Understanding Plessy V. Ferguson

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Understanding Plessy V. Ferguson Understanding Plessy v. Ferguson In 1890, Louisiana passed a law prohibiting people of different races from traveling together on trains. This law was one of many forms of segregation known as Jim Crow. Homer Plessy, whose great-grandmother was black, purposely challenged the law by sitting in a car reserved for white passengers. Plessy, who was seven-eighths white, identified himself as being black when the conductor checked his ticket. He was promptly arrested and convicted by Judge John H. Ferguson. However, Plessy’s Lawyers appealed the decision all the way to the Supreme Court. They argued that the Louisiana law violated both the 13th and the 14th Amendments to the Constitution. In 1896, the Supreme Court rejected both Plessy’s 13th and 14th Amendment arguments, and ruled in favor of segregation. Separation of the races was constitutional, the Court said, as long as equal accommodations were made for both blacks and whites. The High Court’s majority opinion legalized Jim Crow Laws. The ruling resulted in segregated restaurants, railcars, streetcars, waiting rooms, parks, cemeteries, churches, hospitals, prisons, elevators, theaters, schools, public restrooms, water fountains, and even public telephones. Plessy v. Ferguson represented a major setback in the quest for civil rights for black Americans. Read the case summary and answer the questions below. ______________________________________________________________________________ What were Jim Crow Laws? ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ Plessy v. Ferguson and the Thirteenth Amendment Homer Plessy’s Argument Louisiana’s 1890 Separate Car Law violates the 13th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States of America. The 13th Amendment abolishes slavery. However, the Separate Car Law stamps black Americans with a badge of inferiority, and therefore, in a way imposes a form of slavery. In your own words, explain Homer Plessy’s 13th Amendment argument. ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ Supreme Court’s Majority Opinion Laws “requiring [the] separation” of races in public places “do not imply the inferiority of either race to the other.” If the owner of an inn, a railroad line, or a theater, refuses accommodations to black people, this is not the same as imposing slavery or servitude upon them. The Court recognizes these may be acts of discrimination, but they are not the same as slavery. Plessy is incorrect in his “assumption that the enforced separation of the two races stamps the colored race with a badge of inferiority.” If this be so, it is not by reason of anything found in the Separate Car Law, “but solely because the colored race chooses” to think this way. In your own words, explain the Supreme Court’s 13th Amendment argument. ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ Plessy v. Ferguson and the Fourteenth Amendment Homer Plessy’s Argument The Louisiana Separate Car Law violates the 14th Amendment to the Constitution, which says that states cannot make laws that limit the rights of citizens and that all citizens are entitled to the equal protection of the laws. The Separate Car Law takes away Homer Plessy’s right to liberty, because he is denied the freedom to choose to come and go where and how he pleases. The Separate Car Law does not treat all citizens equally, as required by the 14th Amendment. In your own words, explain Homer Plessy’s 14th Amendment argument. ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ Supreme Court’s Majority Opinion The goal of the 14th Amendment “is undoubtedly to enforce the absolute equality of the two races before the law.” However, “legislation is powerless to eradicate racial instincts or to abolish distinctions based on physical differences, and if one race be inferior to the other socially, the Constitution of the United States cannot put them on the same plane.” The Court says that the Constitution cannot force blacks and whites to associate together or to respect one another. The 14th Amendment can only guarantee political and legal equality; it is not intended to enforce social equality. The Justices say that the 14th Amendment is not intended to make black and white people mix together socially if they do not want to do so. In your own words, explain the Supreme Court’s 14th Amendment argument. ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ Summary According to the Supreme Court’s 1896 ruling in Plessy v. Ferguson, if society views one race as inferior to the other, the Constitution cannot put them the same plane. People are allowed to dislike one another and to separate themselves from one another. The constitution can only guarantee legal equality, not social equality. For example, as long as there are railcars for both races, then blacks and whites have equal access to railcars. As long as there are water fountains for blacks and whites, then blacks and whites have equal access to water. Blacks may be forced to attend separate schools because they still have access to an education. According to the Supreme Court, if society’s customs require people to be separate, so be it. Separate, but equal. This 1896 Supreme Court decision permitted segregation and stood as the law of the land, legalizing racism for decades. What was the legacy of the Supreme Court’s ruling in Plessy v. Ferguson? Why do historians consider the Supreme Court decision in Plessy v. Ferguson a “constitutional disaster” in black Americans journey for equal rights? ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ .
