Why the US's State-Building Efforts Failed in the War in Afghanistan
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The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 15 – May 2012 The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions Rossella Marangio Abstract The long-lasting Somali conflict is profoundly linked to the country’s historical development and its socio-cultural specificities. The political milieu and the struggle for power in Somalia reflect the cleavage between tradition and modernity. This rift has led to a legitimacy vacuum, which has made it difficult for the warring parties to find enough common ground for a compromise. Furthermore, external influences, at both regional and international levels, have contributed to the fragmentation of the political arena, due notably to the emphasis on the use of force as the principal tool for acquiring or maintaining power. In this unfolding crisis, regional pressures and rivalries, international interventions, economic and strategic interests as well as piracy, corruption and Islamic extremism all play an interlocking role. In view of this, a new approach to the crisis is badly needed. The EU, in particular, should promote a new strategy based on three components: enhancement of social cohesion through local cooperation programmes, state-building and development. Keywords : Somalia / Civil conflict / Society / European Union / Military intervention / European Union Training Mission (EUTM) Somalia / Piracy / European Naval Force Somalia- Operation Atalanta (EUNAVFOR Atalanta) / Regional Maritime Capacity Building (RMCB) / African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1215 The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions by Rossella Marangio ∗ Introduction The civil war in Somalia has been ravaging the country for two decades. The difficulties in achieving peace have highlighted the powerlessness of the international community. -
Strange Victory: a Critical Appraisal of Operation Enduring Freedom and the Afghanistan War
30 JANUARY 2002 RESEARCH MONOGRAPH #6 Strange Victory: A critical appraisal of Operation Enduring Freedom and the Afghanistan war Carl Conetta PROJECT ON DEFENSE ALTERNATIVES COMMONWEALTH INSTITUTE, CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS Contents Introduction 3 1. What has Operation Enduring Freedom accomplished? 4 1.1 The fruits of victory 4 1.1.1 Secondary goals 5 1.2 The costs of the war 6 1.2.1 The humanitarian cost of the war 7 1.2.2 Stability costs 7 2. Avoidable costs: the road not taken 9 3. War in search of a strategy 10 3.1 The Taliban become the target 10 3.2 Initial war strategy: split the Taliban 12 3.2.1 Romancing the Taliban 13 3.2.2 Pakistan: between the devil and the red, white, and blue 14 3.3 The first phase of the air campaign: a lever without a fulcrum 15 3.3.1 Strategic bombardment: alienating hearts and minds 15 3.4 A shift in strategy -- unleashing the dogs of war 17 4. A theater redefined 18 4.1 Reshuffling Afghanistan 19 4.2 Regional winners and losers 20 4.3 The structure of post-war Afghan instability 21 4.3.1 The Bonn agreement: nation-building or “cut and paste”? 22 4.3.2 Peacekeepers for Afghanistan: too little, too late 24 4.4 A new game: US and Afghan interests diverge 25 4.4.1 A failure to adjust 26 5. The tunnel at the end of the light 28 5.1 The path charted by Enduring Freedom 28 5.2 The triumph of expediency 29 5.3 The ascendancy of Defense 29 5.4 Realism redux 31 5.5 Bread and bombs 32 5.6 The fog of peace 34 Appendix 1. -
Failed States in Theoretical, Historical, and Policy Perspectives
Failed States in Theoretical, Historical, and Policy Perspectives Jean-Gennaln Gros 1 Introduction Olobalizalion and interdependence compel .. 10 think aftuh about how w. man. our joint acllvities and shared in ....su. for many chan..... that we confront today "'" beyond the "",c/l of anyone slate 10 meel o. I.. OWn. At the national level we must govern beI..r; Dnd at the international leve1 we must gO\'tm beuer wge.ther-. Bff'cctive states are es&erl(ial 10 both task •• Kofl Annan (2000) These words from a former secretary-general of the United Nations underscore one of the NAlilies and challenges of the post-Cold War era: the unsuitabilily of failed Slates in a world in which the solution 10 problems from global warming to poverty requires stales that can al:lon their own. as well as in unison with other stalCS and non-stale institulions. Annan's statement also confirms Ihat the sludy oHailed Slales has taken center slage in international relations. Some oflhe mosl innuential works include LWilliam Zanman's Col1opsed Slates 1995, which is concerned primarily with Africa. Robert Rotherg's Whell States Fail (2004) provides detailed and graphic descriptions of state failure and its conse quences. Rother,'s description of the failed state as "a polily that is no longer able Of willing to perform the fundamental IaSks of a nation-stale in the IIlQdern world" and his notion that "failure is a Iluid halting place, with movemenl back 10 weakness and forward into collapse always possible" underscore a fundamental aspect ofstate failure that is often ignored: its dynamic nature. -
Fragile Contexts in 2018
