Failed Or Fragile States in International Power Politics
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USAF Counterproliferation Center CPC Outreach Journal #900
USAF COUNTERPROLIFERATION CENTER CPC OUTREACH JOURNAL Maxwell AFB, Alabama Issue No. 900, 22 April 2011 Articles & Other Documents: Tokyo Electric Admits Fuel could be Melting at A Career U.S. Intelligence Officer on Al Qaeda, Nuclear Fukushima Nuke Plant Terrorism and the Nuclear Threat Pakistan's New Missile Aimed at India's 'Cold Start' News Analysis: One Year On, Headway and Hurdles for Doctrine: Experts Global Nuclear Security Mullen Launches Diatribe against ISI Arab Revolutions Don‘t Mean End for Al Qaeda Russia Says Borei Sub to Test New Missile this Year A Race to Oblivion? Russia Abandons $1B Western Aid to Weapons Time for Plan B Program FMCT and Indo-Pak Deterrence Stability – Analysis Russia to Double its Ballistic Missiles Production from 2013 Pakistani Security Experts Respond to U.S. State Department's Concern over the Security of Pakistani U.S. to Seek Agreement with Russia on Tactical Nuclear Nuclear Weapons Weapons Reduction Rogue CIA Operatives at Large UN Calls on Countries to Implement Resolution Aimed at Nuclear, Chemical, Biological Terrorism Welcome to the CPC Outreach Journal. As part of USAF Counterproliferation Center’s mission to counter weapons of mass destruction through education and research, we’re providing our government and civilian community a source for timely counterproliferation information. This information includes articles, papers and other documents addressing issues pertinent to US military response options for dealing with chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) threats and countermeasures. It’s our hope this information resource will help enhance your counterproliferation issue awareness. Established in 1998, the USAF/CPC provides education and research to present and future leaders of the Air Force, as well as to members of other branches of the armed services and Department of Defense. -
Ch. 17.4 the Cold War Divides the World I. Fighting for the Third World A
Ch. 17.4 The Cold War Divides the World I. Fighting for the Third World A. Cold War Strategies 1. Third World countries are economically poor and unstable 2. These countries are in need of a political and economic system in which to build upon; Soviet style Communism and U.S. style free market democracy A. Cold War Strategies 3. U.S. (CIA) and Soviet (KGB) intelligence agencies engaged in covert activities 4. Both countries would provide aid to countries for loyalty to their ideology B. Association of Nonaligned Nations 1. Nonaligned nations were 3rd World nations that wanted to maintain their independence from the U.S. and Soviet influence 2. India and Indonesia were able to maintain neutrality but most took sides II. Confrontations in Latin America A. Latin America 1. The economic gap between rich and poor began to push Latin America to seek aid from both the Soviets and U.S. 2. American businesses backed leaders that protected their interests but these leaders usually oppressed their citizens A. Latin America 3. Revolutionary movements begin in Latin America and the Soviets and U.S. begin to lend support to their respective sides B. Fidel Castro and the Cuban Revolution 1. Fidel Castro led a popular revolution vs. the U.S. supported dictator Fulgencio Batista in January 1959 2. He was praised at first for bringing social reforms and improving the economy 3. But then he suspended elections, jailed and executed opponents & controlled the press B. Fidel Castro and the Cuban Revolution 4. Castro nationalized the economy taking over U.S. -
Sudan in Crisis
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Faculty Publications and Other Works by History: Faculty Publications and Other Works Department 7-2019 Sudan in Crisis Kim Searcy Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/history_facpubs Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Searcy, Kim. Sudan in Crisis. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 12, 10: , 2019. Retrieved from Loyola eCommons, History: Faculty Publications and Other Works, This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications and Other Works by Department at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. © Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 2019. vol. 12, issue 10 - July 2019 Sudan in Crisis by Kim Searcy A celebration of South Sudan's independence in 2011. Editor's Note: Even as we go to press, the situation in Sudan continues to be fluid and dangerous. Mass demonstrations brought about the end of the 30-year regime of Sudan's brutal leader Omar al-Bashir. But what comes next for the Sudanese people is not at all certain. This month historian Kim Searcy explains how we got to this point by looking at the long legacy of colonialism in Sudan. Colonial rule, he argues, created rifts in Sudanese society that persist to this day and that continue to shape the political dynamics. -
