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Letter to Robert Duncan
August 24, 2020 Robert M. Duncan Chairman USPS Board of Governors 475 L'Enfant Plaza SW Washington, DC 20260 Mr. Duncan, With an expected onslaught of requests by Americans for mail-in ballots leading up to the 2020 election and repeated attacks by President Trump on the efficacy of voting by mail, it is essential now more than ever that those at the helm of the United States Postal Service (USPS) have the best interests of the American people, and the postal service as an institution, driving their actions. Due to your extensive past involvement in voter disenfranchisement efforts, we call on you to resign from the USPS Board of Governors. Your history raises significant concerns about your commitment to ensuring free, fair, and accessible voting. During your tenure as general counsel of the Republican National Committee and as a member of the Kentucky Republican Party’s executive committee, numerous state parties — including Kentucky’s — were accused of coordinated voter suppression efforts via the banned practice of voter caging1 in an attempt to sway the 2004 election.2 Despite the Republican National Committee being forbidden from conducting voter caging by a court-ordered consent decree in 1982,3 accusations surrounding Kentucky’s 2004 election suggest that you may have overseen this type of voter suppression — primarily in majority- minority metropolitan areas.4 Your role in the potential voter suppression tactic deployed by Kentucky’s Republican Party is particularly suspect given your positions in both the state party and the Republican National Committee, as internal emails suggest the groups were in close coordination to carry out these efforts.5 Your history in Kentucky alone should be reason for grave concern about your ability to protect Americans’ access to voting. -
The Truth About Voter Fraud 7 Clerical Or Typographical Errors 7 Bad “Matching” 8 Jumping to Conclusions 9 Voter Mistakes 11 VI
Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law is a non-partisan public policy and law institute that focuses on fundamental issues of democracy and justice. Our work ranges from voting rights to redistricting reform, from access to the courts to presidential power in the fight against terrorism. A sin- gular institution—part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group—the Brennan Center combines scholarship, legislative and legal advocacy, and communications to win meaningful, measurable change in the public sector. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S VOTING RIGHTS AND ELECTIONS PROJECT The Voting Rights and Elections Project works to expand the franchise, to make it as simple as possible for every eligible American to vote, and to ensure that every vote cast is accurately recorded and counted. The Center’s staff provides top-flight legal and policy assistance on a broad range of election administration issues, including voter registration systems, voting technology, voter identification, statewide voter registration list maintenance, and provisional ballots. © 2007. This paper is covered by the Creative Commons “Attribution-No Derivs-NonCommercial” license (see http://creativecommons.org). It may be reproduced in its entirety as long as the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is credited, a link to the Center’s web page is provided, and no charge is imposed. The paper may not be reproduced in part or in altered form, or if a fee is charged, without the Center’s permission. -
Voter Purges
ANALYSIS Voter Purges: the Risks in 2018 by Jonathan Brater† Introduction state sent county clerks the names of more than 50,000 people who were supposedly ineligible Voter purges — the often controversial practice to vote because of felony convictions. Those of removing voters from registration lists in or- county clerks began to remove voters without der to keep them up to date — are poised to be any notice. The state later discovered the purge one of the biggest threats to the ballot in 2018. list was riddled with errors: It included at least Activist groups and some state officials have 4,000 people who did not have felony convic- mounted alarming campaigns to purge voters tions.1 And among those on the list who once without adequate safeguards. If successful, these had a disqualifying conviction, up to 60 percent efforts could lead to a massive number of eligi- of those individuals were Americans who were ble, registered voters losing their right to cast a eligible to vote because they had their voting ballot this fall. rights restored back to them.2 Properly done, efforts to clean up voter rolls are The Arkansas incident also illustrates the important for election integrity and efficiency. confusion arising from many state laws that Done carelessly or hastily, such efforts are prone disenfranchise persons with past criminal to error, the effects of which are borne by vot- convictions. Nationally, more than 6 million ers who may show up to vote only to find their Americans cannot vote because of a past fel- names missing from the list. -
Our Broken Voting System and How to Repair It
