The Truman Doctrine in Perspective
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Disfigured History: How the College Board Demolishes the Past
Disfigured History How the College Board Demolishes the Past A report by the Cover design by Beck & Stone; Interior design by Chance Layton 420 Madison Avenue, 7th Floor Published November, 2020. New York, NY 10017 © 2020 National Association of Scholars Disfigured History How the College Board Demolishes the Past Report by David Randall Director of Research, National Assocation of Scholars Introduction by Peter W. Wood President, National Association of Scholars Cover design by Beck & Stone; Interior design by Chance Layton Published November, 2020. © 2020 National Association of Scholars About the National Association of Scholars Mission The National Association of Scholars is an independent membership association of academics and others working to sustain the tradition of reasoned scholarship and civil debate in America’s colleges and universities. We uphold the standards of a liberal arts education that fosters intellectual freedom, searches for the truth, and promotes virtuous citizenship. What We Do We publish a quarterly journal, Academic Questions, which examines the intellectual controversies and the institutional challenges of contemporary higher education. We publish studies of current higher education policy and practice with the aim of drawing attention to weaknesses and stimulating improvements. Our website presents educated opinion and commentary on higher education, and archives our research reports for public access. NAS engages in public advocacy to pass legislation to advance the cause of higher education reform. We file friend-of-the-court briefs in legal cases defending freedom of speech and conscience and the civil rights of educators and students. We give testimony before congressional and legislative committees and engage public support for worthy reforms. -
Fear, Appeasement, and the Effectiveness of Deterrence1
Fear, Appeasement, and the Effectiveness of Deterrence1 Ron Gurantz2 and Alexander V. Hirsch3 June 26, 2015 1We thank Robert Trager, Barry O'Neill, Tiberiu Dragu, Kristopher Ramsay, Robert Powell, Doug Arnold, Mattias Polborn, participants of the UCLA International Relations Reading Group, Princeton Q-APS Interna- tional Relations Conference, and Cowbell working group, and two anonymous reviewers for helpful comments and advice. 2Corresponding Author. University of California, Los Angeles. Department of Political Science, 4289 Bunche Hall, Los Angeles, CA 90095-1472. Phone: (310) 825-4331. Email: [email protected]. 3Associate Professor of Political Science, Division of the Humanities and Social Sciences, California Insti- tute of Technology, MC 228-77, Pasadena, CA 91125. Email: [email protected]. Abstract Governments often fear the future intentions of their adversaries. In this paper we show how this fear can make deterrent threats credible under seemingly incredible circumstances. We consider a model in which a defender seeks to deter a transgression with both intrinsic and military value. We examine how the defender's fear of the challenger's future belligerence affects his willingness to respond to the transgression with war. We derive conditions under which even a very minor transgression effectively \tests" for the challenger's future belligerence, which makes the defender's deterrent threat credible even when the transgression is objectively minor and the challenger is ex- ante unlikely to be belligerent. We also show that fear can actually benefit the defender by allowing her to credibly deter. We show the robustness of our results to a variety of extensions, and apply the model to analyze the Turkish Straits Crisis of 1946. -
The Historical Cuba-Us Discordancy from the Theoretical Outlook of The
European Scientific Journal December 2014 edition vol.10, No.34 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 THE HISTORICAL CUBA-U.S. DISCORDANCY FROM THE THEORETICAL OUTLOOK OF THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Dr. Onesimo Julian Moreira Seijos University of Quintana Roo Abstract This paper focuses on the main features of the relationship between Cuba and the United States (U.S.) since the nineteenth century to the present. The essay analyses the confrontation between these two countries from the theoretical view of International Relations (IR). The aim of the paper is to demonstrate that the nature of the Cuba-U.S. discrepancies during the Cold War is not confined to the ideological controversy of the East/West relations. Despite the changes that have taken place in world politics during the 1990s and the hopes which opened with the Obama administration, the design of U.S. policy towards Cuba has scarcely changed after the end of the Cold War. On the other hand, the revival of the Wilsonian ideas alleged in the mainstream IR literature does not take into account the special case of the Cuba-U.S relations. Regardless of the current trend to stress international institutions and to sort out conflict within the framework of international agreements, the Cuban problem remains as a national interest matter for the U.S. The historic sequence of the Cuban issue in American politics lend support to the argument that while within the academic discipline of International Relations there is a trend to consider the current period as a proof of the end of realism, the wires which lead the American political behaviour towards Cuba are still under the influence of old-fashioned national interest, the rational choice program and the U.S. -
