The Public Diplomacy of the United States of America in the “War on Terror”
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THE PUBLIC DIPLOMACY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN THE “WAR ON TERROR” by Marina Botes 7911386 Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF DIPLOMATIC STUDIES in the FACULTY OF HUMANITIES DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA Pretoria February 2007 DANKBETUIGINGS Dankie aan Anton, Antonie, Andriana en Jan-Hendrik Botes vir baie liefde en geloof. Dankie aan Eben en Janie Labuschagne vir wie alles moontlik was, en Marie Louw vir ondersteuning. My dank aan Marieta Buys van die Akademiese Inligting Sentrum van die Universiteit van Pretoria vir professionele hulp. My dank aan Prof Anton du Plessis vir akademiese leiding en volgehoue ondersteuning. My dank aan God vir geleenthede. Marina Botes Pretoria Februarie 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1. GENERAL INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH THEME 1 2. AIM AND RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY 2 3. FORMULATION AND DEMARCATION OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM 3 3.1. Formulation of the research problem 3 3.2. Demarcation of the research problem 4 4. LITERATURE REVIEW 4 5. METHODOLOGY 7 6. STRUCTURE OF THE RESEARCH 8 7. CONCLUSION 9 CHAPTER 2 PUBLIC DIPLOMACY: THEORY, PRACTICE AND PROPAGANDA 11 1. INTRODUCTION 11 2. THE CONTEXT OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 12 2.1. Foreign policy and international relations 12 2.2. Diplomacy 15 3. PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 16 3.1. Definitions 17 3.2. Aims and objectives 22 3.3. Operating guidelines 22 3.4. Modes 24 3.4.1. Information activities 24 3.4.2. Educational and cultural activities 25 3.4.3. Head(s) of state and government visits and summits 26 3.4.4. Mega-events 27 3.4.5. Personal public diplomacy 27 i 4. PROPAGANDA 28 4.1. Origins 28 4.2. Definitions 30 5. THE PUBLIC DIPLOMACY-PROPAGANDA NEXUS 33 5.1. Institutions 33 5.2. Activities 34 5.3. The target audience 36 6. CONCLUSION 37 CHAPTER 3 PUBLIC DIPLOMACY IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 39 1. INTRODUCTION 39 2. ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF US PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 39 3. DIMENSIONS OF US PUBLIC DIPLOMACY 45 3.1. Public diplomacy institutions 46 3.2. Public diplomacy activities 48 3.2.1. International information programmes 49 3.2.2. Educational and cultural activities 51 3.2.3. Public diplomacy content 54 3.3. The target audience 56 4. FOREIGN POLICY CONTEXT 56 5. CONCLUSION 58 CHAPTER 4 PUBLIC DIPLOMACY IN THE ‘WAR ON TERROR’ 60 1. INTRODUCTION 60 2. AGENTS AND ACTIVITIES 60 2.1. President George W Bush 61 2.1.1. Setting foreign policy objectives 61 2.1.2. Acting as public diplomacy agent 64 2.2. The Department of State 72 2.2.1. The Secretary of State 72 2.2.2. The Under-secretary for Public Diplomacy and Foreign Affairs 75 ii 2.3. The Vice President 77 2.4. The Secretary of Defense 79 2.5. The National Security Advisor 81 2.6. The Mass media 83 3. THE CONTENT 85 3.1. ‘We’re at war’ 85 3.2. A just cause 86 4. CONCLUSION 88 CHAPTER 5 THE ‘WAR ON TERROR’ IN THE PUBLIC DIPLOMACY-PROPAGANDA NEXUS 90 1. INTRODUCTION 90 2. THE ‘WAR ON TERROR’ AND PROPAGANDA 90 2.1. The repetition of ideas, images and rumours 91 2.2. The exploitation of hate and resentment 97 2.3. The exploitation of self-justification 101 2.4. Transferring evil to the adversary 108 3. THE MASS MEDIA 111 4. CONCLUSION 115 CHAPTER 6 EVALUATION 117 BIBLIOGRAPHY 126 SUMMARY 148 SAMEVATTING 150 iii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1. GENERAL INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH THEME After the attacks on 11 September in 2001 (hereafter, September 11) on the United States of America (US), the comment that ‘the world will not be the same again’ has become a truism. Although targeted before in February 1993, the scale and horror of September 11 was a watershed event in US history and foreign policy. While prior mention was made by US officials of a ‘war on terrorism’, September 11 ‘institutionalised’ the ‘war on terror’ as the primary US foreign policy objective. Therefore, as an instrument of foreign policy, US diplomacy pursues this objective, which has serious implications for international relations. Although the most salient feature of current international relations is the dominance of the US, it perceives itself as being under threat. Even before September 11, the US government was aware of a growing anti-American sentiment (House of Representatives 2002). This was confirmed by opinion polls conducted in Muslim countries. This negative perception was not confined to Arab countries and polling in Europe found similar negativity (CFR 2004b). This prompted Senator H.J. Hyde (House of Representatives 2002), Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, to ask: “Why ... when we read or listen to descriptions of America in the foreign press, do we so often seem to be entering a fantasyland of hatred?” The anti-American feeling was not only a contributing factor to September 11, but was also hampering the US efforts in its ‘war on terror’. On the basis of this evidence and September 11, US policy