THE 2012 ELECTION PROTECTION REPORT OUR BROKEN VOTING SYSTEM AND HOW TO REPAIR IT FULL REPORT PRESENTED BY ELECTION PROTECTION Led by the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law 1401 New York Ave, NW, Suite 400 Washington, DC 20005 Phone: (202) 662-8600 Toll Free: (888) 299-5227 Fax: (202) 783-0857 www.866OurVote.org /866OurVote @866OurVote www.lawyerscommittee.org /lawyerscommittee @lawyerscomm © 2013 by the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. This report may be reproduced in its entirety as long as Election Protection is credited, a link to the Coalition’s web page is provided, and no charge is imposed. The report may not be reproduced in part or in altered form, or if a fee is charged, without the Lawyers’ Committee’s permission. NOTE: This report reflects the views of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law and does not necessarily reflect the views of any other Election Protection partner or supporter. About ELECTION PROTECTION The nonpartisan Election Protection coalition—led by the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law—was formed to ensure that all voters have an equal opportunity to participate in the political process. Made up of more than 100 local, state and national partners, this year’s coalition was the largest voter protection and education effort in the nation’s history. Through our state of the art hotlines (1-866-OUR-VOTE, administered by the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, and 1-888-Ve-Y-Vota, administered by the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials Educational Fund); interactive website (www.866OurVote.org); and voter protection field programs across the country, we provide Americans from coast to coast with comprehensive voter information and advice on how they can make sure their vote is counted. -
HB 192 -- Voter Caging Prohibition Act of 2009 Sponsor: Hughes This Bill
HB 192 -- Voter Caging Prohibition Act of 2009 Sponsor: Hughes This bill establishes the Voter Caging Prohibition Act of 2009 which: (1) Prohibits any person from using lists of ineligible voters to disqualify those wishing to vote or registering to vote unless the list contains specific information such as signatures, photographs, or unique numbers showing that the individual being challenged does not meet the statutory requirements to vote because the challenged individual is dead, has been convicted of certain crimes, has changed his or her address, or is ineligible for other reasons; (2) Prohibits any person from making challenges to disqualify those wishing to vote or registering to vote based on errors on the documents used for voter registration unless the error relates to voter eligibility; (3) Prohibits the use of documents to determine whether an individual has changed his or her address and no longer qualifies to vote unless the attempted delivery of the document used to verify his or her address was at least two election cycles before the challenge; (4) Prohibits anyone except an election authority from making a challenge unless the challenger is a registered voter in the precinct in which the challenge is being made, has first-hand knowledge of the grounds of ineligibility, documents the challenge in writing, and signs an oath under penalty of perjury that the individual being challenged is ineligible. Other procedures for a non-election authority to challenge voter eligibility are specified in the bill; (5) Allows anyone rejected from voting on election day by an election authority to vote a provisional ballot; and (6) Specifies that anyone who knowingly makes a false challenge of voter eligibility will be guilty of a class one election offense. -
The State of the Right to Vote After the 2012 Election
S. HRG. 112–794 THE STATE OF THE RIGHT TO VOTE AFTER THE 2012 ELECTION HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION DECEMBER 19, 2012 Serial No. J–112–96 Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary ( U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 81–713 PDF WASHINGTON : 2013 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont, Chairman HERB KOHL, Wisconsin CHUCK GRASSLEY, Iowa DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah CHUCK SCHUMER, New York JON KYL, Arizona DICK DURBIN, Illinois JEFF SESSIONS, Alabama SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, Rhode Island LINDSEY GRAHAM, South Carolina AMY KLOBUCHAR, Minnesota JOHN CORNYN, Texas AL FRANKEN, Minnesota MICHAEL S. LEE, Utah CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware TOM COBURN, Oklahoma RICHARD BLUMENTHAL, Connecticut BRUCE A. COHEN, Chief Counsel and Staff Director KOLAN DAVIS, Republican Chief Counsel and Staff Director (II) C O N T E N T S STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Page Coons, Hon. Christopher A., a U.S. Senator from the State of Delaware ........... 6 Durbin, Hon. Dick, a U.S. Senator from the State of Illinois .............................. 4 Grassley, Hon. Chuck, a U.S. Senator from the State of Iowa ............................ 3 Leahy, Hon. Patrick J., a U.S. Senator from the State of Vermont .................... 1 prepared statement .......................................................................................... 178 Whitehouse, Hon. Sheldon, a U.S. Senator from the State of Rhode Island ..... -
EPIC House Judiciary Committee March 9, 2007 1 Paper by Lillie
