Ten Facts About Inequality in Advanced Economies (Presentation, October

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Ten Facts About Inequality in Advanced Economies (Presentation, October Peterson Institute for International Economics 17 October 2019 Ten facts about inequality in advanced economies Lucas Chancel Co-director and Senior Economist World Inequality Lab, Paris School of Economics This presentation: the inequality landscape in advanced economies Survey paper « Ten key facts about inequality in advanced economies » 1. Inequality data remains scarce in the digital age 2. Income inequality is on the rise after a historical decline 3. Nations became richer but govts. became poorer 4. Capital is back, for a few 5. No sign of a new normal since the Great Recession 2 This presentation: the inequality landscape in advanced economies Survey paper « Ten key facts about inequality in advanced economies » 6. Global inequality is now more about class than nationality 7. Higher inequality is associated with less social mobility 8. Gender and racial inequalities remain high, particularly at the top 9. Predistribution policies drive US/EU growth differentials at the bottom 10. Progressive taXation is key to curb extreme inequality at the top 3 Inequality data remains scarce in the digital age 4 Reconciling national capital income and A significantcapital share of capital income income is reportednot recorded onon taX taxrecords returns Composition of capital income in the US, 1916-2012 From taxable to total capital income 30% 25% Non-filers & Retained earnings other 20% 2/3 not Corporate income tax reported on 15% Income paid to pensions & tax data insurance % of national income 10% Imputed rents + property tax 5% Didivends, interest, rents & profits reported on tax returns 0% 1916 1920 1924 1928 1932 1936 1940 1944 1948 1952 1956 1960 1964 1968 1972 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 Source: Appendix Table I-S.A8. Source: Piketty, Saez, Zucman (2018) 5 Distributional national accounts: systematic combination of survey, taX and national accounts data to distribute 100% of macroeconomic growth Top 10% income share in Germany and France, 1995-2015: Survey vs. tax vs. Distributional National Accounts (DINA) Germany France Top 10% DINA Survey+Tax+Nat. Acc. Top 10% DINA Survey+Tax+Nat. Acc. Top 10% Tax Top 10% Tax Top 10% Top 10% Survey Survey Source: Author based on Blanchet, Chancel and Gethin (2019) 6 Income inequality is on the rise after a historical decline 7 After a historical decline, income inequality rose at different speeds Top 1% income share across the world, 1900-2018 (decennial averages) 2525 2020 1515 1010 % national income % national income 55 00 19001900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1980 1990 1990 2000 2000 2010 2010 India RussiaUSA USA Western Europe China 8 Source: Author based on WID.world (2019) After a historical decline, income inequality rose at different speeds Top 1% income share across the world, 1900-2018 (decennial averages) 2525 2020 1515 % total income 1010 % national income % national income 55 00 19001900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1980 1990 1990 2000 2000 2010 2010 IndiaUSA RussiaWesternUSA EuropeUSA WesternJapan EuropeAU-NZ China 9 Source: Author based on WID.world (2019) 52 How Unequal Is Europe? In the US, the bottom 50% income share collapsed. The fall was much more contained in Europe. Figure 26: Income inequality trends in Europe and the US, 1980-2017 Top 1% and bottom 50%(a) pretax Bottomincome 50%shares vs. Topin Europe 1% income and the EU, shares 1980-2017 United States Europe 25 25 22.5 22.5 20 20 17.5 17.5 15 15 12.5 12.5 Share of national income (%) 10 10 7.5 7.5 5 5 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 Bottom 50% Top 1% Source: Author based Blanchet, Chancel and Gethin (2019) and Piketty, Saez and Zucman (2018) 10 (b) Growth Incidence Curves 700 600 500 400 300 200 Total income growth (%) Total 100 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 99 99.9 99.99 99.999 Income group (percentile) United States Europe Source: authors’ computations combining surveys, tax data and national accounts for Europe; Piketty, Saez, and Zucman (2018) for the United States. WID.world Working Paper 2019–6 Capital is back, for a few 11 Wealth inequality has been rising at different speeds since the 1980s Top 1% wealth share in the US and Europe, 1910-2014 70% 60% France United Kingdom 50% USA Sweden 40% 30% 20% Top 1% personal wealth share Top 10% 0% 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 Source: Author using WID.world data. Distribution of per adult personal wealth. 