A Structural Analysis of Mide Chants

GEORGE FULFORD McMaster University

Introduction In this paper I shall investigate the relationship between words and im­ agery in seven song scrolls used by members of an Ojibwa religious society known as the Midewiwin. These texts were collected in the late 1880s by W.J. Hoffman for the Bureau of American Ethnology and subsequently published in their seventh Annual Report (Hoffman 1891).1 All the pictographs which I shall discuss were inscribed on birch bark and used by members of the Midewiwin to record chants used in their ceremonies. According to Hoffman (1891:192) these chants consisted of only a few words or short phrases. They were sung by single individuals — never in chorus — and were repeated over and over again, usually to the accompaniment of a wooden kettle drum. In a previous study (Fulford 1989) I analyzed patterns of structural variation among these pictographs and outlined how three complex symbols — the otter, bear and bird — evolved from clan emblems into pictographic markers. The focus of my earlier study was purely iconographic; in this paper I shall explore the verbal structure of Midewiwin chants in order to show some of the ways in which they were pictographically encoded. For the sake of convenience, I have limited my discussion to song scrolls sharing the otter symbol. Six of the seven scrolls that I shall examine contain this marking device. Although one (designated Scroll C in the appendix) lacks an otter, it displays many other formal similarities with

Hoffman published transcriptions and translations of 23 songs performed at the White Earth Reservation in northwestern Minnesota. Of these, 21 had accompanying pictographic texts (i.e., song scrolls). One highly unorthodox scroll Hoffman 1891:Plate XVII A) has been excluded from this and my previous study !IBQVO 19§9\' However- four orthodox scrolls published by Garrick Mallery (1893:233-236) were included in the earlier study. Unfortunately, Mallery did not provide transcriptions of the original Ojibway chants. I have thus excluded his material from the present analysis.

126 A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 127 the otter scrolls and has thus been included. While other complex symbols such as the bear and bird might have been used, the structural processes at work are essentially the same in all the White Earth song scrolls collected by Hoffman. To facilitate analysis, I have presented the chants from the seven otter scrolls in a concordance. To create this concordance I firsttype d carefully revised versions of Hoffman's original transcriptions of the chants onto file cards. Next, I affixed photocopies of the accompanying pictographs to the top of each file card. Then, following a technique outlined by Claude Levi- Strauss (1963:221-228), I arranged the filecard s into horizontal rows, each of which corresponded to the sequence of pictographs and chants comprising one song scroll. Chants from different song scrolls sharing similar words or sequences of syllables were aligned vertically to highlight processes of structural variation.

Transcription and Translation of the Chants Comparison of pictographs published in Hoffman with the originals kept in the U.S. National Anthropological Archives reveals that the reproductions are generally accurate. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said about Hoff­ man's transcriptions and translations of the accompanying chants. Vowel length, which is phonemic in Ojibwa, is idiosyncratically transcribed by Hoffman. Lenis and fortis consonants, which are also phonemic, are com­ pletely ignored. In addition, morpheme boundaries are often overlooked. Together, these inconsistencies result in questionable and at times incom­ prehensible translations. For example, in column 25 of Scroll H the chant Ni bimosse aking ('I walk upon the earth') accompanies a pictograph depicting a human figure walking with its arms pointing downward. Yet Hoffman's translation of this phrase is 'The spirit saw me and sent medicine from above.'2 To improve the quality of Hoffman's material, I have completely retran- scribed and retranslated the chants he collected. In this project I was guided by Baraga's Ojibwa grammar (1850) and dictionary (1966). While adopt­ ing Baraga's orthography, I have also consulted Johnston (1978a, 1978b), Nichols and Nyholm (1979) and Rhodes (1985). To further check the accuracy of Hoffman's work I employed two Ojibwa language teachers, Dorothy Wassegejig-Kennedy and Basil Johnston. I cross-checked my informants' retranslations and retranscriptions with my own, questioning them each time there were inconsistencies. I then re­ worked the entire corpus, developing glosses which I believed might improve

2 Readers seeking more information on the idiosyncracies of Hoffman's tran­ scriptions should consult Fulford (1988:86-88). 128 GEORGE FULFORD the flow or provide better links between the words to the pictographs. The result of these labours can be found in the appendix. To aid the reader, I have printed Hoffman's original transcription and translations in larger type. My retranscriptions and retranslations are printed in smaller type, above each line of Hoffman's text. Despite all these measures, it remains impossible to provide definitive transcriptions and translations of the Hoffman material. This is due as much to ambiguities introduced by his informants' poetic use of language as to Hoffman's own inadequacies. Indeed, the insights I have gained in trying to understand the structure of Midewiwin chants have led me to reflect on the limitations of Hoffman's work. In so doing, I have also gained a fuller appreciation of his transcriptions.

Analysis of the Chants A total of 249 identifiable Ojibwa words, representing an 86-word lexicon, were used in the seven chants included in the appended concordance. Ap­ proximately 25 per cent of this lexicon is comprised of verbs, 25 per cent of nouns and the remainder of pronouns, adjectives, adverbs, conjunctions and particles. Since a much higher percentage of spoken Ojibwa consists of verb forms, the relatively high number of substantives is significant, suggesting that a unique form of the Ojibwa language was used in the chants.3 Formulaic words like nikanis 'my brother' and ningwis 'my son' usually appear at the beginning or end of Midewiwin chants, but rarely in the middle. This pattern supports Dell Hymes's (1977) contention about the rhetorical use of formulaic words in native texts. There is, however, no evidence of measured verse in the chants.4 Most paralinguistic features are not consistently marked by Hoffman in his transcriptions of the Midewiwin chants. This makes it difficult to test Dennis Tedlock's ideas (1971, 1977) about the importance of style in oral performances. While ignoring intonation, Hoffman does occasionally use commas to indicate hemistiches and pauses between epenthetic syllables at the end of chants (eg., Scrolls A and G, in the appended concordance). In the majority of cases, however, the only pause markings are periods at the end of chants. Only a few chants are comprised of more than one verse.