Paper By Lillie Coney The Revealed I “Race & Ethnicity Implications on the Right to Vote in Public Elections” Ottawa Canada October 25-27, 2007 Voter fraud is the intentional casting of ballots in a public election by a person who knows that they are not allowed to vote based on the rules of the election process. There are two conditions that must be satisfied to have a public election declared fair: all those who are legally eligible to participate in a public election must be allowed to vote, while at the same time those who are not legally allowed to participate are not allowed to vote. The dispassionate and objective application of voting law precludes looking at an individual voter and making a determination of eligibility. The voter registration process is based on identification of the applicant and is designed to determine eligibility. On Election Day most registered voters engage in the voting process by presenting themselves to election administration representatives who then authenticate voters, verify that the voter is listed on voter registration roles and are in fact the person they claim to be. The voting process in a free democratic pluralistic society is accomplished without consideration of the voter’s income, language of origin, education, tribe, clan, gender, race, or ethnicity. Most nations establish 18 years of age as the only prerequisite for applying for voter registration. The sophistication of voter registration documents vary greatly from a slip of paper reporting the most basic demographic information such as name, address, minor political jurisdictions, a voter registration number; to more durable documents such as a plastic card like those provided by Mexico’s Instituto Federal Electroal, which contains a photo, fingerprint, anti-tamper features along with other vital statistics on the voter.1 In 2006, the Mexican election came under intense scrutiny because the margin of victory between the top two vote receivers was only 200,000 votes out the 41 million cast. -
In This Issue: Point of View Take Action Coronavirus
Volume 25, Issue 29 July 20, 2020 In This Issue: Point of View • We’re Running Out of Time – By Diane Yentel, NLIHC President and CEO Take Action • Take Action: Virtual Lobby Day Is Tomorrow! Coronavirus – Resources • NLIHC Releases Research Note on How Rental Assistance Programs Are Addressing Housing Instability during COVID-19 • NLIHC Releases Spanish Edition of Tenant Talk: A Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic (Una Respuesta a la Pandemia de COVID-19) Coronavirus, Homelessness, and Housing • Join NLIHC’s National Call on Coronavirus, Housing and Homelessness Today at 2:30 pm ET • Join Today’s Tenant Talk Live Webinar for Residents: Advocating for #RentReliefNow through Social Media – Learn How! Coronavirus – Congress • NLIHC Hosts Virtual Hill Briefing on “Out of Reach: What State and Local Data Tell Us About Solutions to America’s Housing Crisis Before, During and After COVID-19” Coronavirus – HUD • HUD’s Office of Community Planning and Development (CPD) Posts CDBG-CV Fact Sheet • HUD’s Office of Pubic and Indian Housing (PIH) Posts New Update to COVID-19 FAQs for Public Housing Agencies Coronavirus – Other • Recording Available of NLIHC’s July 13 National Call on “Coronavirus, Housing, and Homelessness” • Additional Coronavirus Updates - Monday, July 20, 2020 Congress • Senate Democrats Release “Economic Justice Act” with Provisions for Achieving Racially Just Housing Policy USDA • NLIHC Joins Letter to USDA Rural Housing Service Urging Guidance for Housing Providers on Maintaining VAWA Protections USICH • NLIHC Submits Comments -
Guide to Voter Caging Justin Levitt and Andrew Allison June 2007
A Guide to Voter Caging Justin Levitt and Andrew Allison June 2007 “Voter caging” is again in the news,1 following revelations that the practice was anticipated or used in five states in 2004 and that it may have been condoned or authorized by senior national campaign officials. Voter caging is a notoriously unreliable means of calling the voter rolls into question and can lead to unwarranted purges or challenges of eligible citizens. When it is targeted at minority voters (as it often is, unfortunately), it is also illegal. This guide helps to explain what voter caging is, how it has been used in the past, and why it is unreliable – and should not be used as the sole basis for any purges of the voter rolls or challenges to voter eligibility. What Is Voter Caging? “Caging” is a generic term that describes the sorting of returned direct-mail pieces – sometimes to process contributions, and sometimes to weed out unprofitable addresses. The term is reportedly derived from the postal cubby holes, resembling cages, that are used for sorting mail.2 In many of its applications, “caging” is both standard practice and benign. “Voter caging” is a distinct form of caging, and much more dangerous. Voter caging is the practice of sending mail to addresses on the voter rolls, compiling a list of the mail that is returned undelivered, and using that list to purge or challenge voters’ registrations on the grounds that the voters on the list do not legally reside at their registered addresses. Supporters of voter caging defend the practice as a means of preventing votes cast by ineligible voters. -
