The Bathing Complexes of Anazarbos and the Baths of Cilicia
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Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147
Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? 147 Chapter 8 Eunuchs in the East, Men in the West? Dis/unity, Gender and Orientalism in the Fourth Century Shaun Tougher Introduction In the narrative of relations between East and West in the Roman Empire in the fourth century AD, the tensions between the eastern and western imperial courts at the end of the century loom large. The decision of Theodosius I to “split” the empire between his young sons Arcadius and Honorius (the teenage Arcadius in the east and the ten-year-old Honorius in the west) ushered in a period of intense hostility and competition between the courts, famously fo- cused on the figure of Stilicho.1 Stilicho, half-Vandal general and son-in-law of Theodosius I (Stilicho was married to Serena, Theodosius’ niece and adopted daughter), had been left as guardian of Honorius, but claimed guardianship of Arcadius too and concomitant authority over the east. In the political manoeu- vrings which followed the death of Theodosius I in 395, Stilicho was branded a public enemy by the eastern court. In the war of words between east and west a key figure was the (probably Alexandrian) poet Claudian, who acted as a ‘pro- pagandist’ (through panegyric and invective) for the western court, or rather Stilicho. Famously, Claudian wrote invectives on leading officials at the eastern court, namely Rufinus the praetorian prefect and Eutropius, the grand cham- berlain (praepositus sacri cubiculi), who was a eunuch. It is Claudian’s two at- tacks on Eutropius that are the inspiration and central focus of this paper which will examine the significance of the figure of the eunuch for the topic of the end of unity between east and west in the Roman Empire. -
Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project: Analysis of Amphora Finds Season 2000 Summer Elizabeth L
Purdue University Purdue e-Pubs Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project, School of Languages and Cultures 1996-2011 4-9-2018 Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project: Analysis of Amphora Finds Season 2000 Summer Elizabeth L. Will University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/rcas Part of the Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons Recommended Citation Will, Elizabeth L., "Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project: Analysis of Amphora Finds Season 2000 Summer" (2018). Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project, 1996-2011. Paper 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5703/1288284316718 This document has been made available through Purdue e-Pubs, a service of the Purdue University Libraries. Please contact [email protected] for additional information. Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project: Analysis of Amphora Finds Season 2000 Summer Elizabeth Lyding Will, University of Massachusetts Amherst During a visit to the RCSP headquarters at Gazipaşa in September, 2000, I analyzed the Study Collection of amphora fragments amassed since 1996, as well as 49 bags of additional fragments, seven of them collected during the surveys of the year 2000. I also visited three areas that had been identified as the sites of possible kilns, at Biçkici, Syedra, and Antiocheia ad Cragum. In addition, I examined and photographed the amphoras on display in the museums at Alanya and Antalya.1 The amphora fragments collected during the 1996-1999 seasons have been noted in the reports for those years. They have also been described by Nicholas Rauh and Kathleen Slane in the article, “Possible amphora kiln sites in W. Rough Cilicia.” 2 About the 1996-1999 finds I have only a few observations of my own to add. -
CILICIA: the FIRST CHRISTIAN CHURCHES in ANATOLIA1 Mark Wilson
CILICIA: THE FIRST CHRISTIAN CHURCHES IN ANATOLIA1 Mark Wilson Summary This article explores the origin of the Christian church in Anatolia. While individual believers undoubtedly entered Anatolia during the 30s after the day of Pentecost (Acts 2:9–10), the book of Acts suggests that it was not until the following decade that the first church was organized. For it was at Antioch, the capital of the Roman province of Syria, that the first Christians appeared (Acts 11:20–26). Yet two obscure references in Acts point to the organization of churches in Cilicia at an earlier date. Among the addressees of the letter drafted by the Jerusalem council were the churches in Cilicia (Acts 15:23). Later Paul visited these same churches at the beginning of his second ministry journey (Acts 15:41). Paul’s relationship to these churches points to this apostle as their founder. Since his home was the Cilician city of Tarsus, to which he returned after his conversion (Gal. 1:21; Acts 9:30), Paul was apparently active in church planting during his so-called ‘silent years’. The core of these churches undoubtedly consisted of Diaspora Jews who, like Paul’s family, lived in the region. Jews from Cilicia were members of a Synagogue of the Freedmen in Jerusalem, to which Paul was associated during his time in Jerusalem (Acts 6:9). Antiochus IV (175–164 BC) hellenized and urbanized Cilicia during his reign; the Romans around 39 BC added Cilicia Pedias to the province of Syria. Four cities along with Tarsus, located along or near the Pilgrim Road that transects Anatolia, constitute the most likely sites for the Cilician churches. -