12 The return of wealth inequality in the US is mainly driven by the very top of the distribution. Dynamic of savings rate played a huge role in driving these trends. Wealth inequality in the US, 1913-2012 30% 25% Top 1-0.1% 20% 15% 10% Top 0.1% Share of household wealth (%) 5% 0% 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 Source: Saez and Zucman (2016) 13 Wealth at the top grew 3x faster than avg. wealth, 9X faster than avg. income Annual real wealth growth per adult, 1987-2017 Wealth group US + EU Top 1/100 million (Forbes) 8.9% Top 1/20 million (Forbes) 8.8% Top 0.01% (WID.world) 6.1% Top 0.1% (WID.world) 4.9% Top 1% (WID.world) 4.0% Average wealth 2.7% Average income 1.0% Source: Author based on WID.world (2019) and Blanchet (2018) 14 Nations have become richer but governments have become poor 15 exeCutIve summary iii. why does the eVolution of PriVate and PubliC CaPital ownershiP matter for inequality? Economic inequality is largely driven by the unequal ownership of capital, which can be either privately or public owned. We show that since 1980, very large transfers of public to private wealth occurred in nearly all countries, whether rich or emerging. While national wealth has substantially increased, public wealth is now negative or close to zero in rich countries. Arguably this limits the ability of governments to tackle inequality; certainly, it has important implica- tions for wealth inequality among individuals. over the past decades, countries have ▶ the ratio of net private wealth to net become richer but governments have national income gives insight into the total become poor. value of wealth commanded by individuals in Net private wealth has risen since the 1970s while public wealth collapsed Figure e6 thePrivate rise of privateand public capital andcapital the fall in of rich publiccountries, capital in rich 1970 countries,-2015 1970–2016 800% 700% Private capital 600% Spain UK 500% Japan France 400% US Germany 300% 200% Public capital 100% 0% Value of net public and private wealth (% of national income) -100% 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 16 Source: Alvaredo, Chancel, Piketty, Saez and Zucman (2018) Source: WID.world (2017). See wir2018.wid.world for data series and notes. In 2015, the value of net public wealth (or public capital) in the US was negative (-17% of net national income) while the value of net private wealth or private capital as o national income In , net public ealth amounted to o national income hile the fgure as or net private wealth. Net private wealth is equal to new private assets minus net private debt. Net public wealth is equal to public assets minus public debt. 14 World inequAlity report 2018 Higher inequality is associated with lower social mobility Absolute mobility (% children earning more than their parents) declined in the US since the 1970s while relative mobility (% low income individuals making it to the top) was broadly stable. Absolute income mobility in the US, 1970-2014 In 1970, 92% of 100% Americans aged 30 earned more than 90% their parents. 80% 70% 60% In 2014, 50% of Percentage of children earning more than their parents at age 30 Americans aged 50% 30 earned more than their parents. 40% 1940 1945 1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 Birth cohort Source: based on data from Chetty et al., 2017. 18 Gender and racial inequalities remain high after a historical decline 19 Gender inequality declined since the 1960s thanks to the rise of female participation & reduction of gender pay gap, but the gap remains high. Gender inequality in the US, 1962-2014 (average pretax labor income of men aged 20-64 / of women aged 20-64) In 2014, men earned 75% more than women Source: Piketty, Saez and Zucman, 2018. Men and women aged 20-64. 20 Gender inequality remains particularly high at the top of the distribution in rich countries Share of women by income group in France, 1970-2012 Source: Garbinti, Goupille and Piketty, 2018 21 Equal access to education, health and well-paid jobs are key to lift pretax income at the bottom of the distribution 22 Growth divergence at the bottom in EU and US is pretaX not posttaX: key role of « predistribution » Bottom 50% pretax income growth in Europe and the EU, 1980-2017 Source: Blanchet, Chancel and Gethin (2019). US data from Piketty et al. (2018). 23 Part v taCklinG eConomiC inequality Inequality in access to higher education is particularly strong in the US Figure 5.4.1 CollegeCollege attendance attendance rates and rate parent and incomeparent rankincome in the rank us infor the children US for born children in 1980–1982 born in 1980-1982 100% ~90% of children 80% from the top 10% US attend college 60% between age 18-21 (%) 18-21 age between 40% ~30% of children Share of children who attend college college attend who children of Share from the bot. 20% US attend college 20% 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Parent income rank Source: Chetty, Hendren, Kline and Saez (2014).