3The number of syllables in each chant varies between 4 and 15 with the umitTof::^- Tthe length ofverse s is s°variabie'h— - "«££ * utility ot averages into question. itemsSiX A fart W ^ ^^ "** ? *« ChantS Iefer t0 rdiSious °r cosmological P accent ^hl J ffl K r^ ™J°™^c ™

The only paralinguistic feature which Hoffman consistently recorded is primary stress (indicated by an acute accent in his own transcriptions and by an apostrophe in mine). Irregular stress patterns tend to predominate, with evidence of trochaic ('x as in nin'de) and dactylic ('x x as in ni'kanis) patterns in some of the chants. Hoffman does not differentiate the features of vocal stress (i.e., pitch, loudness and length) nor does he distinguish vocal from musical stress. It is noteworthy that Frances Densmore (1910:19-20) observed that in Midewi­ win chants "the drum and voice are usually independent metric units." This suggests that in Hoffman's transcriptions many complex vocal and musical stress patterns and rhythms may have been conflated. The verbs used in Midewiwin chants are usually conjugated in the present indicative, although the subjunctive is occasionally also used. The first person singular subject nin is used most often, with the second and third person singular subjects kin and win appearing occasionally and other forms appearing rarely, if at all. Determination of the subject is compli­ cated by the frequent deletion of both pronouns and pronominal suffixes from verbs in the chants. However, the use of the obviative marker (-ian) facilitates the identification of third person subjects and objects. Whereas most of the substantives used in Midewiwin chants can be eas­ ily organized into a relatively small number of semantic categories, verbs cannot. Twenty-one per cent of verbs used in the chants (kikito, win- damawa, debadjimo, nondam) refer to the act of speaking or listening to a story. Enda 'to live' appears five times (eight per cent of the total num­ ber of verbs) and is usually associated with the near-homophones nindi 'heart' or endaidn 'lodge'. Ni zhawenimik 'pity me' appears eight times (13 per cent of the total number of verbs). Waba 'to see' appears only twice. The 35 remaining verbs describe a wide variety of actions (com­ ing/going, giving/taking, laughing/crying, etc.) which defy any systematic semantic categories. Three obvious questions arise in reference to the verbs used in Midewi­ win chants. First, why does ni zhawenimik 'pity me' appear so often? Second, why do references to speaking, telling and hearing so outnumber references to seeing? Third, why do so few verbs fit into neat semantic categories when so many nouns do? Ruth Landes (1968:10)provides a partial answer to the firstquestion . "The ritual fast for a vision," she says, "dramatized the Indian's unending dread of starvation, hence his pitiableness." It was this state, she continues,

. . . which trapped a manito into giving supernatural power to the faster, henceforth termed endearingly "my grandchild" or "my nephew." Ojibway tales explained, "The manito came to me because he pitied my state and wanted to comfort me, to cheer me up." 130 GEORGE FULFORD

Table 1 Semantic Categories of Verbs and Nouns in Midewiwin Chants

Syntactic Semantic Category No. of Sample Class Words Percentage Verbs Speaking/listening 13 21 Pitying 8 13 Living 5 8 Seeing 2 3 Other 35 55 Total 63 100

Nouns Religious terms 18 28 Cosmological terms 6 9 Formulaic words (e.g., nikanis) 11 17 Other-than-human persons 15 23 Human persons 6 10 Body parts 5 8 Other 3 5 Toted 64 100

This vision of the pitiable state of temporal existence is also conveyed in the Midewiwin myth of origin (Hoffman 1891:175-176). When asked by the otter why he came down to the earth, the hero answers: "I have pity on the Anishnabeg ['people'] and wish to give them life." This statement reflects the life-sustaining importance Ojibwas attributed to their myths and rituals.5 That references to pity should be consistently found only near the end of Midewiwin chants suggests that the structure of these chants was deter­ mined by the structure of the origin myth (the hero's comment about the pitiable nature of Ojibwas is made at the end of this myth). Originally, each chant probably encoded a single event in the origin myth cycle. Over time chants that were only weakly tied to pictographs were displaced. New patterns of association between chants and pictographs emerged that de­ manded new adaptations in traditional forms of visual and verbal artistry.

In Hoffman's version of the creation myth the culture-hero Minabozho de- °undLtj the Carth fr°m the sky in order to Sive Ojibwas esoteric knowledge of the'Midewiwin. While building a midewigan ('spirit lodge') on an island in the middle of a large lake, Minabozho hears an otter laughing. After talking with him, Minabozho makes the otter his messenger. Thus the otter has the task of teaching Ujibwas how to use the midewigan and other accoutrements of Midewiwin rites. A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 131

Whereas references to pity in Midewiwin chants are linked to the hero's speech in the origin myth, verbs such as kikito, windamawa, debadjimo and nondam refer to the activities of the narrator and his audience. That verbs refering to speaking and listening outnumber those refering to seeing by a ratio of 13:2 suggests that visual signs are not coded directly into the chants, although they obviously are coded into the pictographs.6 The issue of the wide range of semantic categories into which verbs can be fit in comparison to nouns may be related to the way many key words in Midewiwin chants are pictographically encoded. Certain activities, for example, speaking and listening, are illustrated using symbolic devices such as wavy lines. Other actions such as rising and falling are conveyed with indices such as upward and downward-pointing arms. But icons illustrating more complex actions — most especially those conveying states of being such as fear, happiness and pity — are not easily defined with indices and symbols.7 Such actions are consequently encoded in the wider context of the Midewiwin origin myth or ritual. Ni zhawenimik 'pity me', for example, is represented five times in column 27 by a pictograph depicting upward- pointing arms. The same pictograph is used in column 5 to signify the phrase Nawitch kitchigami nagamian nabe-aidn 'Far out in the lake the otter is singing'. In column 16 it is linked to Wassawad ondji o namdn 'He comes from afar on a fair wind', while in column 21 it appears with Ni wiawen ki bidona 'I have brought his body' and in column 30 with Wi gimiwan na? 'Will it rain?'. These phrases do not share any phonetic, morphological or semantic content whatsoever. Yet they are all linked to the otter story in the origin myth, a story which members of the Midewiwin reenacted each year at their initiation ceremonies. In iconic systems such as that used by members of the Midewiwin, problems in representation are not restricted to the depiction of actions and states of being. Severe difficulties also arise in the definition of the details of nameable objects. The icon of a human figure used in Midewiwin song scrolls is probably universally recognizable. However, the technique of indicating a female figure by exaggerating the hip (see column 6) probably