Biblical Archaeology Society Online Archive Browse 2/4/11 3:47 PM
Biblical Archaeology Society Online Archive Browse 2/4/11 3:47 PM Quick Browse AO 5:05, Sep/Oct 2002 Magazine or Book AO Vol. No. “My Blood of the Covenant” 5 5 What did the apostles drink at the last supper? Date Sep/Oct 2002 By Nicholas K. Rauh and Elizabeth Lyding Will Sidebar: From Apicius’s Gourmet Cookbook < Previous Volumes AO, 2001 AO, 2002 Jan/Feb 2002 (5:1) Mar/Apr 2002 (5:2) May/Jun 2002 (5:3) Jul/Aug 2002 (5:4) Editors’ Page: Excavating the Deep Origins: One, Two…Three The Forum Field Notes Archaeology Odyssey’s 10 In Jerusalem around 30 C.E., an itinerant Jewish rabbi named Jesus lifted a cup of wine, Most Endangered Sites passed it to his disciples and said: Fakes! This is my blood of the covenant, which is poured out for many. Truly I tell you, I “My Blood of the Covenant” will never again drink the fruit of the vine until that day when I drink it new in the Book Review: Cyprus’ Jewel kingdom of God (Mark 14:23–25//Matthew 26:27–29). by the Sea But exactly what wine was in his cup at the Last Supper? What wine did Jews, during and after Past Perfect: In the Here and Now the time of Jesus, drink during Passover? And what communion wine did early Near Eastern Christians drink after they had been converted to Christianity by Paul? Reviews Ancient Life: Sailing the Ancient literary sources and recent archaeological finds in Turkey and Israel suggest an Desert answer: The fruit of the vine used in these rituals may well have been a rich, sweet raisin wine, Authors called passum by the Romans. -
Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
295 Emanuela Borgia (Rome) CILICIA and the ROMAN EMPIRE
EMANUELA BORGIA, CILICIA AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE STUDIA EUROPAEA GNESNENSIA 16/2017 ISSN 2082-5951 DOI 10.14746/seg.2017.16.15 Emanuela Borgia (Rome) CILICIA AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE: REFLECTIONS ON PROVINCIA CILICIA AND ITS ROMANISATION Abstract This paper aims at the study of the Roman province of Cilicia, whose formation process was quite long (from the 1st century BC to 72 AD) and complicated by various events. Firstly, it will focus on a more precise determination of the geographic limits of the region, which are not clear and quite ambiguous in the ancient sources. Secondly, the author will thoroughly analyze the formation of the province itself and its progressive Romanization. Finally, political organization of Cilicia within the Roman empire in its different forms throughout time will be taken into account. Key words Cilicia, provincia Cilicia, Roman empire, Romanization, client kings 295 STUDIA EUROPAEA GNESNENSIA 16/2017 · ROME AND THE PROVINCES Quos timuit superat, quos superavit amat (Rut. Nam., De Reditu suo, I, 72) This paper attempts a systematic approach to the study of the Roman province of Cilicia, whose formation process was quite long and characterized by a complicated sequence of historical and political events. The main question is formulated drawing on – though in a different geographic context – the words of G. Alföldy1: can we consider Cilicia a „typical” province of the Roman empire and how can we determine the peculiarities of this province? Moreover, always recalling a point emphasized by G. Alföldy, we have to take into account that, in order to understand the characteristics of a province, it is fundamental to appreciate its level of Romanization and its importance within the empire from the economic, political, military and cultural points of view2. -
Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early