Recommended publications
  • Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948-2020 Amory Gethin, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty
    Brahmin Left versus Merchant Right: Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948-2020 Amory Gethin, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty To cite this version: Amory Gethin, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty. Brahmin Left versus Merchant Right: Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948-2020. 2021. halshs-03226118 HAL Id: halshs-03226118 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03226118 Preprint submitted on 14 May 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2021/15 Brahmin Left versus Merchant Right: Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948-2020 Amory Gethin Clara Martínez-Toledano Thomas Piketty May 2021 Brahmin Left versus Merchant Right: Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948-2020 Amory Gethin Clara Martínez-Toledano Thomas Piketty May 5, 2021 Abstract This paper provides new evidence on the long-run evolution of political cleavages in 21 Western democracies by exploiting a new database on the vote by socioeconomic characteristic covering over 300 elections held between 1948 and 2020. In the 1950s-1960s, the vote for democratic, labor, social democratic, socialist, and affiliated parties was associated with lower-educated and low-income voters.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: the Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel, Thomas Piketty
    Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel, Thomas Piketty To cite this version: Lucas Chancel, Thomas Piketty. Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality. 2021. halshs-03321887 HAL Id: halshs-03321887 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03321887 Preprint submitted on 18 Aug 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2021/19 Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel Thomas Piketty This version: July 2021 World Inequality Lab 1 Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel1,2, Thomas Piketty1,3 This version: July 2021 Abstract. In this paper, we mobilize newly available historical series from the World Inequality Database to construct world income distribution estimates from 1820 to 2020. We find that the level of global income inequality has always been very large, reflecting the persistence of a highly hierarchical world economic system. Global inequality increased between 1820 and 1910, in the context of the rise of Western dominance and colonial empires, and then stabilized at a very high level between 1910 and 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Highlights from the World Inequality Report 2018 Lucas Chancel
    Globalization, Growth, and Inequality: Highlights from the World Inequality Report 20181 Lucas Chancel 1 What is the aim of the World Inequality Report 2018? • The objective of the World Inequality Report 2018 is to contribute to a more informed global democratic debate on economic inequality by bringing the latest and most complete data to the public discussion. • Economic inequality is widespread and to some extent inevitable. It is our belief, however, that if rising inequality is not properly monitored and addressed, it can have catastrophic polit- ical, economic, and social consequences. We do not seek to bring everyone into agreement regarding inequality; this will never happen, for the simple reason that no single scientific truth exists about the ideal level of inequality, let alone the most socially desirable mix of pol- icies and institutions to achieve such a level. Ultimately, it is a matter for public deliberation, political institutions, and their processes to make these difficult decisions. • But this deliberative process requires more rigorous and transparent information on income and wealth that reconciles macroeconomic phenomena with microeconomic trends in inequal- ity, which can often contradict each other. Generating this information is not a straightforward exercise, however, given that many countries do not publicly release, or may not even pro- duce, detailed and consistent income and wealth inequality statistics. • To overcome these limitations, we combine all data sources at our disposal in a systematic and transparent manner: national income and wealth accounts (including, when possible, es- timates of offshore wealth); household income and wealth surveys; fiscal data coming from taxes on income; inheritance and wealth data (when they exist); and wealth rankings.