Presidential Foreign Policy Doctrines
20 July 2015 Presidential Doctrines, the Use of Force and International Order Did the US’ military and legal reactions to the 9/11 attacks fundamentally transform its foreign and security policies? Joseph Siracusa doesn’t think so. He argues that the so-called Bush and Obama Doctrines have had more in common with previous presidential approaches than most people realize. By Joseph Siracusa for ISN In the ever-changing landscape of international relations, the extent to which the actions of the United States contribute to justice and order remains a source of contentious debate. Indeed, it is difficult to find a point in recent history when the United States and its foreign policy have been subject to such polarised and acrimonious reflection, both domestically and internationally. Notwithstanding recent ‘decline’ debates and the rise of emerging powers, the United States continues to hold a formidable advantage over its chief rivals in terms of formal power assets more than twenty-five years after the end of the Cold War. Few anticipated this situation; on the contrary, many assumed that, after a brief moment of unipolarity following the collapse of the Soviet Union, international affairs would soon regain a certain symmetry. Instead, US hegemony is still par for the course. In this context, because the foreign policy ‘doctrines’ of American presidents remain an important driver of the outlook of the United States, these doctrines continue to play a significant role in shaping international order. Though they have veered from isolationist to interventionist to expansionist over the years, these doctrines in fact exhibit a remarkable continuity – even in the post 9/11 era. -
Canada in the Cold War
CANADA IN THE COLD WAR Countries in the Cold War Soviet Union/USSR/CCCP/The Motherland/Russia The USSR flag is one of the most iconic flags during the 20th century. Adopted during 1924, this flag would go over a few changes, and would no longer be in use in 1991, when the Soviet Union fell. The Flag has a red backround with a hammer and sickle in the top left corner, with a yellow and red star on top of the hammer and sickle. The hammer and sickle represent workers, peasents, and the victorious revolutionary alliance, while the star represents the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 1 CANADA IN THE COLD WAR America/US/USA/Merica/The Union The iconic American flag was the capitalist superpower in the Cold War. It was adopted in 1959 by a high schooler who wanted a higher grade. The 50 stars represent the 50 states that are in the Union. The 13 stripes represent the first 13 colonies that took over British lands in North America. 2 CANADA IN THE COLD WAR Canada/CAN/Maple Syrup/The True North/The Dominion of Canada Canada was a key ally of the United States, and was one of the founders of NATO. After no longer being a Dominion of Britain, Canada changes its flag and removes its old one. The flag includes red and white stripes, with a maple leaf in the center. 3 CANADA IN THE COLD WAR UK/United Kingdom/Britain/Great Britain/British Empire The UK was the largest empire in human history, bigger than the Mongol Empire, bigger then the French, and bigger than Russia. -
Remembering George Kennan Does Not Mean Idolizing Him
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Melvyn P. Leffler This report originated while Melvyn P. Leffler was a Jennings Randolph Fellow at the United States Institute of Peace. He was writing his book on what appeared to be the most intractable and ominous conflict of the post–World War II era—the Cold War. He was addressing the questions of why the Cold War lasted as long as it did and why it ended when Remembering it did. As part of the ongoing dialogue at the United States Institute of Peace, he was repeatedly asked about the lessons of the Cold War for our contemporary problems. George Kennan His attention was drawn to the career of George F. Kennan, the father of containment. Kennan was a rather obscure and frustrated foreign service officer at the U.S. embassy in Lessons for Today? Moscow when his “Long Telegram” of February 1946 gained the attention of policymakers in Washington and transformed his career. Leffler reviews Kennan’s legacy and ponders the implications of his thinking for the contemporary era. Is it Summary possible, Leffler wonders, to reconcile Kennan’s legacy with the newfound emphasis on a “democratic peace”? • Kennan’s thinking and policy prescriptions evolved quickly from the time he wrote the Melvyn P. Leffler, a former senior fellow at the United States “Long Telegram” in February 1946 until the time he delivered the Walgreen Lectures Institute of Peace, won the Bancroft Prize for his book at the University of Chicago in 1950. -