The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 15 – May 2012 The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions Rossella Marangio Abstract The long-lasting Somali conflict is profoundly linked to the country’s historical development and its socio-cultural specificities. The political milieu and the struggle for power in Somalia reflect the cleavage between tradition and modernity. This rift has led to a legitimacy vacuum, which has made it difficult for the warring parties to find enough common ground for a compromise. Furthermore, external influences, at both regional and international levels, have contributed to the fragmentation of the political arena, due notably to the emphasis on the use of force as the principal tool for acquiring or maintaining power. In this unfolding crisis, regional pressures and rivalries, international interventions, economic and strategic interests as well as piracy, corruption and Islamic extremism all play an interlocking role. In view of this, a new approach to the crisis is badly needed. The EU, in particular, should promote a new strategy based on three components: enhancement of social cohesion through local cooperation programmes, state-building and development. Keywords : Somalia / Civil conflict / Society / European Union / Military intervention / European Union Training Mission (EUTM) Somalia / Piracy / European Naval Force Somalia- Operation Atalanta (EUNAVFOR Atalanta) / Regional Maritime Capacity Building (RMCB) / African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1215 The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions by Rossella Marangio ∗ Introduction The civil war in Somalia has been ravaging the country for two decades. The difficulties in achieving peace have highlighted the powerlessness of the international community. -
The Two Yemens
1390_A24-A34 11/4/08 5:14 PM Page 543 330-383/B428-S/40005 The Two Yemens 171. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen1 Washington, February 27, 1969, 1710Z. 30762. Subj: US–PRSY Relations. 1. PRSY UN Perm Rep Nu’man,2 who currently in Washington as PRSYG observer at INTELSAT Conference, had frank but cordial talk with ARP Country Director Brewer February 26. 2. In analyzing causes existing coolness in USG–PRSYG relations, Ambassador Nu’man claimed USG failure offer substantial aid at time of independence and subsequent seizure of American arms with clasped hands insignia3 in possession of anti-PRSYG dissidents had led Aden to “natural” conclusion that USG distrusts PRSYG. He specu- lated this due to close US relationship with Saudis whom Nu’man al- leged, somewhat vaguely, had privately conveyed threats to overthrow NLF regime, claiming USG support. Nu’man asserted PRSYG desired good relations with USG and hoped USG would reciprocate. 3. Recalling history of USG attempts to develop good relations with PRSYG, Brewer underlined our feeling it was PRSYG which had not re- ciprocated. He reviewed our position re non-interference PRSY internal affairs, regretting publicity anti-USG charges (e.g. re arms) without first seeking our explanation. Brewer noted USG seeks maintain friendly relations with Saudi Arabia as well as PRSYG but we not responsible for foreign policy of either. 4. Nu’man reiterated SAG responsible poor state Saudi-PRSY con- tacts. Brewer demurred, noting SAG had good reasons be concerned over hostile attitude PRSYG leaders. -
Yemen's National Dialogue
arab uprisings Yemen’s National Dialogue March 21, 2013 MOHAMMED HUWAIS/AFP/GETTY IMAGES HUWAIS/AFP/GETTY MOHAMMED POMEPS Briefings 19 Contents Overcoming the Pitfalls of Yemen’s National Dialogue . 5 Consolidating Uncertainty in Yemen . 7 Can Yemen be a Nation United? . 10 Yemen’s Southern Intifada . 13 Best Friends Forever for Yemen’s Revolutionaries? . 18 A Shake Up in Yemen’s GPC? . 21 Hot Pants: A Visit to Ousted Yemeni Leader Ali Abdullah Saleh’s New Presidential Museum . .. 23 Triage for a fracturing Yemen . 26 Building a Yemeni state while losing a nation . 32 Yemen’s Rocky Roadmap . 35 Don’t call Yemen a “failed state” . 38 The Project on Middle East Political Science The Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) is a collaborative network which aims to increase the impact of political scientists specializing in the study of the Middle East in the public sphere and in the academic community . POMEPS, directed by Marc Lynch, is based at the Institute for Middle East Studies at the George Washington University and is supported by the Carnegie Corporation and the Social Science Research Council . It is a co-sponsor of the Middle East Channel (http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com) . For more information, see http://www .pomeps .org . Online Article Index Overcoming the Pitfalls of Yemen’s National Dialogue http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2013/03/18/overcoming_the_pitfalls_of_yemen_s_national_dialogue Consolidating Uncertainty in Yemen http://mideast .foreignpolicy .com/posts/2013/02/22/consolidating_uncertainty_in_yemen -
Nicaragua: in Brief