    [Show full text]
  • The Inequality Virus Bringing Together a World Torn Apart by Coronavirus Through a Fair, Just and Sustainable Economy
    Adam Dicko is a Malian activist, fighting for social justice in the times of COVID-19 © Xavier Thera/Oxfam The Inequality Virus Bringing together a world torn apart by coronavirus through a fair, just and sustainable economy www.oxfam.org OXFAM BRIEFING PAPER – JANUARY 2021 The coronavirus pandemic has the potential to lead to an increase in inequality in almost every country at once, the first time this has happened since records began. The virus has exposed, fed off and increased existing inequalities of wealth, gender and race. Over two million people have died, and hundreds of millions of people are being forced into poverty while many of the richest – individuals and corporations – are thriving. Billionaire fortunes returned to their pre-pandemic highs in just nine months, while recovery for the world’s poorest people could take over a decade. The crisis has exposed our collective frailty and the inability of our deeply unequal economy to work for all. Yet it has also shown us the vital importance of government action to protect our health and livelihoods. Transformative policies that seemed unthinkable before the crisis have suddenly been shown to be possible. There can be no return to where we were before. Instead, citizens and governments must act on the urgency to create a more equal and sustainable world. 2 © Oxfam International January 2021 This paper was written by Esmé Berkhout, Nick Galasso, Max Lawson, Pablo Andrés Rivero Morales, Anjela Taneja, and Diego Alejo Vázquez Pimentel. Oxfam acknowledges the assistance of Jaime
    [Show full text]
  • Global and Country Perspectives on a New Agenda
    ONE Technology, Change, and a New Growth Agenda ZIA QURESHI lobal economic growth has been lackluster for more than a de cade Gnow. Growth slowed sharply after the global financial crisis of 2007–08, but the under lying growth trajectory had started to weaken in most major economies well before the crisis. Recovery from the shock of the crisis has been uneven and, in general, slow and weak. Growth appeared to pick up steam in a synchronized way across economies in 2017 and early 2018, but the acceleration proved short- lived and faded by late 2018.1 The per sis tent sluggish growth is happening at a time when the global economy has been exposed to impor tant forces of change. Foremost among these has been technology. There has been a boom in new technolo- gies, spearheaded by digital technologies. Technology- enabled innova- tion is a major spur to productivity growth, the key driver of long- term economic growth. Yet, paradoxically, productivity growth has slowed rather than accelerated in most economies. Among advanced economies 3 01-3775-9-ch01.indd 3 1/16/20 8:41 PM 4 ZIA QURESHI since approximately 2005, growth in productivity has averaged barely half of the pace of the previous fifteen years.2 There is much ongoing debate on this “productivity paradox”— why has productivity slowed amid a wave of technological advances?3 Firms at the technological frontier have reaped major productivity gains from these advances, but the impact on productivity more widely across firms and the economy at large has been weak. The new technologies have tended to produce “winner- takes- most” outcomes.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond GDP-Measuring What Matters
    ART ANALYSIS AND RESEARCH TEAM 19 May 2021 Issues paper BEYOND GDP: MEASURING WHAT MATTERS GDP has long been the standard way of measuring and comparing the economic performance of countries, but it cannot on its own give a complete picture of the well-being of a community. That requires the use of additional indicators that go beyond the purely economic. With the digital and green transitions set to shape our future, and as we emerge from the COVID-19 pandemic, we have an opportunity to develop the phrase ‘beyond GDP’ from a well-intentioned slogan to a tool that can help inform a more structured debate on social and environmental issues. However, as this paper shows, this requires addressing at least two key issues. The first of these is the selection and endorsement of indicators. This is important since the value of this exercise will depend on the extent to which indicators win political acceptance both within and beyond the EU. The second issue is how such indicators are to be used - will they be used for communication purposes, or as input to the policy-making process, or both? Unless there is clarity on these issues, ‘beyond GDP’ risks remaining an empty shell. Disclaimer: The opinions expressed are solely those of the author(s). In no case should they be considered or construed as representing an official position of the Council of the European Union or the European Council. © European Union, 2021 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. Any question or comment should be addressed to [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Asian Development Review: Volume 38, Number 1