The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications Ann Van Wynen Thomas
Louisiana Law Review Volume 30 | Number 4 June 1970 The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications Ann Van Wynen Thomas A. J. Thomas Jr. Repository Citation Ann Van Wynen Thomas and A. J. Thomas Jr., The Organization of American States and the Monroe Doctrine - Legal Implications, 30 La. L. Rev. (1970) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol30/iss4/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES AND THE MONROE DOCTRINE-LEGAL IMPLICATIONS Ann Van Wynen Thomas* A. J. Thomas, Jr.** BACKGROUND A discussion of the Monroe Doctrine today is approached with some trepidation by the wary, for the revered dogma ("I believe in the Monroe Doctrine, in our Constitution and in the laws of God") 1 often described as "the first and most fundamental" of the foreign policies of the United States and a protector of the Western Hemisphere from extracontinental aggression has,2 in recent years, been subjected to bitter attack. It has been called moribund, obsolete, verbiage,3 a name so hateful to Latin Ameri- the United States fears to mention it much less in- can ears that 4 voke it because of its abrasive effect on continental relations. Possibly the most devastating assault emanated from Mr. Khru- shchev of the Soviet Union when he proclaimed: "We consider that the Monroe Doctrine has outlived its time . -
The Monroe Doctrine: Debating America’S Defense of Independence Abroad
THE MONROE DOCTRINE: DEBATING AMERICA’S DEFENSE OF INDEPENDENCE ABROAD AUTHOR: Katherine Corrado / Woodgrove High School, Purcellville, Virginia GUIDING QUESTION: How has U.S. involvement in foreign affairs shaped a “more perfect union?” OVERVIEW CONNECTIONS TO C3 FRAMEWORK After analyzing secondary and primary sources, students › D2.His.1.6-8. Analyze connections among events and will determine how the Monroe Doctrine reflects projected developments in broader historical contexts. American identity abroad. By participating in a debate, › D2.His.8.9-12. Analyze how current interpretations of the students will examine a variety of perspectives and support past are limited by the extent to which available historical an argument. sources represent perspectives of people at the time. OBJECTIVES DOCUMENTS USED At the conclusion of this activity, students will be able to PRIMARY SOURCES › Describe the arguments for and against U.S. involvement in foreign conflicts; Caesar Augustus Rodney, Letter from Caesar Augustus Rodney to President James Monroe, 1824 (excerpt) › Analyze the debates surrounding the Monroe Doctrine; Stanislaus Murray Hamilton, Editor, The writings of James Monroe.... and HathiTrust Digital Library › Evaluate the short- and long-term effects of the Monroe https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/ Doctrine on American identity and its contribution toward pt?id=uiug.30112005125403&view=1up&seq=456 building a more perfect union. Francisco José de Paula Santander y Omaña, Mensaje del Vicepresidente de Columbia Encargado del Gobierno, -
The Rise and Fall of Australian Maoism
The Rise and Fall of Australian Maoism By Xiaoxiao Xie Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Asian Studies School of Social Science Faculty of Arts University of Adelaide October 2016 Table of Contents Declaration II Abstract III Acknowledgments V Glossary XV Chapter One Introduction 01 Chapter Two Powell’s Flowing ‘Rivers of Blood’ and the Rise of the ‘Dark Nations’ 22 Chapter Three The ‘Wind from the East’ and the Birth of the ‘First’ Australian Maoists 66 Chapter Four ‘Revolution Is Not a Dinner Party’ 130 Chapter Five ‘Things Are Beginning to Change’: Struggles Against the turning Tide in Australia 178 Chapter Six ‘Continuous Revolution’ in the name of ‘Mango Mao’ and the ‘death’ of the last Australian Maoist 220 Conclusion 260 Bibliography 265 I Declaration I certify that this work contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in my name, in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. In addition, I certify that no part of this work will, in the future, be used in a submission in my name, for any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution without the prior approval of the University of Adelaide and where applicable, any partner institution responsible for the joint-award of this degree. I give consent to this copy of my thesis, when deposited in the University Library, being made available for loan and photocopying, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. -