Dokuz Eylül University – DEU The Research Center for the Archaeology of Western Anatolia – EKVAM Colloquia Anatolica et Aegaea Congressus internationales Smyrnenses X Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods An international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity May 14-15, 2020 / Izmir, Turkey Edited by Ergün Laflı Izmir 2020 Last update: 04/05/2020. 1 Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods. Papers presented at the international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity, May 14-15, 2020 / Izmir, Turkey, Colloquia Anatolica et Aegaea – Acta congressus communis omnium gentium Smyrnae. Copyright © 2020 Ergün Laflı (editor) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission from the editor. ISBN: 978-605-031-211-9. Page setting: Ergün Laflı (Izmir). Text corrections and revisions: Hugo Thoen (Deinze / Ghent). Papers, presented at the international video conference, entitled “Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods. An international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity” in May 14–15, 2020 in Izmir, Turkey. 36 papers with 61 pages and numerous colourful figures. All papers and key words are in English. 21 x 29,7 cm; paperback; 40 gr. quality paper. Frontispiece. A Roman stele with two portraits in the Museum of Kırşehir; accession nos. A.5.1.95a-b (photograph by E. -
Civic Responses to the Rise and Fall of Sol Elagabal in the Roman Empire
EMPIRE OF THE SUN? CIVIC RESPONSES TO THE RISE AND FALL OF SOL ELAGABAL IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE Martijn Icks During its long and turbulent history, the city of Rome witnessed many changes in its religious institutions and traditions. For many centuries, these came to pass under the benevolent eye of Iupiter Optimus Maximus, the city‟s supreme deity since time immemorial. Not until the fourth century AD would Iupiter finally loose this position to the monotheistic, omnipotent God of Christianity. However, the power of the thunder god had been challenged before. The first deity who temporarily conquered his throne was Sol Invictus Elagabal, a local sun god from the Syrian town of Emesa. This unlikely usurper was the personal god of the emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, whose short-lived reign lasted from 218 to 222 AD, and who has been nicknamed Elagabalus for his affiliation with Elagabal. Even before his rise to power, Elagabalus served as Elagabal‟s high priest. The deity was worshipped in the form of a conical black stone, a so-called baitylos or “house of god”, which resided in a big temple in Emesa. Elagabalus, at that time a fourteen-year-old boy, performed ritual dances in honour of his god. By doing so, he drew the attention of Roman soldiers who were stationed near the town. They proclaimed the boy emperor under the false pretense that he was a bastard son of emperor Caracalla (211-217 AD). Elagabalus won sufficient military support, defeated the reigning emperor and thus gained the throne. He installed himself in Rome and took his god with him. -
ROMANIZATION and SOME CILICIAN CULTS by HUGH ELTON (BIAA)
ROMANIZATION AND SOME CILICIAN CULTS By HUGH ELTON (BIAA) This paper focuses on two sites from central Cilicia in Anatolia, the Cory cian Cave and Kanhdivane, to make some comments about religion and Romanization. From the Corycian Cave, a pair of early third-century AD altars are dedicated to Zeus Korykios, described as Victorious (Epinikios), Triumphant (Tropaiuchos), and the Harvester (Epikarpios), and to Hermes Korykios, also Victorious, Triumphant, and the Harvester. The altars were erected for 'the fruitfulness and brotherly love of the Augusti', suggesting they come from the period before Geta's murder, i.e. between AD 209 and 212. 1 These altars are unremarkable and similar examples are common else where, so these altars can be interpreted as showing the homogenising effect of the Roman Empire. But behind these dedications, however, may lie a re ligious tradition stretching back to the second millennium BC. At the second site, Kanhdivane, a tomb in the west necropolis was accompanied by a fu nerary inscription erected by Marcus Ulpius Knos for himself and his family, probably in the second century AD. Marcus then added, 'but if anyone damages or opens [the tomb] let him pay to the treasury of Zeus 1000 [de narii] and to the Moon (Selene) and to the Sun (Helios) above 1000 [denarii] and let him be subject to the curses also of the Underground Gods (Kata chthoniai Theoi). ' 2 When he wanted to threaten retribution, Knos turned to a local group of gods. As at the Corycian Cave, Knos' actions may preserve traces of pre-Roman practices, though within a Roman framework. -
Greek Cities & Islands of Asia Minor