Recommended publications
  • PLESSY V. FERGUSON (1896) ORIGINS of the CASE in 1892, Homer Plessy Took a Seat in the “Whites Only” Car of a Train and Refused to Move
    PLESSY v. FERGUSON (1896) ORIGINS OF THE CASE In 1892, Homer Plessy took a seat in the “Whites Only” car of a train and refused to move. He was arrested, tried, and convicted in the District Court of New Orleans for breaking Louisiana’s segregation law. Plessy appealed, claiming that he had been denied equal protection under the law. The Supreme Court handed down its decision on May 18, 1896. THE RULING The Court ruled that separate-but-equal facilities for blacks and whites did not violate the Constitution. LEGAL REASONING CALIFORNIA STANDARDS Plessy claimed that segregation violated his right to 11.10.2 Examine and analyze the key events, policies, and court cases in the evolution of civil rights, including Dred Scott v. equal protection under the law. Moreover he claimed Sandford, Plessy v. Ferguson, Brown v. Board of Education, that, being “of mixed descent,” he was entitled to “every Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, and California Proposition 209. recognition, right, privilege and immunity secured to HI 3 Students interpret past events and issues within the context the citizens of the United States of the white race.” in which an event unfolded rather than solely in terms of pres- Justice Henry B. Brown, writing for the majority, ruled: ent-day norms and values. “ The object of the [Fourteenth] amendment was LEGAL SOURCES . undoubtedly to enforce the absolute equality of the two races before the law, but . it could not have LEGISLATION been intended to abolish distinctions based upon color, or to enforce social, as distinguished from political U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Than Segregation, Racial Identity: the Neglected Question in Plessy V
    Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice Volume 10 | Issue 1 Article 3 Spring 4-1-2004 MORE THAN SEGREGATION, RACIAL IDENTITY: THE NEGLECTED QUESTION IN PLESSY V. FERGUSON Thomas J. Davis Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/crsj Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Thomas J. Davis, MORE THAN SEGREGATION, RACIAL IDENTITY: THE NEGLECTED QUESTION IN PLESSY V. FERGUSON, 10 Wash. & Lee Race & Ethnic Anc. L. J. 1 (2004). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/crsj/vol10/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MORE THAN SEGREGATION, RACIAL IDENTITY: THE NEGLECTED QUESTION IN PLESSY V. FERGUSON Thomas J. Davis* I. INTRODUCTION The U.S. Supreme Court's 1896 decision in Plessy v. Ferguson' has long stood as an ignominious marker in U.S. law, symbolizing the nation's highest legal sanction for the physical separation by race of persons in the United States. In ruling against thirty-four-year-old New Orleans shoemaker Homer Adolph Plessy's challenge to Louisiana's Separate Railway Act of 1890,2 the Court majority declared that we think the enforced separation of the races, as applied to the internal commerce of the state, neither abridges the privileges or immunities of the colored man, deprives him of his property without due process of law, nor denies him the equal protection of the laws, within the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment.3 One commentator on the Court's treatment of African-American civil rights cast the Plessy decision as "the climactic Supreme Court pronouncement on segregated institutions."4 Historian C.
    [Show full text]
  • Why the Supreme Court Lied in Plessy
    Volume 52 Issue 3 Article 1 2007 Why the Supreme Court Lied in Plessy David S. Bogen Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/vlr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Common Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation David S. Bogen, Why the Supreme Court Lied in Plessy, 52 Vill. L. Rev. 411 (2007). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/vlr/vol52/iss3/1 This Lecture is brought to you for free and open access by Villanova University Charles Widger School of Law Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Villanova Law Review by an authorized editor of Villanova University Charles Widger School of Law Digital Repository. Bogen: Why the Supreme Court Lied in Plessy VILLANOVA LAW REVIEW VOLUME 52 2007 NUMBER 3 Reuschlein Lecture WHY THE SUPREME COURT LIED IN PLESSY DAVID S. BOGEN* 1. INTRODUCTION p LESSY v. Ferguson' is high on the list of the most reviled decisions of the Supreme Court, mentioned in the same breath as Dred Scott v. Sandford.2 It has a number of unfortunate statements 3 and the decision * Harold Gill Reuschlein Visiting Professor, Villanova University School of Law, Professor Emeritus of Law, University of Maryland School of Law. B.A. 1962, LL.B. 1965, Harvard University; LL.M., 1967, New York University. I would like to thank Villanova for the opportunity afforded by the Reuschlein professorship and the University of Maryland for a summer grant. The assistance of the staff at the Villanova University School of Law Library, particularly Amy Spare, and the University of Maryland School of Law Thurgood Marshall Library, particularly Maxine Grosshans, was indispensable, as was my research assistant, Justin Browne, University of Maryland class of 2008.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Irvine Flashpoints
