Athens Issues Response By Evan C. Lambrou Special to The National Herald NEW YORK – Most Greek Ameri- cans would agree that the annual White House ceremony commemo- rating Greek Independence Day is a very special event. Community leaders emphasize that it is an hon- or for the President of the United States to issue a proclamation rec- ognizing the significance of Greek Independence Day each year, and to be able to meet with him at the White House on that day. But while there is consensus about those things, there is also sharp disagreement about the way the event has been handled over the years. Some people feel exclud- ed. Case in point: AHEPA, the coun- try’s oldest and largest civic organi- zation of Hellenic heritage, typical- ly sends a contingent of at least five each year, and often up to 8-12. It did not get to seat as many people at this year’s event, held in the East Room of the White House just last AHEPA President Ike Gulas New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg addresses the audience during a reception he hosted at Gracie Mansion in New York City for the 188th an- week. niversary of Greek Independence on Monday, March 30, 2009. -
AS AMENDED (Ja 0/%-1L~ ., ~. .~ __ Nli"7Ta.': 5'ECRET 2
6016 TH E WH ITE HOUS E WASHINGTON MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION SUBJECT: President's Expanded Meeting with Prime Minister Mitsotakis of Greece (U) PARTICIPANTS: The President John H. Sununu, Chief of Staff Brent Scowcroft, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs Marlin Fitzwater, Assistant to the President and Press Secretary Michael Sotirhos, U.S. Ambassador to Greece James F. Dobbins, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs David C. Gompert, Senior Director for European and Soviet Affairs David Ransom, Director, Office of Southern European Affairs, Department of State Nicholas Burns, Director for Soviet and European Affairs (Notetaker) Interpreter Constantine Mitsotakis, Prime Minister Antonis Samaras, Foreign Minister Ioannis Varvitsiotis, Minister of Defense Dora Kakoyianni, Deputy Minister to the Prime Minister Efthimios Christodoulou, Alternate Minister of Economy Christos Zacharakis, Ambassador to the U.S. Constantine Liberopoulos, MFA Director General of Political Affairs Emmanuel Ghikas, MFA Director for Cyprus and Turkey Lucas Tsilas, Director of the Prime Minister's Diplomatic Office Interpreter DATE, TIME Ju 1 y 18, 1991; 5: 00 p. m . - 6: 00 p. m . AND PLACE: Prime Minister's Office, Athens, Greece Prime Minister Mitsotakis: Thank you very much for your visit, Mr. President. It is very important and very effective for moving forward with our relationship. This is a good opportunity to exchange views on the most important issues. In the time lefL to us, we would like to ask our Minister of Economics to give you a brief picture of our economy. (U) DECLASSIFIED SECRET PER E=O. 12958, Declassify on: OADR AS AMENDED (jA 0/%-1l~ ., ~._.~ __ nLi"7ta.': 5'ECRET 2 Minister Christodoulou: Allow me to outline the problems. -
Report from Greece
Reprinted fro~ THE AMERICAN Scuo~, Volume 119, Number 11, Summer, 1970 Copynght@ 1970 by the Umted Chapters of Phi Beta Kappa. REPORT FROM GREECE Under the Junta NICHOLAS GAGE and EUAS KULUKUNDIS The hold of Greece's military dictator arrested for insulting a representative of ship on the average Greek citizen might the regime, condemning the coup or other be compared to the effect of a choke col such offenses. But they have been held lar on a dog. The colonels hold the leash only briefly and then released. In one vil carefully-the repression, the controls are lage in the northwest corner of the coun there-but the leash is so long that it is try, for example, a merchant was arrested not felt until someone forgets and steps for calling the new junta-appointed mon too far, and is brought to the realization arch of the province a thief, in the heat of that the initiative for his actions is not his a debate with fellow villagers. He was own. arrested, imprisoned for a month and The regime has an unusually good sense then tried and acquitted. The purpose of of when to pull and when to give rein. such arrests is to cut off open criticism At the funeral of the late Premier George by making the threat of imprisonment Papandreou, the junta did not use its real in every village. People are made an full police power to scatter the huge example of, and then freed to create the crowd that had gathered. Had it done so, impression that the regime is not arbitrary it probably would have caused further and oppressive but capable of compas demonstrations that would have been sion and even justice. -
Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division
Order Code RS21855 Updated October 16, 2007 Greece Update Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division Summary The conservative New Democracy party won reelection in September 2007. Kostas Karamanlis, its leader, remained prime minister and pledged to continue free-market economic reforms to enhance growth and create jobs. The government’s foreign policy focuses on the European Union (EU), relations with Turkey, reunifying Cyprus, resolving a dispute with Macedonia over its name, other Balkan issues, and relations with the United States. Greece has assisted with the war on terrorism, but is not a member of the coalition in Iraq. This report will be updated if developments warrant. See also CRS Report RL33497, Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues, by Carol Migdalovitz. Government and Politics Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis called for early parliamentary elections to be held on September 16, 2007, instead of in March 2008 as otherwise scheduled, believing that his government’s economic record would ensure easy reelection. In August, however, Greece experienced severe and widespread wildfires, resulting in 76 deaths and 270,000 hectares burned. The government attempted to deflect attention from what was widely viewed as its ineffective performance in combating the fires by blaming the catastrophe on terrorists, without proof, and by providing generous compensation for victims. This crisis came on top of a scandal over the state pension fund’s purchase of government bonds at inflated prices. Under these circumstances, Karamanlis’s New Democracy party’s (ND) ability to win of a slim majority of 152 seats in the unicameral 300-seat parliament and four more years in office was viewed as a victory. -