6This distinction between auditory and visual signs has been discussed by Roman Jakobson (1964:340). Following Saussure (1959:23), Jakobson suggests that visual signs are merely an epiphenomenon of spoken language. The putative primacy of the auditory signs, however, does not preclude the possibility that they can be influenced by visual signs. As Jan Mukarovsky has observed (1976:241- 242), "every art constantly strives to break through the limitation provided by its material." throughout this paper I shall use Charles S. Peirce's definitions of icon, index and symbol. According to Peirce (1985:9-19), an icon is a sign that represents on the basis of similarity. An index, on the other hand signifies on the basis of contiguity whereas a symbol represents on the basis of convention. 132 GEORGE FULFORD eludes even the most discerning viewers. Even subtler and more difficult to understand are symbolic devices such as the horns used in columns 7 and 11 to signify shamanic power. A further difficulty in representation occurs when different objects are signified by similar-looking pictographs. In column 18, for example, two cir­ cular objects with wavy emanating lines encode the words Ni sassabis 'I am dazzled by him'. This pictograph obviously represents the rising and setting sun. However, in column 19 a nearly-identical pictograph is associated with the phrase Ni ninde 'my heart' and is an equally effective representation of the heart. The ambiguous reference of such pictographs thus introduces a form of random noise which, while confounding literal interpretations, extends the range of metaphorical imagery and poetic artistry. By encoding states of being such as pity with events in their rites and origin myth, members of the Midewiwin avoided having to use complex indices and symbols in their system of notation. By keeping the use of such devices to a minimum, they succeeded in preserving the iconic nature of their system. But they did so at a cost, for the meaning of their pictographs and chants became increasingly metaphorical the more they relied on such contexts. While imagery was certainly an important element in Midewiwin ver­ bal art, it was not the only source of poetic inspiration. By their nature, Midewiwin chants were highly repetitive. Each repetition of a word or phrase produced distortion and, of course, the potential for creative word­ play. Through processes of simplification, elaboration, condensation, sub­ stitution and inversion, the syllables and words of the chants were slowly transformed, giving rise to their own distinct language. The rate of trans­ formation was accelerated after the meaning of the chants could no longer be directly linked to the pictographs. Sometimes words and even entire phrases disintegrated into sequences of nonsensical syllables, as can be seen in column 21 of the verbal con­ cordance. In such cases the structure of the nonsense syllables usually echoed that of key words in contiguous chants. For example, in Scroll C the last two syllables of the nonsense phrase Ya-ho-hon-ni-yo in column 20 are picked up in the firsttw o words of the chant Ni wiawen ki bidona 'I have brought his body' in column 21. At other times, only certain parts ol a chant disintegrated into nonsense syllables. In such cases the words which maintained their integrity were strongly linked to pictographs. Thus the first part of the chant in column 34 is composed of nonsense syllables. However the words manda nibi 'this water' in the second part are linked to a pictograph depicting a human figure looking into the underworld, which in Ojibwa myths is frequently associated with water. There are occasionally allusions to taboo words in Midewiwin chants. A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 133

When this occurs, it is achieved through alliterative wordplay One can see this happening in the first chant of Scroll C (see column 5): Nawitch kitchigami nagamian nabe-aidn 'Far out in the lake the male being [otter] is singing'. Note how the key syllables itch, gam and lan are carried across word boundaries. Note also how the consonants beginning the firsttw o words are n and g and how these consonants, also repeated in the first part of the third word, allude to the taboo word nigik ("otter"), which is euphemistically encoded in nabe-aidn 'male quadruped'. Like the familiar English phrases She slit the sheets and the sheets slit me and Peter Piper picked a peck of pickled peppers, Nawitch kitchigami nabe-aidn is a natural tongue twister. But whereas the English phrases elicit the taboo words shit and pecker, the Ojibwa chant elicits the sacred name of nigik 'otter', utterance of which was prohibited during Midewiwin ceremonies 8 Why would a member of the Midewiwin repeat a chant that might cause him to utter a profanity? Perhaps the motivation lay in the satisfaction that came from being able to master such a difficult and dangerous chant in public. If this was the case, then the danger of making a verbal slip must have been offset by the prestige accorded to performers with highly- developed verbal skills. Members of the Midewiwin also derived satisfaction from mastering language in less dangerous ways. In Scroll H, for example, aesthetic plea­ sure can be derived from the repetition of onagan 'plate' and akonan 'to take down'. This feeling should be familiar to anyone who enjoys reciting poetry and is related to the satisfaction that comes from uttering two highly alliterative words that also happen to mean something. Sometimes alliteration is carried across the temporal boundary separat­ ing two chants. When this occurs, it reflects the persistence of particularly poetic words in the chanter's mind. In column 8 of Scroll H, for example, the play between nin mokinan 'I bring it forth' and tchi ominian 'in order