Nicaragua: In Brief Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs September 14, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44560 Nicaragua: In Brief Summary This report discusses Nicaragua’s current politics, economic development and relations with the United States and provides context for Nicaragua’s controversial November 6, 2016, elections. After its civil war ended, Nicaragua began to establish a democratic government in the early 1990s. Its institutions remained weak, however, and they have become increasingly politicized since the late 1990s. Current President Daniel Ortega was a Sandinista (Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional, FSLN) leader when the Sandinistas overthrew the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza in 1979. Ortega was elected president in 1984. An electorate weary of war between the government and U.S.-backed contras denied him reelection in 1990. After three failed attempts, he won reelection in 2006, and again in 2011. He is expected to win a third term in November 2016 presidential elections. As in local, municipal, and national elections in recent years, the legitimacy of this election process is in question, especially after Ortega declared that no domestic or international observers would be allowed to monitor the elections and an opposition coalition was effectively barred from running in the 2016 elections. As a leader of the opposition in the legislature from 1990 to 2006, and as president since then, Ortega slowly consolidated Sandinista—and personal—control over Nicaraguan institutions. As Ortega has gained power, he reputedly has become one of the country’s wealthiest men. His family’s wealth and influence have grown as well, inviting comparisons to the Somoza family dictatorship. -
Failed States in Theoretical, Historical, and Policy Perspectives
Failed States in Theoretical, Historical, and Policy Perspectives Jean-Gennaln Gros 1 Introduction Olobalizalion and interdependence compel .. 10 think aftuh about how w. man. our joint acllvities and shared in ....su. for many chan..... that we confront today "'" beyond the "",c/l of anyone slate 10 meel o. I.. OWn. At the national level we must govern beI..r; Dnd at the international leve1 we must gO\'tm beuer wge.ther-. Bff'cctive states are es&erl(ial 10 both task •• Kofl Annan (2000) These words from a former secretary-general of the United Nations underscore one of the NAlilies and challenges of the post-Cold War era: the unsuitabilily of failed Slates in a world in which the solution 10 problems from global warming to poverty requires stales that can al:lon their own. as well as in unison with other stalCS and non-stale institulions. Annan's statement also confirms Ihat the sludy oHailed Slales has taken center slage in international relations. Some oflhe mosl innuential works include LWilliam Zanman's Col1opsed Slates 1995, which is concerned primarily with Africa. Robert Rotherg's Whell States Fail (2004) provides detailed and graphic descriptions of state failure and its conse quences. Rother,'s description of the failed state as "a polily that is no longer able Of willing to perform the fundamental IaSks of a nation-stale in the IIlQdern world" and his notion that "failure is a Iluid halting place, with movemenl back 10 weakness and forward into collapse always possible" underscore a fundamental aspect ofstate failure that is often ignored: its dynamic nature. -
Fragile Contexts in 2018
CHAPTER ELEVEN Leaving No Fragile State and No One Behind in a Prosperous World: A New Approach Landry Signé undreds of millions of people are left behind in fragile states despite the efforts of the international community to make progress on development Hand alleviate conflict. People in fragile states are victim to persistent poverty,1 enduring violence, poor public facilities, deteriorating infrastructure,2 limited civil and political liberties,3 deteriorating social conditions,4 minimal to nonexistent economic growth,5 and, often, humanitarian crises.6 Research and policies on state fragility build on concepts of limited state capacity, legitimacy, insecurity, stability and socioeconomic, demographic, human development, environmental, humanitarian, and gender contexts to determine states’ apparent effectiveness or ineffectiveness in fulfilling the role of the state. Within this -con text, fragility has become a catch- all concept encompassing fragile states, weak states, failed states, collapsing or decaying states, conflict- affected countries, post- conflict countries, brittle states, and states with limited legitimacy, author- ity, capacity, governance, security, and socioeconomic and human development. 1. Collier (2007). 2. Rotberg (2011). 3. Bah (2012). 4. Van de Walle (2004). 5. Brainard and Chollet (2007). 6. Nwozor (2018). The author would like to express his sincere appreciation to Payce Madden, Genevieve Jesse, and Elise El Nouchi, who contributed to the research, data analysis, fact- checking, and visual elements of this chapter. 239 Kharas-McArthur-Ohno_Leave No One Behind_i-xii_1-340.indd 239 9/6/19 1:57 PM 240 Landry Signé When used without conceptual clarification and contextual consideration, as is often the case, the concept of fragility lacks usefulness for policymakers, as the various types, drivers, scopes, levels, and contexts of fragility require differ- ent responses. -