CHAPTER ELEVEN Leaving No Fragile State and No One Behind in a Prosperous World: A New Approach Landry Signé undreds of millions of people are left behind in fragile states despite the efforts of the international community to make progress on development Hand alleviate conflict. People in fragile states are victim to persistent poverty,1 enduring violence, poor public facilities, deteriorating infrastructure,2 limited civil and political liberties,3 deteriorating social conditions,4 minimal to nonexistent economic growth,5 and, often, humanitarian crises.6 Research and policies on state fragility build on concepts of limited state capacity, legitimacy, insecurity, stability and socioeconomic, demographic, human development, environmental, humanitarian, and gender contexts to determine states’ apparent effectiveness or ineffectiveness in fulfilling the role of the state. Within this -con text, fragility has become a catch- all concept encompassing fragile states, weak states, failed states, collapsing or decaying states, conflict- affected countries, post- conflict countries, brittle states, and states with limited legitimacy, author- ity, capacity, governance, security, and socioeconomic and human development. 1. Collier (2007). 2. Rotberg (2011). 3. Bah (2012). 4. Van de Walle (2004). 5. Brainard and Chollet (2007). 6. Nwozor (2018). The author would like to express his sincere appreciation to Payce Madden, Genevieve Jesse, and Elise El Nouchi, who contributed to the research, data analysis, fact- checking, and visual elements of this chapter. 239 Kharas-McArthur-Ohno_Leave No One Behind_i-xii_1-340.indd 239 9/6/19 1:57 PM 240 Landry Signé When used without conceptual clarification and contextual consideration, as is often the case, the concept of fragility lacks usefulness for policymakers, as the various types, drivers, scopes, levels, and contexts of fragility require differ- ent responses. -
Produced by the Human Security Centre Lead Author
1 Human Security Centre – Written evidence (AFG0019) Produced by the Human Security Centre Lead Author: Simon Schofield, Senior Fellow, In consultation with Rohullah Yakobi, Associate Fellow 2 1 Table of Contents 2. Executive Summary .............................................................................5 3. What is the Human Security Centre?.....................................................10 4. Geopolitics and National Interests and Agendas......................................11 Islamic Republic of Pakistan ...................................................................11 Historical Context...............................................................................11 Pakistan’s Strategy.............................................................................12 Support for the Taliban .......................................................................13 Afghanistan as a terrorist training camp ................................................16 Role of military aid .............................................................................17 Economic interests .............................................................................19 Conclusion – Pakistan .........................................................................19 Islamic Republic of Iran .........................................................................20 Historical context ...............................................................................20 Iranian Strategy ................................................................................23 -
The Coils of the Anaconda: America's
THE COILS OF THE ANACONDA: AMERICA’S FIRST CONVENTIONAL BATTLE IN AFGHANISTAN BY C2009 Lester W. Grau Submitted to the graduate degree program in Military History and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ____________________________ Dr. Theodore A Wilson, Chairperson ____________________________ Dr. James J. Willbanks, Committee Member ____________________________ Dr. Robert F. Baumann, Committee Member ____________________________ Dr. Maria Carlson, Committee Member ____________________________ Dr. Jacob W. Kipp, Committee Member Date defended: April 27, 2009 The Dissertation Committee for Lester W. Grau certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: THE COILS OF THE ANACONDA: AMERICA’S FIRST CONVENTIONAL BATTLE IN AFGHANISTAN Committee: ____________________________ Dr. Theodore A Wilson, Chairperson ____________________________ Dr. James J. Willbanks, Committee Member ____________________________ Dr. Robert F. Baumann, Committee Member ____________________________ Dr. Maria Carlson, Committee Member ____________________________ Dr. Jacob W. Kipp, Committee Member Date approved: April 27, 2009 ii PREFACE Generals have often been reproached with preparing for the last war instead of for the next–an easy gibe when their fellow-countrymen and their political leaders, too frequently, have prepared for no war at all. Preparation for war is an expensive, burdensome business, yet there is one important part of it that costs little–study. However changed and strange the new conditions of war may be, not only generals, but politicians and ordinary citizens, may find there is much to be learned from the past that can be applied to the future and, in their search for it, that some campaigns have more than others foreshadowed the coming pattern of modern war.1 — Field Marshall Viscount William Slim. -
Appendix C: Military Operations and Planning Scenarios Referred to in This Report