Evidence for this is indirect. Despite the prevalence of pictographs depicting otters in the seven song scrolls illustrated in the appended concordance, the word nigik is absent from the associated chants. Not even the near-homophone ninik 'my arm' appears in the chants. While Hoffman says nothing about taboo words in his discussion of the Midewiwin, both Alanson Skinner (1914:208) and A.I. Hal­ lowell (1926:43-47) have observed that Ojibwas and other Algonkian groups did traditionally respect a taboo on the utterance of the bear's name (mukwa). "One of the most constant and distinctive practices associated with bears is the custom of referring or speaking to the animal by some other term than the generic name for it", according to Hallowell (1926:43). "In many instances, in fact, there seems to be a specific prohibition upon the use of the proper name fo the beast, espe­ cially on certain occasions." Given this practice, it seems likely that such taboos also extended to other sacred animals, including the otter. 134 GEORGE FULFORD to give to him' is carried over into the next chant in the play between nind omina 'I give' and mashkiki 'medicine'. This process can be seen even more clearly in column 27 of Scroll E, where the play between ni zhawenimik 'pity me' and ni gojiew mikawa 'I try to find' is, in column 28, transformed into a play between ni zhawenimik and amikwe 'female beaver/beaver woman'. While amikwe is carried over into the chant in column 29, the wordplay here is between nin da 'I live' and endaidng 'in her lodge'. As well as being carried between contiguous chants within a single per­ formance, similar patterns of alliterative wordplay are also found in chants from completely different performances. Evidence of such paradigmatic wordplay abounds in the appended concordance and provides evidence of the kind of subliminal verbal patterning typical in performances from so- called oral cultures. Such patterns of bricolage occur when performers create chants out of the bits and pieces of other chants which they have heard performed on different occasions. An example of paradigmatic wordplay can be seen in column 8 of Scroll H, where the phrase nin mokinan 'I bring forth' has been transformed into (w) mokian 'he comes forth' in Scroll C. That the individuals performing these chants chose words that were near-homophones instead of synonyms suggests that for them sound was more important than meaning. Another paradigmatic association based on phonetic similarity occurs in column 2, where the phrase Ninde endd sabado 'My heart lives, it is strong' in Scroll A is transformed into Nind enda manido 'I live with the spirit' in Scroll E. However, the transformation of the verb endd 'live' into the noun midewigan 'spirit lodge' in Scroll G suggests that semantic con­ siderations also played a role for some performers. Alliteration is the most common form of wordplay occuring in the Midewiwin chants Hoffman collected at White Earth. It is not, however, the only poetic device used in these chants. Also to be found are homo- phonic associations based on words that sound the same but mean different things. The formulaic noun nikanis 'my brother', for example, appears at the end of the chant in column 9 of Scroll E. The first word in the following chant (column 10) is the verb niganis 'to lead'. Nikanis appears 9 times in the chants recorded in the appendix. It is associated with pictographs depicting an otter twice and with pictographs depicting arms five times. In Ojibwa, the words for 'otter' (nigik), 'my arm' (ninik) and 'my brother' (nikanis) are all near-homophones. Significantly, otter forms comprise 16 per cent of the pictographs in the concordance. Yet the word nigik does not appear in any of the chants. This discontinuity between what is depicted in the song scrolls and what is said in the chants seems to confirm that, for members of the Midewiwin, nigik was indeed a taboo word. When members of the cult wished to invoke the otter, they A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 135 did so either with pictures of otters and arms or with homophonic words such as nikanis.

Conclusion The taboo on uttering the otter's name explains the relationship between pictographs depicting otters and human arms in the song scrolls. It also sheds light on the significance of the formulaic word nikanis in the chants and its association with pictographs depicting otters and arms in the song scrolls. As well, it provides an unconscious motivation for performers' fre­ quent use of alliterative words that incorporate the two syllables of nigik (eg., nikanis, niganis, kikito, gijig, kitchgami, aking, ikwe, amikwe, zhawen­ imik ogimd, mitigong). Finally, recognizing the taboo clarifies why chants accompanying otter pictographs never directly describe the pictographs themselves, but only allude to incidents in the Midewiwin creation story. While the taboo on uttering the otter's name does explain certain pat­ terns of association in the chants and pictographs, it cannot explain the entire process. The differences between the story described in the chants and the Midewiwin origin myth, as well as the disjunction between objects depicted in song scrolls and the words of the accompanying chants, are the result of definite structural processes (simplification, elaboration, conden­ sation, substitution and inversion). These processes are tied to iteration and operate at both the level of visual and verbal association. Differences in the limitations of visual and verbal forms have produced divergences between the pictographs and the chants they originally served to encode. These divergences have transformed the meaning of both the pic­ tographs and the chants. They have stimulated members of the Midewiwin to achieve a high level of poetic artistry in their expression of traditional Ojibwa religious concepts. These concepts reflect the traditional ethos of Ojibwa culture and are concerned primarily with the relation of humans and animals. Statements about the relation of humans and animals provide an impor­ tant underlying structure for the seven song scrolls and associated chants studied in this paper. As I have discussed elsewhere (Fulford 1989:147, 150), at the level of visual imagery, otter pictographs are transformed into pictographs depicting stylized human forms. And at the verbal level, as I have demonstrated in this paper, the otter's name (nigik) is transformed into 'my brother' (nikanis). This verbal transformation is the result of it­ erative processes that take place in traditional Midewiwin chants. It also reflects taboos associated with pronouncing the names of 'animal brothers' who were associated with totemic ancestors.9

9 Erratum: Scroll C of the transcriptions. The chant Mokian nawitch kitchigami 'he is coming forth far out in the lake' has not been included. This is the third chant in Scroll C. It is transcribed by Hoffman as Mo-ki'-yan-na'-a-witsh'-i-gum'- mi and translated by him as 'When I rise it gives me life, and I take it.' This chant is included in the Concordance (Scroll C, Column 8). 136 GEORGE FULFORD

Appendix

SCROLL A

Manido wedi = Manido kikito odoning = 'the "spirit over there the spirit speaks from his nouth \j Man'-i-do we-da', man'-ido' gi-do' we-do'-ning Let us be a spirit, let the spirit come from the mouth. The spirit over there, the spirit speaks from his mouth.

