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On 16 April 1882 at a Meeting in Hermannstadt/Nagyszeben/Sibiu

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On 16 April 1882 at a Meeting in Hermannstadt/Nagyszeben/Sibiu 1 Transylvanian Saxon Politics, Hungarian State Building and the Case of the Allgemeiner Deutscher Schulverein (1881-2)* On 16 April 1882, at a meeting in Hermannstadt, an important predominantly German-speaking provincial town in the far South-Eastern corner of the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy, the following resolution was agreed upon by the Transylvanian Saxon participants: We defend ourselves against any thoughts concerning our loyalty to the State and deny with indignation any attempt to represent ourselves and the Saxons in Transylvania as enemies of the Hungarian state … we are citizens of Hungary and want to remain German ...1 The meeting was part of a Hungary-wide series of demonstrations both for and against the acceptance of aid from the recently formed Allgemeiner Deutscher Schulverein (ADS) based in Berlin.2 One month later, amidst similar demonstrations in the village Heltau located five miles south-west of Hermannstadt, the sentiments were similar.3 After agreeing to accept aid from ADS, one of the prominent speakers, Dr. Ziegler, reiterated that the Transylvanian Saxons were not against the Hungarian state. He continued: ‘And, nevertheless, we are enemies of the State; - because – because we are German and want to remain German’.4 This article will look at the Transylvanian Saxon dilemma – in essence, the desire *I would like to thank the Europa Institut Budapest for hosting a lengthy research stay. 1 Die Deutschen in Ungarn und Siebenbürgen und der ‘Deutsche Schulverein’ (Hermannstadt, 1882), p. 90. Place names are a contentious issue in Central and Eastern Europe scholarship. In this article for readability the place name in the text will generally be the German version, while the other variants will be referenced in the footnotes eg. Hermannstadt/Nagyszeben/Sibiu. Some place names normally not given in German will be in Hungarian or Romanian for the text with variants in the footnotes. For towns and cities with a commonly used English place name, then English will be used. 2 The name of the organisation varies between Deutsche Schulverein and Allgemeiner Deutscher Schulverein depending on the document. 3 Heltau/Nagydisznód/Cisnădie. [Type text] 2 to remain linguistically and ethnically German while living as loyal citizens of a Magyar dominated Hungary – in light of a specific series of events and from two perspectives. Immediately upon its foundation in 1881, the ADS offered funds to German communities in Hungary for specific German-language educational and cultural purposes, thus prompting a wave of publicity, diplomatic exchanges, comments in parliament and town meetings.5 A snapshot of these few months shows the complex and fluid political landscape the Saxons had to negotiate as well as the considerable divisions within the Saxon community – both in political tactics and in local specificities. To delve into Transylvanian Saxon experiences of a rapidly modernizing and nationalizing Hungary requires recognition of their variety and vulnerability. Particularly important during the ADS incident was the potential involvement of a newly formed and powerful Imperial Germany in Transylvanian Saxon and, therefore, Hungarian affairs. German involvement could take a number of forms. This could involve direct aid from private organisations like the ADS, or attempts to influence official German government policy, or a general call to European public opinion. All were tried at varying times by concerned individuals in Germany, though with little success. During the 1870s there was minimal German interest in the Saxons with only a few isolated publications promoting support for the Transylvanian Saxons. By contrast, this trickle became a veritable flood after the foundation of the ADS in 1881. This article therefore has a dual focus: first, on the Transylvanian Saxon press and, second, on the various pamphlets circulating in Imperial Germany. How did the 4 Die Deutschen in Ungarn und Siebenbürgen und der ‘Deutsche Schulverein, p. 135. 