Appendix C: Military Operations and Planning Scenarios Referred to in This Report In describing the past and planned use of various types conducted on the territory of North Vietnam during of forces, this primer mentions a number of military the war (as opposed to air operations in South Vietnam, operations that the United States has engaged in since which were essentially continuous in support of U.S. World War II, as well as a number of scenarios that and South Vietnamese ground forces). The most nota- the Department of Defense has used to plan for future ble campaigns included Operations Rolling Thunder, conflicts. Those operations and planning scenarios are Linebacker, and Linebacker II. summarized below. 1972: Easter Offensive.This offensive, launched by Military Operations North Vietnamese ground forces, was largely defeated 1950–1953: Korean War. U.S. forces defended South by South Vietnamese ground forces along with heavy air Korea (the Republic of Korea) from an invasion by support from U.S. forces. North Korea (the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea). North Korean forces initially came close to 1975: Spring Offensive.This was the final offensive overrunning the entire Korean Peninsula before being launched by North Vietnamese ground forces during the pushed back. Later, military units from China (the war. Unlike in the Easter Offensive, the United States People’s Republic of China) intervened when U.S. forces did not provide air support to South Vietnamese ground approached the Chinese border. That intervention caused forces, and North Vietnamese forces fully conquered the conflict to devolve into a stalemate at the location of South Vietnam. -
Russian Coal Mining in Svalbard
Russian Coal Mining in Svalbard An Examination of Sovereignty and Arctic Cooperation Group 25 Narin Zimbalista, Luna Persson, Zoe Svendsen & Julie Sejr Reventlow Characters: 141595 1 1. Introduction 4 Research Question 7 Supporting Questions 7 Research Design 7 2. Background Information 8 2.1 A Brief History of Svalbard 8 2.1.1 Mining as a Settlement Builder 9 2.1.2. Russian and Norwegian interests in Svalbard 10 2.2 Geopolitical Context in the Arctic 11 2.2.1 Russian conduct in the Arctic 12 2.2.2 Barents Sea Dispute 13 3. Literature Review 15 3.1 An overview of the Arctic conflict 15 3.2 Theoretical Considerations within the literature 17 3.3 Russia in the Arctic 18 3.4 Svalbard and the Russian Presence 19 3.5 Concluding Considerations 20 4. Theoretical Framework 22 4.1 Realism 22 4.1.1 Economic Nationalism 24 4.2 Constructivism 26 4.3 Main theoretical deductions 28 5. Methodology 31 5.1 Philosophy of Science 31 5.1.1 Realism 31 5.1.2 Constructivism 33 5.2 Methods 34 5.2.1 Content analysis 34 5.2.2 Documents as data 37 5.3 Results 39 5.3.1 - Thematic Coding Results 39 5.3.2 Summarizing Qualitative Content Analysis Results 42 6. Analysis 46 6.1 How is Russia utilizing coal mining in Svalbard to project influence? 46 6.2 How has the Svalbard Treaty and the UNCLOS constructed norms and rules that have affected the contemporary jurisdiction of Svalbard? 51 2 6.3 How can Realism and Constructivism offer insight to Russian and Norwegian behaviour in Svalbard? 55 7. -
Hettyey András Living with a Failed State: Somalia and the States of the East African Regional Security Complex 2009-2011 (Thes
ANDRÁSSY GYULA DEUTSCHSPRACHIGE UNIVERSITÄT BUDAPEST INTERDISZIPLINÄRE DOKTORSCHULE – P OLITIKWISSENSCHAFTLICHES TEILPROGRAMM LEITERIN : P ROF . D R. E LLEN BOS Hettyey András Living with a Failed State: Somalia and the States of the East African Regional Security Complex 2009-2011 (Thesenblatt) Doktorvater: Prof. Dr. Kiss J. László Disputationskommission: …………………………. …………………………. …………………………. …………………………. …………………………. …………………………. Eingereicht: Oktober 2011 Anlage: 1. Lebenslauf Introduction Somalia is a unique place, as it provides the researcher with plenty of material to study. While it has brought terrible suffering and unspeakable sorrow to its inhabitants, the on-and-off civil war that has raged in the country since 1991 presents also a rare opportunity to the interested: here, after all, is a country which has had no functioning government, army, police force, tax collection, football league or national broadcaster for twenty years. What are the reasons for this course of history? How do the Somalis cope with the failure of their state? What can policymakers do to help fix the situation and prevent other countries from taking the same route to state failure? Questions over questions, which all warrant further research. The paper only attempts to examine a little part of the huge “Somalia picture”, namely the effects of state failure on its region. No conflict occurs in an empty space. External actors are invariably affected by any given conflict in their neighborhood, be it through refugee flows, disruption of economic networks and activity, arms trade or piracy. The external actors in the Somali conflict are, however, by no means only passive players. They try to minimize the negative effects coming out from Somalia, while at the same time actively influencing the situation inside the country according to their interests. -
Analysis of Failed States: Some Problems of Definition and Measurement