A -A -=hado = ninde'shkaman - Ninde enda = oabaao , my heart lives it is strong my heart is full u An ^ , Nin'-de-wen1-don zha'-bon-desh'-ka -man I own this lodge, through which I pass. My heart lives, it is full of strength.

Ondjian ogin = his mother comes "An'-dzhe-ho l-a-ni'-o-gen', hwe'-o-ke', hwe'-o-ke'

Mother is having it over again. His mother comes.

Nikanisan = my brothers nin gossa = I am afraid

•*• • • -* i Ni'-ka-nan ni -go-san, m'-go-san

Nikanisan = my brothers manido widji = fellow spirit ni-ka'-ni-san', man'-i-do wi-dzhig'

nin gossa = aniw bi-i]i-gikab = those who sit near I an afraid . Nin-go-san' an-i-wa'-bi-dzhig ni-ka'. Friends, I am afraid, I am afraid, friends of the spirits sitting around me.

My brother, I am afraid. My brother, fellow spirit, I am afraid of those sitting near ne.

[Unintelligible] Ya'-ki-no'-sha-me'-wa, ya'-ki-no'-sha-me' wa. A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 137

[Unintelligible] [Y]a-ki-no-si-ka-ne, ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne, he' ,

[Unintelligible] ki'-no-sha'-we-wa' . I am going, with medicine bag, to the lodge. [Unintelligible]

Bekj - quietly api = he rises Ya'-be-kai'-a-bi, ya'-be-kai'-a-bi, he'-a', he"'-a',

Boka - quieLly api = lie rises ya'-be-kai'-a-bi, ya'-be-kai'-a-bi, he'-a, he'-a',

(ni) wanian lffaw = J am losing my body wa'-na-he'-ni'-o-ni', ya'-be-kai'-o-bik'. We are still sitting in a circle. He (the spirit) rises quietly, rises quietly, rises quietly, rises quietly. I am losing my body, rising quietly.

Abita = baba gijig = he dwells all around the sky A-ya'-a-bi-t.i' pa'-ke-zhik', u', hu', a' Half the sky He dwells throughout the sky.

Baba gijig oqima = the sky chief Ba'-be-ke1 o'-gi-man ni zhawenimik = pity me nish'-a-we, he', ne'-me-ke-he', ni zhawenimik = pity me oqima = chief nish'-a-we'-ni-mik o'-gi-man. The spirit has pity on me now. Sky chief, pity me, pity me, pity me (sky) chief.

Ninde ~ mv heart Nin-dai'-a, nin-dai'-a, ha', 138 GEORGE FULFORD

ogima wanishkwad = the chief circles it we'-ki-ma', ha', wa-no-kwe'. In my heart, in my heart I have the spirit. My heart, my heart, the chief circles my heart.

Ikwe mamanda ina = behold the wonderful woman nikanis = my brother I-ke'-u-ha'-ma man-ta na'-ki-na ni-ka'-ni. I take the earth, my Mide' friends. Behold the wonderful woman, my brothers.

[Unintelligible| Wi'-a-ya' din-shin-da', han',

man.ia nibi = this water man-da'-ha-ni', o-ho' ni-bi'. Let us get him to take this water. [Unintelligible] ...this water.

Jishigwan nagamon = the rattJe sings Hue -shi-shi-kwa'-ni-an nin-ga'-ga-mun'. I take this rattle. The rattle sings.

wi wabaminagosian nikanis = My brother will appear nikanis = my brother Wi-wa'-ba-mi' na he'-na ko'-ni-a'-ni, ka',

[Unintelligible| nikanis = my brother ko'-ni-a'-ho-ria', ni', ka~* .

See how I shine in making medicine. My brother will appear. A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 139

SCROLL B

Kinawind manidoian = our spirit Ki-ne'-na-wi'-in mani'-do'-ye-win. I rock you, you that are a spirit. Our spirit

Gijig = the sky windamawa = I tell you Ki-zhik-ki-wm'-da-mun' . The sky, I tell you. The sky, I tell you.

Awenen = who? O-we-nen', hwTn [?] Who is it, who? Who is it?

(Nin) widjindan = I come with it Wi-dzhi-i-n-an. The man helping me. I come with it.

Ni giwanima na = ningwis - my son Have I lied to you.' Nu-wa -m-ma'-na nm-guis? Have I told the truth to my son: Have I lied to you, my son.'

Ninde = my heart Ni'nin-de', e', o', ya'.

My heart, I am there in the fullness of my heart My heart. 140 GEORGE FULFORD

Anin = nind eshamian = nin nawito = wnat he wishes to give me is beyond my reach A1-ni-na'-nesh-mi'-l-an ni'na1 wi-to1. I follow with my arms. What he wishes to give me is beyond my reach

Manidoian nin mesinibian = The spirit is drawing me Man1-i-dcv -wi-an ni-me' shine *-ni'-an Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of medicine in the earth.

The spirit is drawing me.

Wi gimiwan na = Will it rain? We'-gi-kwo' ke-mT'-ni-nan ? From whence comes the rain? Will it rain?

Mijakwad - dzhe manidoian = good spirit the sky is clear Mi-shok'kwot, dzhe-man'-i-do'-yan.

The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit. The sky is clear, good spirit.

[ Unintelligible ] Wi' -ka-ka-nuYi' -e^-nan. Very seldom I make this request of you. [Unintelligible]

SCROLL C

N.iwitch kiirhiHjiiii -= nagamian nabe-ai'an = lav O'll II. tuc 1JLU_- thu male qiadrupe i (i.e. ottui ) 1 r> singing n Na-witsh'-tshi na-kum-i-en a-na'-pi-a '? A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS

When I am out of hearing, where am I? Far out in the lake the otter is singing.

Awenen endaiang= who is dwelling here? We'-nen-ne' en'da-yan. In my house, I see. Who is dwelling here?