MASTER NEGATIVE NO. 93-81605- Y MICROFILMED 1 993 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK / as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project'' Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United photocopies or States Code - concerns the making of other reproductions of copyrighted material. and Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries or other archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy the reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that for any photocopy or other reproduction is not to be "used purpose other than private study, scholarship, or for, or later uses, a research." If a user makes a request photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excess of fair infringement. use," that user may be liable for copyright a This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept fulfillment of the order copy order if, in its judgement, would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: VAUX, WILLIAM SANDYS WRIGHT TITLE: GREEK CITIES ISLANDS OF ASIA MINOR PLACE: LONDON DA TE: 1877 ' Master Negative # COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MTCROFORM TAR^FT Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record m^m i» 884.7 !! V46 Vaux, V7aiion Sandys Wright, 1818-1885. ' Ancient history from the monuments. Greek cities I i and islands of Asia Minor, by W. S. W. Vaux... ' ,' London, Society for promoting Christian knowledce." ! 1877. 188. p. plate illus. 17 cm. ^iH2n KJ Restrictions on Use: TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA i? FILM SIZE: 3 S'^y^/"^ REDUCTION IMAGE RATIO: J^/ PLACEMENT: lA UA) iB . -
ÇUKUROVA ARAŞTIRMALARI DERGİSİ ISSN: 2458-7559 DOI Number: CİLT 1, SAYI 1, KIŞ 2015 S
ÇUKUROVA ARAŞTIRMALARI DERGİSİ ISSN: 2458-7559 DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.18560/cukurova.13 CİLT 1, SAYI 1, KIŞ 2015 s. 1-7 ANAZARBUS, AEGEAI VE TARSUS KENTLERİNİN TİCARET YOLLARIYLA BAĞLANTISI1 Murat DURUKAN2 Özet Doğu Akdeniz tarihinin yanıt bekleyen sorularından biri, Roma İmparatorluk Dönemi’nde ve Geç Antik Çağ’da ortaya çıkan ekonomik hareketliliğin nedenleridir. Anadolu, Suriye, Lübnan ve Filistin kıyılarında yaşanan dikkat çekici gelişmelerin gerekçeleri hakkında net yanıtlar verilememektedir. Bazı bilim insanları Roma lejyonlarının Doğu Akdeniz’deki üretim hacmini arttırdığı ve ekonomiye hatırı sayılır bir canlılık kazandırdığı üzerinde durmaktadır. Ancak askerî seferler her bölgede aynı ekonomik kalkınmaya neden olmamıştır. Kilikia bölgesinde özellikle MS 4 ile erken 7. yy.’lar arasında gözlenen gelişmeler de, ciddi bir ekonomik hareketliliğin yaşandığına işaret etmekte ve tüm Doğu Akdeniz’in merak uyandıran bu problemine ışık tutabilecek önemli ipuçları barındırmaktadır. Bölgenin sahillerinde ortaya çıkan yeni yerleşimler; tarımsal üretim yapan çiftliklerin ve kırsal yerleşimlerin anormal ölçüde çoğalması ile inşa edilen kiliselerin sayısındaki artış, bu ekonomik hareketliliğin en somut yansımaları arasında gösterilebilir. Bu gelişmelerin yanı sıra antik dünyanın hemen her noktasında bulunan ve aynı zaman dilimine ait olan Kilikia kökenli LR1 amphoralarının üretiminde de bir patlama yaşanmıştır. Bölgede, Roma ve Erken Bizans Dönemi’nde nasıl bir siyasi ve ticari tablo ile karşılaşılmaktadır? Ayrıca LR1 amphoralarının bu denli geniş bir coğrafyaya yayılması nasıl ve kimler vasıtasıyla olmuştur? Adana ve Mersin illerinin sınırları içindeki antik kentler, tüm Doğu Akdeniz’i ilgilendiren bu çözümlenememiş probleme yanıt olabilecek ipuçları barındırmaktadır. Özellikle Anazarbus kentinin kuruluşu, Aegeai ve Tarsus kentleriyle birlikte bölgede nasıl bir ticari misyon üstlendiği irdelenecek ve konuya ışık tutulmaya çalışılacaktır. -
THE REACH of the ROMAN EMPIRE in ROUGH CILICIA by HUGHW.ELTON
THE ECONOMIC FRINGE: THE REACH OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN ROUGH CILICIA By HUGHW.ELTON Many discussions of the Roman economy are rather vague about what they mean by 'Roman'. Phrases such as 'Roman Europe' or 'the Roman Empire' often blur two different concepts, that of the cultures of Iron Age Europe and the political institution of the Roman Empire. Cultures in Iron Age Europe varied widely. The Welsh uplands or the Atlas mountains, for example, had an aceramic culture with few public buildings, though were mIed directly by Rome for several centuries. Other regions, not under Roman control, like the regions across the middle Danube, showed higher concentrations of Mediterranean consumer goods and coins than some of these aceramic areas. 1 In Mesopotamia, many societies were urban and literate, not differing in this respect from those in Italy or Greece. Thus, determining what was imperial Roman territory by archaeological criteria alone is very difficult? But these archaeological criteria are important for two reasons. First, they allow us to analyse the cultural and economic changes that occurred in Iron Age Europe between 100 B.C. and A.D. 250. Second, they allow for the possibility of change within Europe that was not caused by the Roman state? Unlike cultures within Iron Age Europe, the Roman Empire was a political structure, imposed by force and dedicated to extracting benefits for the mling elite of the city of Rome.4 As the empire developed and matured, its form changed, but it was never about the mIed, only the rulers. If we accept that the Empire was a political, not an archaeological, structure, it follows that an examination of 'Impact of Empire: Transformation of Economic Life', has to mean an examination of the impact of the Roman imperial state.