    UC Irvine FlashPoints Title The Fear of French Negroes: Transcolonial Collaboration in the Revolutionary Americas Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3j476038 ISBN 9780520271128 Author Johnson, Sara E. Publication Date 2012-09-15 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California The Fear of French Negroes Transcolonial Collaboration in the Revolutionary Americas Sara E. Johnson university of california press Berkeley • Los Angeles • London The Fear of French Negroes flashpoints The series solicits books that consider literature beyond strictly national and disciplin- ary frameworks, distinguished both by their historical grounding and their theoretical and conceptual strength. We seek studies that engage theory without losing touch with history and work historically without falling into uncritical positivism. FlashPoints aims for a broad audience within the humanities and the social sciences concerned with mo- ments of cultural emergence and transformation. In a Benjaminian mode, FlashPoints is interested in how literature contributes to forming new constellations of culture and history and in how such formations function critically and politically in the present. Available online at http://repositories.cdlib.org/ucpress. Series Editors: Ali Behdad (Comparative Literature and English, UCLA); Judith Butler (Rhetoric and Comparative Literature, UC Berkeley), Founding Editor; Edward Dimendberg (Film & Media Studies, UC Irvine), Coordinator; Catherine Gallagher (English, UC Berkeley), Founding Editor; Jody Greene (Literature, UC Santa Cruz); Susan Gillman (Literature, UC Santa Cruz); Richard Terdiman (Literature, UC Santa Cruz) 1. On Pain of Speech: Fantasies of the First Order and the Literary Rant, by Dina Al-Kassim 2. Moses and Multiculturalism, by Barbara Johnson, with a foreword by Barbara Rietveld 3.
    [Show full text]
  • The Law and Significance of Plessy John A
    The Law and Significance of Plessy john a. powell In this article, the author explores the legal history that precluded and followed the case of Plessy v. Fergu- son, setting up the historical context and significance of the case. Here, powell shows the embeddedness of structural racism in the American legal system and the slow work done to untangle racism from the law. Keywords: legal history, structural racism, segregation It is helpful to social science researchers unfa- dominated governments sought new ways to miliar with legal scholarship to understand institutionalize racial stratification after 1863. how a U.S. Supreme Court decision can shape Nonetheless, it has become an arch symbol of public policies more than a century later.1 The jurists going awry and a talisman of racial op- decision in Plessy v. Ferguson looms large in our pression. Indeed, in his now- famous and lone nation’s historical memory, but it is both more dissenting opinion, Justice John Marshall Har- significant than we generally appreciate and lan wrote that “the judgment this day rendered less so.2 Ostensibly about little more than the will, in time, prove to be quite as pernicious as separation of railway passengers by race as re- the decision made by this tribunal in the Dred quired by a state ordinance, the decision ce- Scott Case,” with Dred Scott being another mented rather than inaugurated many changes touchstone of judicial malfeasance.3 in public policy across the South as White- Yet, for all its symbolic importance, the john a. powell is Robert D. Haas Chancellor’s Chair in Equity and Inclusion, professor of law, African American studies, and ethnic studies, and director of the Othering & Belonging Institute at the University of California, Berkeley, United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Rights, Social Equality, and the Conceptual Roots of the Plessy Challenge Rebecca J
    University of Michigan Law School University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository Articles Faculty Scholarship 2008 Public Rights, Social Equality, and the Conceptual Roots of the Plessy Challenge Rebecca J. Scott University of Michigan Law School, [email protected] Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/articles/317 Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/articles Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Fourteenth Amendment Commons, Law and Race Commons, Legal History Commons, State and Local Government Law Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation Scott, Rebecca J. "Public Rights, Social Equality, and the Conceptual Roots of the Plessy Challenge." Mich. L. Rev. 106, no. 5 (2008): 777-804. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PUBLIC RIGHTS, SOCIAL EQUALITY, AND THE CONCEPTUAL ROOTS OF THE PLESSY CHALLENGE Rebecca J. Scott* This Article argues that the test case that gave rise to the 1896 deci- sion in Plessy v. Ferguson is best understood as part of a well- established, cosmopolitan traditionof anticaste activism in Louisiana rather than as a quixotic effort that contradicted nineteenth-century ideas of the boundaries of citizens' rights. By drawing a dividing line between civil and political rights, on the one hand, and social rights, on the other, the Supreme Court construed challenges to seg- regation as claims to a "social equality" that was beyond the scope of judicially cognizable rights.