Wendji bapic'.n = because he is laughing n Wen'-dzhi-ba'-pi-a '. The reason why I am happy. Because he is laughing.

(Nin) sassabis = ki binana wigiwam = I am dazzled bv him he comes to" take away the lodge Zha'-zha-bui'-ki-bi-nan wig'-e-wam' . The spirit says there is plenty of "medicine" in the Mide' wig'iwam. I am dazzled by him (i.e. the sun). He comes to take away the lodge.

[Unintelligible] Ya-ho ' -hon-ni ' -yo". The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it. [Unintelligible]

Ni wiawen gi bidona = I have brought his (the otter's) body NY-wo'-we-ni'nan ki'-bi'do-na '. I am holding this that I bring to you. I have brought his body (i.e. the otterskin medicine sack). 142 GEORGE FULFORD

Mide nikanisag = zhawenimik = pity me Mide brothers Mide' nY'ka'-nak kish'-o-we'-ni-mi-ko'. I have found favor in the eyes of my mide' friends. Mide brothers, pity me.

SCROLL D

Ni mawian nikanis = my brother is calling me n Hi'-na-wi'-a-ni-ka . Oma nikanis misi manido = here, my brother, the Great Spirit We'-me-a' ni-kan mi'-sha man'-i-do

ni wabaminagos mawian = it appears that lie is calling me ni-wa'ma-bi-go' ma'-wi-yan'.

I am crying my colleague great spirit. My brother is callmq to me. My brother, the Great Spirit, is here! He appears to be calling rae.

(N') gi nondam kitchi manidoian = I have heard the Great Spirit Ki-nun'-no, he', ki-mun'-i-do'-we, he',

eji aian = I have (heard him) esh'-i-ha'ni.

(N'l gi nondam nikanis = I have heard my brother Gi-nun-don ni-kan'

eji aran = I L'.ve (heard hin) e-zhi-an. I hear you, colleague, what you say to me. I have heard the Great Spirit. : have! I have heard ttie Great Spirit. I have!

Debadjimo imw nuqissirs = He tells the story of those migis ("shells"

—i A — Te -ti-wa -tshi-wi-mo' a-ni'-me-qa'-si. A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 143

Debadjimo iniw migissix = He tells the story of those migis ("shells") —, . ^\ . \S S\ — V V Te -ti-wa'-tsho-tag' ni-mi'gi-sim, Debadjimo = He tells the story te -ti-wa'-tshi-mo-ta ag. He will tell you of my migis. He it is who will tell you.

He tells the story of those migis ("shells"). He tells the story.

[Unintelligible J ki windamage manldowld ^ you say he is a spirit Hiu'-a-me'-da-ma ki ' -a-wen' -da-mag man ' -i-dcT-wit ki windainage = you say hiu'-a-wen'da-mag.

Ki windamage manldowld = you say he is a spirit Ki-win' -da-mag ' -TT-nan man ' -i-do~-wid. He tells us his [sic] is of the man'idos. [Unintelligible] you say he is a spirit, you say. You say he is a spirit.

Wassawad = (nin) wmdamawa = mi-te'-wi" = midewiwin it is far off I tell him Wa'-sa-wa'-dl, he', wen'-da-na-ma', mi-te'-wi . Wassawad = (nind) ondinan ma mid'wiwin = it is far off I get midewiwin there Wa' -sa-wa1-dun-da-na-ma mi-de'-wi-win' .

I get it from afar. The "grand medicine." The midewiwin is far away, 1 tell him. It is far away, but I can get it.

Ki go abinas = inini mite = your place in the lodge mide man (i.e. member of the midewiwin) V — Ki-go'-na-bi-hi e'-ni-na mi-te'. Ki go abinas = midewiwinini = mide man your place in the lodge Ki -do1-na-bi-m' mi-de '-wi-wm-nin-ni '

(ki) abitan = you dwell here a-bit'-da-win'. 144 GEORGE FULFORD

I place you there "in the grand medicine" Half way (in the Mide'wigan:

Your place is here, mide man, with in this dwelling (i.e. the midewigan).

Ni zhawenimik = pity me Hi'-wha-we-ne'me-go, he', ne'.

Nin godjiew = I am trying Ni-go'-tshi-mi, he'.

Ni zhawenimik = pity me namadab bi-ijawuk = those (of you) sitting there

V /\. V Ni'-sha-we'-ni-mi-go' e'-ne-ma bi-dzhlk. They have pity on me those who are sitting there. Pity me. I am trying. You spirits who are sitting there, pity me.

\. SCROLL E

Nind end~ manido ~ I live with the spir-it Hla'-ni-de h~n'-da man'-i-do, ho',

nind ija l.lonida manido end~t =I finally qo lo live wit.h tile SJ>irit ni'-sha-bon'-de rnan'-i-do'-en-dat. Spirit I am, enter. I live with the spirit. I finally go to live, to live with the spirit.

i-Jin goss~ mide ikwe = nikanis = (ni) nasikage ikwe = I fear the mide woman my brother I approach the woman Nin-go'-sa- ml-de'-kweV - ni-ka' na'-skwa-wa ' . I am afraid of the "grand medicine" woman; I go to her. I fear the Mide woman, my brother. I approach her.

(W) niganis aji nind~ mashkiki = she can already lead hearts with her medicine Ka-ni-sa' hi'-a-tshi'-m~n-de' man'ski'ki', [Unintelligible] de', he', he'. A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 145

Kinsmen who speak of me, they see the striped sky. She can already lead away hearts with her medicine.

Keenwa nandomam = [Unintelligible] We summon her Ke'-na-nan'-do -me' ko-rio'-ne-nak

(w) kana ningotchi - nandomam - you summon her she hides somewhere ka-ne-lie* nin' ko'--tshi nan'-no-me' . The cloud look s tc me for medicine. You summon her, my bro thers She hides somewhere. You summon her.