5 It has been referred to as ‘the pamphlet scandal of the Deutscher Schulverein’. See I. Senz, Die Nationale Bewegung der ungarländischen Deutschen vor dem Erstern Weltkrieg. Eine Entwicklung im Spannungsfeld zwischen Alldeutschtum und ungarischer Innenpolitik (Munich, 1977), p. 59. [Type text] 3 Saxons act and react during the incident? Could they reconcile being members of the German-speaking Saxon community and loyal Hungarian citizens? What were the perceptions towards and interpretation of events as they unfolded? How interested was the Reich German public in the Saxons’ plight? What was the relationship between Imperial Germany and the Saxon political leaders? Finally, how were relations with Imperial Germany and the Hungarian government in Budapest affected? The historiography on late nineteenth century Transylvanian Saxon history has two main strands within which the events of 1881-2 can be interpreted. Traditionally, the ADS demonstrations have been portrayed as part of the gradual Transylvanian Saxon move towards a stronger German national consciousness. The powerful influence of Friedrich Teutsch, a Transylvanian Lutheran priest and historian, has been an important factor in the construction of this linear narrative. His interpretation, as outlined in his essay ‘The Development of Our National Consciousness’ (1895) was that: The Schulverein demonstrations in Hungary declared from thousands to thousands: [the Transylvanian Saxons] are German and want to remain German; loyalties to the Volk and to the state do not stand in opposition to each other.6 In the 1920s, Teutsch, when completing the final volume of the monumental history of the Transylvanian Saxons which his father had begun seventy years earlier, described the Schulverein demonstrations as continuing to live in the collective memory.7 Another witness to the demonstrations, Edmund Steinacker, a descendant of Zipser Germans (German communities in modern-day Slovakia), placed the Schulverein events in the 6 F. Teutsch, ‘Die Entwicklung unseres nationalen Bewußtseins’ in id., ed., Bilder aus der vaterländischen Geschichte (Hermannstadt, 1895), p. 398. A similar view is expressed, in almost the same words, in Friedrich Teutsch’s biography of his father. F. Teutsch., Georg Daniel Teutsch. Geschichte seines Lebens (Hermannstadt, 1909), pp. 301-302. 7 F. Teutsch, Geschichte der Siebenbürger Sachsen für das sächsische Volk, Vol. 4: 1868-1919 Unter dem Dualismus (Hermannstadt, 1926), p. 89. [Type text] 4 same general trajectory, emphasising the nationalist movement’s vitality after the turn of the century when he was heavily involved.8 The corollary to this viewpoint is a portrayal of the Hungarian government as fundamentally intolerant and consumed with constructing a unitary Magyar nation-state. In this respect, Robert Seton-Watson’s work in the early twentieth century was particularly influential in its criticism of the Hungarian government’s policies.9 A number of subsequent works have followed in these footsteps emphasising, to differing degrees, a combination of developing Saxon-German national consciousness and overbearing Hungarian policies.10 The second historiographical strand attempts to place Hungarian government policy – and thus also the Transylvanian Saxon dilemma – in the context of the immense social and economic changes associated with a rapidly modernising region. The Hungarian historians Ferenc Glatz and Peter Hanák have argued that the process of assimilation, so vital to Hungarian ambitions, was largely attributable to general factors of bourgeois transformation, demographic changes and economic development, though 8 E. Steinacker, Lebenserinnerungen (Munich, 1937), pp. 110-12 and 136-45. Other works published in the inter-war period and following this general schema are E. Barta and K. Bell, Geschichte der Schutzarbeit am deutschen Volkstum (Dresden, 1930), K. Bell, ed., Siebenbürgen (Das Deutschtum im Ausland) (Dresden, 1930), E. Weisenfeld, Die Geschichte der politischen Publizistik bei den Siebenbürger Sachsen (Limburg an der Lahn, 1938), F. Valjavec, ‘Das deutsche Bürgertum und die Anfänge der deutschen Bewegung in Ungarn’, Südostdeutsche Forschungen 3 (1938), pp. 376-94 and F. Valjavec, ‘Quellen zu den Anfängen der deutschen Bewegung in Ungarn’, Südostdeutsche Forschungen 4 (1939), pp. 465-508. For background to much of the work, in particular the institutional history and the continuties before, through and after the Nazi era see Mathias Beer and Gerhard Seewann, eds., Südostforschung im Schatten des Dritten Reiches. Institutionen – Inhalte – Personen (Munich, 2004). 9 Most prominently in R.W. Seton-Watson, Racial Problems in Hungary (1908). Similarly, from the same generation, Oscar Jászi talks of ‘[t]he [Hungarian] policy of an exaggerated unification and an artificial Magyarization’. O. Jászi, The Dissolution of the Habsburg Monarchy (Chicago, 1929), p. 308. 10 G. Schödl, ‘Am Rande des Reiches am Rande der Nation: Deutsche im Königreich Ungarn (1867- 1914/18)’ in id., ed., Deutsche Geschichte im Osten Europas: Land an der Donau (Berlin, 1995), pp. 350- 454; O. Folberth, ‘Die Auswirkung des “Ausgleichs” von 1867 auf Siebenbürgen’ in T. Mayer, ed., Der österreichisch-ungarische Ausgleich von 1867. Seine Grundlagen und Auswirkungen (Munich, 1968), 48- 70 and G. Weidenfeller, VDA. Verein für das Deutschtum im Ausland. Allgemeiner Deutscher Schulverein (1881-1918). Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des deutschen Nationalismus und Imperialismus im Kaiserreich (Bern, 1976). [Type text] 5 the government
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