    [Show full text]
  • The Road to Civil Rights Table of Contents
    The Road to Civil Rights Table of Contents Introduction Dred Scott vs. Sandford Underground Railroad Introducing Jim Crow The League of American Wheelmen Marshall “Major” Taylor Plessy v. Ferguson William A. Grant Woodrow Wilson The Black Migration Pullman Porters The International Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters The Davis-Bacon Act Adapting Transportation to Jim Crow The 1941 March on Washington World War II – The Alaska Highway World War II – The Red Ball Express The Family Vacation Journey of Reconciliation President Harry S. Truman and Civil Rights South of Freedom Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka Too Tired to Move When Rulings Don’t Count Boynton v. Virginia (1960) Freedom Riders Completing the Freedom Ride A Night of Fear Justice in Jackson Waiting for the ICC The ICC Ruling End of a Transition Year Getting to the March on Washington The Civil Rights Act of 1964 The Voting Rights March The Pettus Bridge Across the Bridge The Voting Rights Act of 1965 March Against Fear The Poor People’s Campaign Assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Completing the Poor People’s Campaign Bureau of Public Roads – Transition Disadvantaged Business Enterprises Rodney E. Slater – Beyond the Dreams References 1 The Road to Civil Rights By Richard F. Weingroff Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait." But when . you take a cross country drive and find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of your automobile because no motel will accept you . then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait.
    [Show full text]
  • Pre-Colonial “Summer Stuff” Christopher Columbus (1492
    Pre-Colonial “Summer Stuff” Christopher Columbus (1492): • Italian-born navigator who found fame when he landed in the Americas (October 12, 1492) • Left Spain with three ships (Nina, Pinta, Santa Maria) • He sailed west across the Atlantic Ocean to find a water route to Asia (was convinced the Americas were an extension of China) • Returned from his expedition with gold, encouraging future exploration and the Columbian Exchange Amerigo Vespucci (1454-1512): • Italian member of a Portuguese expedition who explored South America • Discovery suggested that the expedition had found a “New World” Treaty of Tordesillas (1493): • Treaty made by the Pope between Spain and Portugal • Created an imaginary Line of Demarcation to divide the New World • East of the line went to Portugal; west of the line went to Spain • The line would later affect colonization in Africa and Asia “New Spain” (1400s and 1500s): • Spain’s tightly controlled empire in the New World • Spaniards developed the encomienda system, using Native Americans as their forced form of labor • With the death of Native Americans, Spaniards began importing African slaves to supply their labor needs St. Augustine, Florida (1598): • French Protestants (Huguenots) went to the New World to freely practice their religion; they formed a colony near modern-day St. Augustine, Florida • Spain, which oversaw Florida, reacted violently to the Huguenots, because they were trespassers and because they were viewed as heretics by the Catholic Church • Spain sent a force to the settlement and massacred
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction Mapping the Fault Lines
    Notes Introduction Mapping the Fault Lines 1. The form was created by the Youth Enrichment Services (YES) program of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Community Center of New York. 2. This is not to suggest that the environment had been safe prior to the incidents. The fact that they took place reveals how unsafe it really was. Still, after such incidents the environment took on a particularly acute kind of danger for people of color in the community. This was not only because of the sheer ugliness of the incidents themselves, but also because of the too often paltry responses that came from many white members of the Union community in reaction to them. 3. Scholar and activist Irene Monroe says there is no “anti-racist” option for white people in the current social context. The best that white folks can do, she says, is to attempt to be “racially responsible.” 4. Combahee River Collective, “The Combahee River Collective Statement,” in Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology, ed. Barbara Smith (New York: Kitchen Table Women of Color Press, 1983), 275. 5. I purposely sidestep here a number of debates over “identity politics” and their utility and dangers, and refer to such movements in their best sense. For exam- ple, as Angela Davis says, “In my opinion, the most exciting potential of women of color formations resides in the possibility of politicizing this identity—basing the identity on politics rather than the politics on identity.” Interview with Lisa Lowe, “Angela Davis: Reflections on Race, Class and Gender in the USA,” in The Politics of Culture in the Shadow of Capital, ed.