Wadjiwan = bebikinong wadjiw = there is a mountain a different (i.e. far away) mountain Wa-tshu'-a-ne' ke' -ba-bing'-e-on', wa--dzhu. Going into the mountains. There is a mountain, a far away mountain.

Ni midewi endaiang = I conjure in this lodge Hi1-me-de'-wa hen'-de-a he'-na. The grand medicine affects me. I conjure in this lodge.

Hal -an-go ho-ya ogima = [Unintelligible] the chief Hai'-an-go ho'--ya o'-ge-ma, ha. The chief goes out . (Unintelligible) the chief.

Ni zhawenimik pity me Nish'-o-we' ni-•me' -hi-go', he',

nin gojiew mikawa - I am tiy ing to find her ni-go'-tshi-mi' go- *je, he ' .

Have pity on me wherever I have mec icine. Pity me. I am trying to fine her. 146 GEORGE FULFORD

Wl amikwe = she is a bea ver ni zhawenimik = Have pity on me

i _ Wi so-mi'ko -we he-a-za-we -ne -ne--go' r ho' . I am the beaver; have pity on me. She is a beaver. 1 ity me.

Nin da amikwe = nin da endaiang - I live with the beaver woman x llve ln her lod9e — V/ j^ A A Hen'-ta-no-wik'-ko-we' de-wen-da en-da-a -dan. I wish to know what is the matter with me. I live with the beaver woman. I live in her lodge.

SCROLL G

Midewigan = Mide lodge Me-we'-yan, ha', ha', ha'.

I go into the Jes'sakkan' to see the medicine. Mide lodge.

Tchi nondawii = in order to hear him Tschi-nun'-don, he', he', he'.

I was the one who dug up life. In ordei to heal him (the otter).

Nikanis - dun) widokawenima - my hiothei I hoi p him think Ni'ka-nT we-do-ko -a, ha', ha'.

The spirit put down medicine on earth to grow My brother, I help him think.

Debadjimo = he tells a story Te-ti-ba'-tshi mut-a-wit', te', he', he' I am the one that dug up the medicine. He tells a story. A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 147

Keenwa windama.jemim - We announce (i.e. have news)

• i n Ki wa -win -da ma'-kwa-nan', na', ha'. I answer my brother spirit. We have news.

Wassawad ondji = o naman = he comes from afar he hjs a fair wind Wa'-a-so'-at wen'-ti'-na-man, ha', ha'.

The spirit has put life into my body. He (i.e. the spirit) comes from afar on a fair wind.

Kikito nabe-aian = He (the otter) speaks Ki-to'-na-bi'-in, ne', he', he'.

This is what the medicine has given us. He (the otter) speaks.

Ni zhawenimik = Pity me. Ni'sha-we'-ni-bi-ku, hu', hu', he'.

I took with two hands what was thrown down to us. Pity me.

SCROLL H

Nind ouagou - my dlsti Nind akonan = I take 1L down A A „ , , In -do-na-gat m-da -kwo-nan. That which I live upon has been put on this dish by the spirit. I take down my dish.

(Ni) mokinan tchi ominian - I bring it to give him Mo'-ki-yan tshik'-ko-min' . I bring life to the people. I bring it (my dish) to give him (i.e. a sick person). 148 GEORGE FULFORD

Nind omina mashkiki = I give him medicine Ni'-no-mun' mask-ki'-ki. I can also take medicine from the lodge, or the earth. I give him medicine.

Ninde endaian = he lives in my heart Ni'-nin-de' in'-dai-yo'. It is all in my heart, the life. He lives in my heart.

Nin bimosse aking = I walk on the earth M'bi-mo'-se-an-klnk' . The spirit saw me and sent me medicine from above. I walk on the earth.

Ninde mltigong = my heart is in the forest Don -de-na mi-tiz -kunk. It is also on the trees, that from which I take life. My heart is in the forest. A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 149

1 SCROLL A r\ Hoffman 1891 PI. I U GQ XIV B V Manido wedi , Ninde enda sabado man ido k ik ito ninde'shkaman. odoning .

SCROLL B Hoffman

SCROLL C Hoffman 1891 PI. IX B

SCROLL D Hoffman 1891 PI. XIII A Ni mawian nikanis. (N*) giA nonda m Oma nikanis misi kitchi manidoian manido, ni waba- eji aian. (N') gi minagos mawian. nondam nikanis eji aian. SCROLL E Hoffman 1891 PI. XIII C Nind enda manido, nind ija bonida manido end^t.

SCROLL G Hoffman 1891 PI. XIV D Midewigan. Tchi nondawa.

SCROLL H Ho f fman 1891 PI. XVI C

CONCORDANCE OF CHANTS AND PICTOGRAPHS 150 GEORGE FULFORD

8 tfl Ondjian ogin. Nikanisan nin gossa, nikanisan manido widj'i nin gossa amw bi-iji gikab.

Nawitcli kitchigami Awenen endaiang? Mokian nawitch nagamian nahe-aian. kitchigami.

r,

Nin gossa mide lkwe, nikanis.

Nind onagon, nind akonan. (Ni) mokinan tchi ominian. A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 151

10 12 13 SCRUM. A Hoffman 1891 PI. XIV B

SCROLL B Hoffman 1891 PI. IX A o

SCROLL C Hoffman ye 1891 PI. IX B § Wendji bapian.

SCROLL D Hoffman 1891 PI. XIII A

SCROLL E Hoffman & 1891 PI. M XIII C (W) niganis aji Keer.wa nandomam... V'adjiwan bebiki- ninde mashkiki. (w) kana ningotchi nong wadjiw. nandomam.

SCROLL G Hoffman 1891 PI. XIV D Nikanis, (nin) widokawenima.

SCROLL H Hoffman 1891 PI. XVI C Nind omina mashkiki.

CONCORDANCE OF CHANTS AND PICTOGRAPHS 152 GEORGE FULFORD

14 15 16 17 18

Ni giwanima na, ningwis?