makers identified public diplomacy as a foreign policy instrument with which to remedy the negative perceptions and their consequences. Policy makers and commentators were unanimous in their 1 assessment that the US government “[was] losing its voice before foreign audiences and need[ed] to get it back” through reinvigorated public diplomacy (Johnson & Dale 2003). The Bush administration thus embarked on an extensive public diplomacy campaign to control the discourse of the ‘war on terror’. However, the ‘war on terror’ has proved to be a defining phenomenon in international relations and by extension the role of the concomitant US public diplomacy campaign has gained political relevance. These developments illustrate the importance of public diplomacy and US public diplomacy in particular, in international relations. 2. AIM AND RELEVANCE OF THE STUDY Against this background, the aim of this study is to analise public diplomacy as a foreign policy instrument but with reference to US public diplomacy, and US public diplomacy activities in the ‘war on terror’ in particular. In view of the limitations of existing public diplomacy theory, there is also the concern that, what is practised as public diplomacy by the US, significantly differs from the meaning as understood by other practitioners, academics and the public. This study postulates that this US effort will, by virtue of US dominance of world politics and International Relations as a science, have a far-reaching influence on the theory and practice of public diplomacy. This indicates the theoretical and practical relevance of the study. The theoretical relevance pertains to the fact that, firstly, despite the recent upsurge in academic interest, ample scope remains for conceptual clarification of public diplomacy. Secondly, the general increase of public diplomacy activities, evident from this case, presents new opportunities for academic scrutiny. At the theoretical level this analysis thus presents a current evaluation of public diplomacy. Thirdly, due to the dominance of the US in International Relations, this case will determine future theoretical analysis in the field. The practical relevance of the analysis of US public diplomacy in the ‘war on terror’ derives from the influence of the US as a superpower. Firstly, US practices create 2 precedents in international relations. Secondly, its public diplomacy has a profound political and personal impact on the target audience. At the practical level this analysis thus indicates trends that can affect future public diplomacy, but also indicates the socio-political effects of US public diplomacy. 3. FORMULATION AND DEMARCATION OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM The limitations of the theory on public diplomacy belie the importance currently attached to it by foreign policy makers and its prominence in the US ‘war on terror’. Although public diplomacy is also scrutinized in, amongst others, Communications, Cognitive, Linguistic and Marketing Studies, studies in International Relations and Diplomatic Studies lack conceptual clarity and critical analysis. 3.1. FORMULATION OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM As indicated, the aim of this study is to analyse the meaning of public diplomacy in the context of the US’ ‘war on terror’. With its roots in propaganda and with recent intrusions of corporate communications and advertising, public diplomacy is a vague and confusing concept. Therefore, the main research question is: What are the meaning, nature and scope of public diplomacy? However, in view of the political and academic dominance of the US, three sub-questions inform the main research question: How does the US as the superpower practice public diplomacy? How does US public diplomacy manifest in the ‘war on terror’? Does US public diplomacy in the ‘war on terror’ constitute propaganda? The latter question specifically addresses the distinction between public diplomacy and propaganda, which informs the main question on the meaning, nature and scope of public diplomacy. 3 3.2. DEMARCATION OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM The research problem is demarcated conceptually, geographically and temporally. In respect of the conceptual demarcation, this analysis considers public diplomacy within the theoretical framework of International Relations and Diplomatic Studies, in the process also distinguishing it from and relating it to propaganda. In respect of the geographic demarcation, the case study is confined to the public diplomacy of the US and in particular the information disseminated through public diplomacy institutions and activities. This study thus focuses on the content of public diplomacy. Although US pronouncements of a war on terrorism pre-dated 11 September 2001, the ‘war on terror’ has become a stated US foreign policy objective from 2001 and is still continuing. The time demarcation therefore is from 2001 to 2006. 4. LITERATURE REVIEW This analysis consults these, and other primary and secondary sources: (a) Literature on the theoretical context of public diplomacy: In consideration of the broader theoretical context of public diplomacy, this analysis draws from standard works such as International politics: A framework for analysis (1995) by K.J.