Gender Stereotypes and Media Bias in Women's
Gender Stereotypes and Media Bias in Women’s Campaigns for Executive Office: The 2009 Campaign of Dora Bakoyannis for the Leadership of Nea Dimokratia in Greece by Stefanos Oikonomou B.A. in Communications and Media Studies, February 2010, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens A Thesis submitted to The Faculty of College of Professional Studies of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Professional Studies August 31, 2014 Thesis directed by Michael Cornfield Associate Professor of Political Management Acknowledgments I would like to thank my parents, Stella Triantafullopoulou and Kostas Oikonomou, to whom this work is dedicated, for their continuous love, support, and encouragement and for helping me realize my dreams. I would also like to thank Chrysanthi Hatzimasoura and Philip Soucacos, for their unyielding friendship, without whom this work would have never been completed. Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to Professor Michael Cornfield for his insights and for helping me cross the finish line; Professor David Ettinger for his guidance during the first stage of this research and for helping me adjust its scope; and the Director of Academic Administration at The Graduate School of Political Management, Suzanne Farrand, for her tremendous generosity and understanding throughout this process. ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………..ii List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………….vi List of Tables…………………………………………………………………………….vii -
State Transformation and the European Integration Project Lessons from the Financial Crisis and the Greek Paradigm Evangelos Venizelos No
State Transformation and the European Integration Project Lessons from the financial crisis and the Greek paradigm Evangelos Venizelos No. 130/February 2016 Abstract The financial crisis that erupted in the eurozone not only affected the EU’s financial governance mechanisms, but also the very nature of state sovereignty and balances in the relations of member states; thus, the actual inequalities between the member states hidden behind their institutional equality have deteriorated. This transformation is recorded in the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the member states’ constitutional courts, particularly in those at the heart of the crisis, with Greece as the most prominent example. It is the issue of public debt (sovereign debt) of the EU member states that particularly reflects the influence of the crisis on state sovereignty as well as the intensely transnational (intergovernmental) character of European integration, which under these circumstances takes the form of a continuous, tough negotiation. The historical connection between public debt (sovereign debt) and state sovereignty has re-emerged because of the financial crisis. This development has affected not only the European institutions, but also, at the member state level, the actual institutional content of the rule of law (especially judicial review) and the welfare state in its essence, as the great social and political acquis of 20th century Europe. From this perspective, the way that the Greek courts have dealt with the gradual waves of fiscal austerity measures and structural reforms from 2010 to 2015 is characteristic. The effect of the financial crisis on the sovereignty of the member states and on the pace of European integration also has an impact on European foreign and security policy, and the correlations between the political forces at both the national and European level, thus producing even more intense pressures on European social democracy. -
Election and Aftermath
Order Code RS20575 Updated June 9, 2000 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Greece: Election and Aftermath (name redacted) Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Prime Minister Simitis of Greece called an early election for April 9, 2000 because he believed that his government’s achievement in meeting the criteria for entry into the European Monetary Union (EMU) would return his PanHellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) party to power. PASOK’s narrow victory endorsed Simitis’s decision, but the opposition New Democracy’s (ND) strong showing also validated Costas Karamanlis’s leadership of that party. The election continued a trend toward bipolarism, as votes for smaller parties, except for the Communists, declined appreciably. Simitis reappointed most key members of his previous government, and brought in close allies and technocrats to carry out a revitalized domestic agenda. In foreign policy, the government will try to continue the Greek-Turkish rapprochement, to help stabilize the Balkans, and to move closer to Europe through the EMU and the European Security and Defense Policy. Greek-U.S. relations are warm, but intermittently troubled by differences over the future of the former Yugoslavia, terrorism and counterterrorism in Greece, and minor issues. This report will be updated if developments warrant. Introduction1 On February 4, 2000, Prime Minister Costas Simitis called an early election for April 9, six months before his government’s term was to expire. On March 9, parliament reelected President Costas Stephanopoulos and Greece applied for membership in the European Monetary Union (EMU) single currency zone. -
The Making of SYRIZA
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today.