(Nin) sassabis ki b5nana wigiwam.

G& Debadjimo iniw Ki windamage Wassawad (nin) Ki go abinas inini migissim. manidowid. Ki windamawa mide­ mide. Ki go abinas windamage. wiwin . Wassawad midewiwin inini (nind) ondinan abitan. ma midewiwin.

Debadjimo. Keenwa vinda- Wassawad ondji Kikito nabe-aian. magemim. o naman. A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 153

19 20 21 22 o SCROLL A Hoffman 1891 PI. ft XIV B Ya-ki-no-sha-me-wa Seka api (ni) wanian Ya-ki-no-si-ka-ne. niaw.

SCROLL B Hoffman 1891 PI. 'is IX A Ninde. Anin nind eshamian nin nawito.

SCROLL C Hoffman // 1891 PI. IX B Ya-ho-hon-ni-yo. Nl wiawen gi bidona

SCROLL D Hoffman 1891 PI. XIII A

SCROLL E Hoffman & 1891 PI. XIII C Ni midewi endaiang.

SCROLL G Hoffman 1891 PI. XIV D

SCROLL H Hoffman 1891 PI. XVI C Ninde endaian.

CONCORDANCE OF CHANTS AND PICTOGRAPHS 154 GEORGE FULFORD

23 24 25 26 27

Abita baba gijig Baba gijig ogima^ ni zhawenimik ogima.

#

Manidoian ni mesi- nibian.

0

Mide nikanisag, ni zhawenimik.

Ni zhawenimik. Nin godjiew. Ni zhawenimik nama- dab bi-ijawuk.

Hai'-an-go ko- Ni zhawenimik. ya ogima. Ni godjiew mikawa.

Ni zhawenimik.

I1- Nin bimosse aki- A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS

28 29 30 31

SCROLL A Hoffman 1891 PI. XIV B Ninde ogima wanishkwad.

SCROLL B Hoffman (1 1891 PI. i IX A Wi gimiwan na? Mijakwad, dzhe manidoian.

SCROLL C Hoffman 1891 PI. IX B

SCROLL D Hoffman 1891 PI. XIII A

SCROLL E Hoffman 1891 PI. XIII C ma Wi amikwe. Ni Nin da amikwe, zhawenimik. nin da endaiang

SCROLL G Hoffman 1891 PI. XIV D

SCROLL H Hoffman 1891 PI. XVI C Ninde mitigor.g.

CONCORDANCE OF CHANTS AND PICTOGRAPHS 156 GEORGE FULFORD

32 33 34 35 36 D -1 Ikwe mamanda Wi'-a-ya' din- Jishgwan nagamon. Wi wabaminagosian ina, nikanis. shir da, nan, nikanis manda nibi. (n Wi ' -ka-ka-nTin ' -e-r A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS OF MIDE CHANTS 157

REFERENCES Baraga, Frederick 1850 A Theoretical and Practical Grammar of the Otchipwe Language. Detroit: Jabez Fox. 1966 A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language Minneapolis: Ross and Haines. [Originally published 1878, 1880.] Densmore, Frances 1910 Chippewa Music. Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology 45. Washington. Fulford, George 1988 Ojibwa Picture Writing. A Study in the Process of Symbol Infor­ mation. M.A. thesis, University of Western Ontario. 1989 A Structural Analysis of Mide Song Scrolls. Pp. 132-153 in Actes du vingtieme congres des algonquinistes. William Cowan, ed. Ottawa: Carleton University. Hallowell, A. Irving 1926 Bear Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere. American An- ,, thropologist 28:1-175. Hoffman, Walter James 1891 - The Mide'wiwin or "Grand Medicine Society" of the Ojibwa. Pp. 143- 300 in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Wash­ ington. Hymes, Dell 1977 Discovering Oral Performance and Measured Verse in American In­ dian Narrative. New Literary History 8:431-457. Jakobson, Roman 1964 On the Relation Between Visual and Auditory Signs. Pp. 338-344 in Selected Writings of Roman Jakobson, Vol. II. Krystyna Por- morska and Stephen Rudy, eds. Cambridge Mass.: Harvard Univer­ sity Press. Johnston, Basil 1978a Ojibwa Language Course Outline. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada. 1978b Ojibwa Language Lexicon. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada. Landes, Ruth 1968 Ojibwa Religions and the Midewiwin. Madison: University of Wis­ consin Press. Levi-Strauss, Claude 1963 The Structural Study of Myth. Pp. 106-131 in Structural Anthro­ pology. New York: Basic Books. Mallery, Garrick 1893 Picture Writing of the American Indians. Pp. 1-822 in the 10th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Washington. 158 GEORGE FULFORD

Mukarovsky, Jan 1976a Art as Semiotic Fact. Pp. 3-9 in The Semiotics of Art. Ladislav Matejka and Irwin R. Titunik, eds. Cambridge Mass.: MIT Press. [Originally published 1934.] Nichols, John, and Earl Nyholm 1979 An Ojibwe Word Resource Book. St. Paul: Minnesota Archaeologi­ cal Society. Peirce, Charles S. 1985 Icon, Index and Symbol. Pp. 9-19 in Semiotics: An Introductory Anthology. Robert E. Innis, ed. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Rhodes, Richard A. 1985 Eastern Ojibwa-Chippewa-Ottawa Dictionary. Berlin: Mouton. Saussure, Ferdinand de 1959 Course in General Linguistics. Trans. Wade Baskin. Charles Bally, Albert Sechehay and Alber Riedlinger, eds. New York: McGraw- Hill. [1916.] Skinner, Alanson 1914 Bear Customs of the Cree and Other Algonkin Indians of Northern Ontario. Ontario History 12:203-209. Tedlock, Dennis 1971 On the Translation of Style in Oral Narrative. Journal of American Folklore 84:114-133. 1977 Toward an Oral Poetics. New Literary History 7:507-519.