113 The Romanian Economic Journal Analysis of Failed States: Some Problems of Definition and Measurement Valentin Cojanu Alina Irina Popescu It has become a common claim that the gravest dangers to world security are no longer military threats from rival great powers, but rather transnational threats emanating from poorly governed countries. Since the end of the Cold War, the international community has become increas- ingly preoccupied with the phenomenon usually named “state failure”, because state failure causes a wide range of humanitarian, legal, and security problems. Recent examples of failed states are familiar to all of us, from the total collapse of state institutions in Somalia and the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia to the varied crises in Rwanda, Haiti, Liberia, Congo, Sierra Leone, and Af- ghanistan. But how can we measure or define if a state is a “weak” or a “failed” state? Due to the importance gained by this issue, several international organizations (World Bank, The Fund for Peace) and national institutions (U.S. National Security and the Commission on Weak States, United Kingdom’s Department for International Development) performed several surveys in this respect. This paper aims to identify and to analyze the ways to measure state failure and con- cludes with commentaries drawn on a contrasting perspective of three most re- nowned attempts (e.g. the Transformational Index of the Bertelsmann Founda- tion, the Governance Index of the World Bank, and the Failed States Index of the Foreign Policy Council). Year X, no. 25 bis November 2007 114 The Romanian Economic Journal Keywords: failed states, security, development JEL Classification: F52, O19 1. -
Trump's False 'Realism'
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University International Bulletin of Political Psychology Volume 20 Issue 1 Article 2 1-13-2020 Trump’s False ‘Realism’ Muhammad Ali Baig National Defence University, Pakistan, [email protected] Syed Sabir Muhammad University of Peshawar, Pakistan, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp Part of the American Politics Commons, International Economics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Baig, Muhammad Ali and Muhammad, Syed Sabir (2020) "Trump’s False ‘Realism’," International Bulletin of Political Psychology: Vol. 20 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. Available at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp/vol20/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Bulletin of Political Psychology by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Baig and Muhammad: Trump’s False ‘Realism’ TRUMP’S FALSE ‘REALISM’ Muhammad Ali Baig* and Syed Sabir Muhammad** Abstract Foreign policy pivoted upon realist principles has have remained a vital instrument to pursue, achieve, secure and sustain the policy objectives of a state. America being the liberal hegemonic state maintained ‘liberal hegemony’ since the end of the Second World War. Realists intended to adopt a realist foreign policy; however, ideologies like ‘American Exceptionalism’ dominated over the former. President Donald Trump opted for protectionism with the objective of strengthening U.S. indigenous economy – a realist approach. Nevertheless, Trump’s foreign dealings in relation to America’s allies are causing damage to the established balance of power and the hard-earned trust of allies. -
Principles of Modern American Counterinsurgency: Evolution And
Terrain, Tribes, and Terrorists: Pakistan, 2006-20081 By David J. Kilcullen, Partner, The Crumpton Group LLC Brookings Counterinsurgency and Pakistan Paper Series. No. 3. “The two main factors for you will be the terrain and the tribes. You have to know their game and learn to play it, which means you first have to understand their environment,” Professor Akbar Ahmed told me in May 2006. In the field, with military and civilian teams and local people in locations across Afghanistan and Pakistan at various times through the next three years, the wisdom of Professor Ahmed’s insight came home to me again and again. The fact is that the terrain and the tribes drive ninety percent of what happens on the Frontier, while the third factor, which accounts for the other ten percent, is the presence of transnational terrorists and our reaction to them. But things seem very different in Washington or London from how they seem in Peshawar, let alone in Bajaur, Khyber or Waziristan—in that great tangle of dust-colored ridges known as the Safed Koh, or “white mountains”. This is a southern limb of the Hindu Kush, the vast range that separates Afghanistan (which lies on the immense Iranian Plateau that stretches all the way to the Arabian Gulf) from the valley of the Indus, the northern geographical limit of the Indian subcontinent. The young Winston Churchill, campaigning here in 1897, wrote that “all along the Afghan border every man’s house is his castle. The villages are the fortifications, the fortifications are the villages. Every house is loopholed, and whether it has a tower or not depends only on its owner’s wealth.”2 “All the world was going ghaza” Churchill was describing the operations of the Malakand Field Force around the village of Damadola, in Bajaur Agency, during the Great Frontier War of 1897— a tribal uprising inspired and exploited by religious leaders who co-opted local tribes’ opposition to the encroachment of government authority (an alien and infidel presence) into their region.