Fondation Pierre Du Bois | Ch
N°2 | February 2021 Structures of Genocide: Making Sense of the New War for Nagorno-Karabakh Joel Veldkamp * “Terrorists we’re fighting and we’re never gonna stop The prostitutes who prosecute have failed us from the start Can you see us?” - System of a Down, “Genocidal Humanoidz” On December 10, 2020, Turkey and Azerbaijan held a joint victory parade in Azerbaijan’s capital of Baku. Turkey’s president Tayyib Recep Erdogan and Azerbaijan’s president Ilham Aliyev stood together on a dais in front of twenty Turkish and Azerbaijani flags, as 3,000 members of the Azerbaijani Armed Forces marched by, displaying military hardware captured from their Armenian foes. Military bands played the anthems of the old Ottoman Empire, the Turkish dynasty that ruled much of the Middle East in the name of Islam until World War I. Azerbaijani jets roared over the capital, dropping smoke in the green, blue and red colors of the Azerbaijani flag. Certainly, there was much to celebrate. In forty-four days of brutal combat, Azerbaijani forces reversed the humiliating defeat they experienced at Armenia’s hands in 1994 and recaptured much of the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. Turkey worked with Azerbaijan hand-in-glove during the war, supplying it with weapons, providing intelligence and air support, and bringing in thousands of battle-hardened fighters from Syria to fight on the ground.1 The victory opened up the possibility that the hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis driven from Armenian-occupied territory in the first Karabakh war, many of whom had lived for decades in squalid camps in Baku and its environs, would be able to go home.2 It was an impressive vindication of the alliance of these two Turkish states, exemplifying their alliance’s motto, “two states, one nation.” But a darker spirit was on display during the parade. -
Political Instability in Yemen (1962- 2014)
T.C. ANKARA YILDIRIM BEYAZIT UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN YEMEN (1962- 2014) MASTER’S THESIS Sohaib Abdulhameed Abdulsalam SHAMSAN DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ANKARA, 2020 T.C. ANKARA YILDIRIM BEYAZIT UNIVERSITY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN YEMEN (1962- 2014) MASTER’S THESIS Sohaib Abdulhameed Abdulsalam SHAMSAN DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Prof. Dr. Yılmaz BINGÖL ANKARA 2020 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences __________________________ Assoc. Prof. Dr. Seyfullah YILDIRIM Manager of Institute of Social Science I certify that this thesis satisfies the entire requirement as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science and Public Administration. ___________________________ Prof. Dr. Yılmaz Bingöl Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Arts. ___________________________ Prof. Dr. Yılmaz Bingöl Supervisor Examining Committee Members: 1. Prof. Dr. Yılmaz BİNGÖL AYBU, PSPA ________________________ 2. Assist. Prof. Dr Güliz Dinç. AYBU, PSPA ________________________ 3. Prof. Dr. Murat ÖNDER ASBÜ ________________________ DECLARATION I hereby declare that all information in this document obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Sohaib Abdulhameed Abdulsalam SHAMSAN ___________________________ ACKNOWLEDGEMENT First, I wish to show my gratitude to, and express my sincere appreciation to my supervisor, Professor Dr. -
ORF Issue Brief 17 FINAL
EARCH S F E O R U R N E D V A R T E I O S N B O ORF ISSUE BRIEF APRIL 2009 ISSUE BRIEF # 17 Military-militant nexus in Pakistan and implications for peace with India By Wilson John n November 26, 2008, 10 terrorists who There is otherwise substantial evidence that shows attacked Mumbai undid in less than 60 the Mumbai attack was planned and executed with Ohours what governments of two the help of present and former ISI and Army sovereign nations had been struggling for over four officers who form part of a clandestine group set up years to achieve-peace and stability in the region. to pursue the Army's duplicitous policy of These terrorists were from Pakistan, recruited, protecting its allies among the terrorist groups trained and armed by Lashkar-e-Tayyeba (LeT), a operating within the country while fighting others terrorist group with visible presence across the for the US as part of the Global War on Terror.1 country. The group has clear allegiance to the global terrorist groups like al Qaida and has a presence in This strategic military-militant collusion in Pakistan, over 21 countries. which shows no signs of breaking up, will remain the most critical stumbling block in any future It is well known that terrorist groups like LeT could attempt to mend the relationship between India and not have weathered eight years of global sanctions Pakistan. Arguing the case for dismantling the without the support of the State, and in case of terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan as a pre- Pakistan, it has to be the Pakistan Army and its condition for reviving the peace process, this paper intelligence agency, ISI.