    [Show full text]
  • Para Descargar En Formato
    Fabio G. Nigra Secretaria de Redacción: Valeria L. Carbone Comité Editorial: Aimé Olguin Ana Lojo Bárbara Gudaitis Darío Martini Gabriel Matelo Leandro della Mora Leandro Morgenfeld Leonardo Patacini Malena López Palmero Mariana Mastrángelo Mariana Piccinelli Martha de Cuntho Valeria L. Carbone Comité Académico: Carmen Manuel, Universidad de Valencia (España) María Graciela Abarca, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA) Margara Averbach, Universidad de Buenos Aires (Arg.) Michael Hannahan, University of Massachussetts (USA). Norberto Barreto, Universidad del Pacífico (Perú) Jorge Hernández Martínez, Centro de Estudios Hemisféricos y sobre Estados Unidos de la Universidad de La Habana (Cuba) “Una sociedad dividida” Graciela Iuorno, Universidad Nacional del Comahue (Arg.) #14 / April 2018 Robson Laverdi, Universidade Estadual Do Paraná huellasdeeua.com.ar ISSN 1853-6506 (Brasil) Marcos Fábio Freire Montysuma, Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina (Brasil) Pablo Pozzi, Universidad de Buenos Aires (Arg.) Marc Stern, Bentley University (USA) TABLA DE CONTENIDOS de bajos salarios enfrentan serios problemas al denunciar el acoso sexual ....................................... 122 11. David Mikics Estados Unidos, modelo racial Editorial Fabio G. Nigra | “¿La cola mueve al de la Alemania nazi ................................................... 127 perro?” ............................................................................... 2 12. Andrés Sebastián Diz Qué es y qué debería 1. Eric Foner La historia de la libertad en el ser Estados Unidos: consideraciones
    [Show full text]
  • The Troubled Union
    The Troubled u n i o n The Troubled union Expansionist Imperatives in Post-Reconstruction American Novels John Morán González The Ohio State University Press Columbus Copyright © 2010 by The Ohio State University. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data González, John Morán. The troubled union : expansionist imperatives in post-reconstruction American novels / John Morán González. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-8142-1129-8 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-8142-1129-1 (cloth : alk. paper) ISBN-13: 978-0-8142-9228-0 (cd-rom) 1. American fiction—19th century—History and criticism. 2. American literature—19th cen- tury—History and criticism. 3. National characteristics, American, in literature. 4. Allegory. 5. James, Henry, 1843–1916—Criticism and interpretation. 6. Jackson, Helen Hunt, 1830– 1885—Criticism and interpretation. 7. Ruiz de Burton, María Amparo, 1832–1895—Criticism and interpretation. I. Title. PS377.G66 2010 813'.40935873—dc22 2010004013 This book is available in the following editions: Cloth (ISBN 978-0-8142-1129-8) CD-ROM (ISBN 978-0-8142-9228-0) Cover design by James Baumann Type set in ITC Century Printed by Thomson-Shore, Inc. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Mate- rials. ANSI 39.49-1992. 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 C o n t e n t s Acknowledgments vii Chapter 1 Introduction: The Historical Crisis of Post-Reconstruction National Allegory
    [Show full text]
  • CRITICAL RACE THEORY TIMELINE American History & Culture As a Metaphor for Race Interpreting History & Culture from an Afro-Centric Perspective
    CRITICAL RACE THEORY TIMELINE American history & culture as a metaphor for race interpreting history & culture from an Afro-Centric perspective. Long before the Atlantic Slave Trade, great African Kingdoms (see back) made significant contributions to the world: engineering, science, chemistry, mathematics, art & culture, agriculture, the written language and civilization itself. These contributions continue in all of the Americas today! 1619-1865: 246 years of slavery - Slave Labor Camps 1866-1968: 103 years of Jim Crow - Domestic Terrorism 1969-present: 50+ years of "legal equality” 349 Years of White Supremacy Rise of White Nationalism TION TA PO N L A IC L E The P R L U Richmond N O A R W T A AY P SLAVE Review 1624 1640 1641 1676 1691 1706 1717 1746 1758 1773 1831 1858/1859 1898 1903 1919 1936 1967 1982 1998 2009 2020 First free Black John Punch, first MA is first Bacon’s South Carolina is First police New York First Quakers Phillis Wheatley 1802 1820 Nat Turner Anna Julia Cooper Paul Robeson W.E.B. Red Summer; Jesse 1960 MLK,Jr. Michael African Amer ican Civil Barack Murder of child born, Black enslaved via state to Rebellion first state to enact patrols enacts a black poet, prohibit publishes Poems on Sally Harriet slave revolt is born into slavery; is born; The DuBois The New Owens Ella speech at Jackson’s War Museum opens; Obama is George William Tucker VA court legalize begins “Slave Codes” around “Fugitive Lucy Terry, members Various Subjects, Hemings Tubman occurs in The John Brown Raid Wilmington, publishes Negro begins, wins 4 gold Baker Riverside; Thriller #1 Serena Williams #1 inaugurated Floyd slavery racialized plantations Slave Law” writes from Religious and Moral is revealed is born Virginia to end slavery North Carolina Souls of Alain Locke medals in establishes Loving vs.
    [Show full text]