WISC Voter Suppression Presentation
WISC Voter Suppression Presentation Kansas put more than 50,000 voter registrations on hold. Former- Georgia Secretary of State Brian Kemp enforced exact match during his tenure. He said this was done to ensure that each and every voter file matches against other databases in the state’s records. He put about 51,000 registrations on “bureaucratic limbo.” 80% of those registrations put on hold were people of color. These are only two of many examples in which elected officials, sadly one party more than the other, are seeking to make the electorate more manageable to suit their political agenda in a rapidly changing country. It’s projected that in 2044 no one ethnic group will be the majority. Elected officials engage in creating and implementing these “voter fraud elimination laws” to defend against an ostensible threat. This threat could not be further from the truth. It’s voter suppression through a complex set of laws meant to suppress certain votes. This usually results in people of color inadvertently being purged or people of color intentionally being purged. The impact is the same. The real reason that these voting changes happen is… to stop certain people from voting. With sophisticated software and voter data, doing this has never been easier. The rush to purge voters involves the manufactured problem of voter fraud. In a 14-year study, out of 834,065,926 votes only 35 credible instances of impersonation fraud were found. The indigenous population in North Dakota were forced to scramble before election day after the Supreme Court declined to overturn their voter ID law. -
Early Voting Starts in Just 2 Days
M O N D A Y 162nd YEar • no. 146 OCtOBEr 17, 2016 CLEVELanD, tn 20 PaGES • 50¢ ‘American Pickers’ looking to find spots in Tennessee By BRIAN GRAVES “American Pickers” is a doc- Banner Staff Writer umentary series that explores “I am a huge fan the fascinating world of Calling Cleveland and myself and I am pleased antique ‘picking’ on the Bradley County! that they will showcase History channel and the team If you have an unusual col- our home state again!” will be returning to Tennessee lection, this is your chance to — Melissa Woody in November and December. be on national television. The hit show follows Mike “American Pickers,” the hit Wolfe and Frank Fritz, two of series on the History channel, “American Pickers is such a popular show all over the the most skilled pickers in the is coming to Tennessee and is business, as they hunt for searching for that unique find country,” Woody said. “To have Frank and Mike return- some of America’s most valu- to share with their audience. able antiques. ing to Tennessee shines a The producers of the pro- They are always excited to spotlight on our interesting gram contacted Melissa find sizeable, unique collec- Woody, vice president of people and places that will tions and learn the interesting Tourism Development for the entice people to visit us. I am stories behind them. Cleveland/Bradley Chamber a huge fan myself, and I am “As they hit the back roads of Commerce to help spread pleased that they will show- Frank Fritz, left, and Mike Wolfe are bringing their History channel program “American Pickers” the word. -
Local Tea Party Group in North Carolina
TERROR, EDUCATION AND AMERICA: A CASE STUDY OF A LOCAL TEA PARTY GROUP IN NORTH CAROLINA by KRISTIN B. KELLY B.A., North Carolina State University, 2011 A THESIS submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Social Work College of Arts and Sciences KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITY Manhattan, Kansas 2014 Approved by: Major Professor Robert K. Schaeffer Copyright KRISTIN B. KELLY 2014 Abstract Street and DiMaggio (2011) argue that the national Tea Party movement is an extension of the Republican Party in the United States, claiming that it’s an “ugly, authoritarian, and fake- populist pseudo movement directed from above and early on by and for elite Republican and business interests” (p.9). On the other hand, Skocpol and Williams (2012) argue that “the Tea Party is neither a top-down creation nor a bottom-up explosion” (p.12). I argue that the North Carolina movement, at the local level, represents a group of grassroots activists who were first mobilized on December 2nd, 2005, according to the “Triangle Conservatives Unite!” website. Because of the South’s history with race relations and Ku Klux Klan violence in North Carolina around the issue of public education, for the purposes of this study I want to pose the following questions: How is Tea Party “craziness” functional for the local 9/12 project group, “Triangle Conservatives Unite!”? How is symbolic racism used as a framing device by the Tea Party, as a social movement, around public education in North Carolina? In order to capture Tea Party member and civil society attitudes toward the Wake County Board of Education decision to scrap the old, nationally-recognized socioeconomic diversity policy in favor of one that much resembled the 1960s neighborhood/community schools policy, I use a case study approach to look at how the Tea Party Social Movement deals with race, with regard to the Wake County School Board decision to go back to neighborhood/community schools.