Fear, Appeasement, and the Effectiveness of Deterrence
Fear, Appeasement, and the Effectiveness of Deterrence1 Ron Gurantz2 and Alexander V. Hirsch3 April 1, 2015 1We thank Robert Trager, Barry O'Neill, Tiberiu Dragu, Kristopher Ramsay, Robert Powell, Doug Arnold, Mattias Polborn, participants of the UCLA International Relations Reading Group, Princeton Q-APS International Relations Conference, and Cowbell working group, and two anony- mous reviewers for helpful comments and advice. 2Corresponding Author. University of California, Los Angeles. Department of Political Sci- ence, 4289 Bunche Hall, Los Angeles, CA 90095-1472. Phone: (310) 825-4331. Email: rongu- [email protected]. 3Associate Professor of Political Science, Division of the Humanities and Social Sciences, Cali- fornia Institute of Technology, MC 228-77, Pasadena, CA 91125. Email: [email protected]. Abstract Governments often fear the future intentions of their adversaries. In this paper we explore how this fear affects their willingness to fight, and thus ability to credibly deter, and show that it can make deterrent threats credible under seemingly incredible circumstances. We consider a model in which a defender seeks to deter a transgression that has both intrinsic and military value, and examine how the defender's fear that the challenger will exploit her gains in a future military confrontation affects the credibility of his deterrent threat. We derive conditions under which even a very minor transgression can effectively become a \test" of the challenger's future belligerence. As a result, the defender's deterrent threat of war becomes credible in equilibrium, even when the transgression does not immediately appear to be worth fighting over, and the ex-ante likelihood that the challenger is belligerent is infinitesimally small. -
Turkey As a Nato Ally in the Post-Cold War Period
TALLINN UNIVERISTY OF TECHNOLOGY School of Business and Governance Department of Law Ayberk Bozkurt TURKEY AS A NATO ALLY IN THE POST-COLD WAR PERIOD Master’s thesis Programme of International Relations and European-Asian Studies Supervisor: Peeter Müürsepp, PhD Tallinn 2018 I declare that the I have compiled the paper independently and all works, important standpoints and data by other authors have been properly referenced and the same paper has not been previously been presented for grading. The document length is 11002 words from the introduction to the end of summary. Ayberk Bozkurt …………………………… (signature, date) Student code: 156457TASM Student e-mail address: [email protected] Supervisor: Peeter Müürsepp, PhD: The paper conforms to requirements in force …………………………………………… (signature, date) Chairman of the Defence Committee: /to be added only for graduation theses/ Permitted to the defence ………………………………… (name, signature, date) TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT.....................................................................................................................................1 INTRODUCTION...........................................................................................................................2 1.THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND METHODOLOGY......................................................5 2. WHAT INTERLINKS A NEW TURKEY WITH NATO..........................................................8 2.1. A Historical Brief........................................................................................................10 -
British Foreign Office Perspectives on the Admission of Turkey and Greece to NATO, 1947-1952
1 British Foreign Office Perspectives on the Admission of Turkey and Greece to NATO, 1947-1952 Norasmahani Hussain Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of History October 2018 2 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. © 2018 The University of Leeds and Norasmahani Hussain The right of Norasmahani Hussain to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe a greatest debt of gratitude to my new supervisors Dr Peter Anderson, Dr William Jackson and Dr Elisabeth Leake, also my retired supervisor, Dr Martin Thornton for their immense practical help that enabled me to complete this research. Their invaluable advice, guidance, patience, excellent ideas, constructive comments, kindness, and thoughtfulness, made me feel really grateful for having them as my supervisors. Massive thanks go to my advisor Dr Laura King for her continuing support and encouragement over the years. I would also like to give my thanks to Kementerian Pengajian Tinggi Malaysia and Universiti Sains Malaysia for funding my study in Leeds, United Kingdom. I extend my next gratitude to Professor Simon Ball and Dr James Ellison for their constructive comments during the viva. I express deep sense of gratitude to the School of History, University of Leeds, and its friendly and helpful staffs such as Emma Chippendale, Alice Potter and Maria Di Stefano.