    Asian Development Review Volume 38 2021 Number 1 Seasonal Labor Mobility in the Pacifi c: Past Impacts, Future Prospects John Gibson and Rochelle-Lee Bailey Population Aging and the Three Demographic Dividends in Asia Naohiro Ogawa, Norma Mansor, Sang-Hyop Lee, Michael R.M. Abrigo, and Tahir Aris What’s Happened to Poverty and Inequality in Indonesia over Half a Century? Hal Hill Does Computer-Aided Instruction Improve Children’s Cognitive and Noncognitive Skills? Hirotake Ito, Keiko Kasai, Hiromu Nishiuchi, and Makiko Nakamuro Education–Occupation Mismatch and Its Wage Penalties in Informal Employment in Thailand Tanthaka Vivatsurakit and Jessica Vechbanyongratana International Comparisons of Poverty in South Asia TM Tonmoy Islam, David Newhouse, and Monica Yanez-Pagans Government Intervention, Institutional Quality, and Income Inequality: Evidence from Asia and the Pacifi c, 1988–2014 Bertrand Blancheton and Dina Chhorn Social Capital and Innovation in East Asia Seo-Young Cho AADEV3801-Cover.inddDEV3801-Cover.indd 1 22/24/21/24/21 99:30:30 AAMM EDITOR YASUYUKI SAWADA, Asian Development Bank TETSUSHI SONOBE, Asian Development Bank Institute MANAGING EDITOR JESUS FELIPE, Asian Development Bank EDITORIAL TEAM GEMMA ESTHER B. ESTRADA, Asian Development Bank MARIA SUSAN M. TORRES, Asian Development Bank MARY ANN M. MAGADIA, Asian Development Bank EDITORIAL BOARD KYM ANDERSON, University of Adelaide AHMED MUSHFIQ MOBARAK, Yale University PREMA-CHANDRA ATHUKORALA, NANCY QIAN, Northwestern University Australian National University KRISLERT SAMPHANTHARAK,
    [Show full text]
  • Ten Facts About Inequality in Advanced Economies
    WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2019/15 Ten facts about inequality in advanced economies Lucas Chancel October 2019 Ten facts about inequality in advanced economies Lucas Chancel1,2 This version: October 16th, 2019 This paper presents 10 basic facts regarding inequality in advanced economies. Income and wealth inequality was very high a century ago, dropped in the 20th century, and has been rising at different speeds across countries since the 1980s. The financial crisis of 2008 does not appear to have inverted this trend. At the global level, while between-country inequality mattered more than within-country inequality in the 1980s, it is the opposite today. The rise of inequality has not been counterbalanced by an increase social mobility. The reduction of gender pay gaps has tempered the rise of inequality in recent decades, but gender inequality remains particularly high among top income and wealth groups. Racial inequalities remain large as well. Evidence suggests that trade and technology alone cannot explain large inequality variations across rich countries. Shifts in tax and wage setting policies, as well as differences in educational and health systems matter a lot. 1 World Inequality Lab, Paris School of Economics 2 Sciences Po Postal address: World Inequality Lab at the Paris School of Economics, 48 Bd Jourdan, 75014 Paris. Contact: [email protected]. The author would like to thank Tancrède Voituriez, Olivier Blanchard and Dani Rodrik, Thomas Blanchet as well as colleagues at the World Inequality Lab for comments. Thanks to Abhijit Tagade for excellent research assistance. Introduction Inequality in high-income countries has attracted significant attention in recent years among academics, international organizations, civil society and policymakers1.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: the Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality
    World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2021/19 Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel Thomas Piketty This version: July 2021 World Inequality Lab 1 Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel1,2, Thomas Piketty1,3 This version: July 2021 Abstract. In this paper, we mobilize newly available historical series from the World Inequality Database to construct world income distribution estimates from 1820 to 2020. We find that the level of global income inequality has always been very large, reflecting the persistence of a highly hierarchical world economic system. Global inequality increased between 1820 and 1910, in the context of the rise of Western dominance and colonial empires, and then stabilized at a very high level between 1910 and 2020. Between 1820 and 1910, both between-country and within-country inequality were increasing. In contrast, these two components of global inequality have moved separately between 1910 and 2020: within-country inequality dropped in 1910- 1980 (while between-country inequality kept increasing) but rose in 1980-2020 (while between-country inequality started to decline). As a consequence of these contradictory and compensating evolutions, early 21st century neo-colonial capitalism involves similar levels of inequality as early 20th century colonial capitalism, though it is based upon a different set of rules and institutions. We also discuss how alternative rules such as fiscal revenue sharing could lead to a significant drop in global inequality. JEL Codes: D31, N30, O15 www.wid.world/longrun 1 World Inequality Lab, Paris School of Economics 2 Sciences Po 3 Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales [email protected] and [email protected] 2 Section 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bay Area-Silicon Valley and India Convergence and Alignment in the Innovation Age Project Lead Sponsors
    June 2019 The Bay Area-Silicon Valley and India Convergence and Alignment in the Innovation Age Project Lead Sponsors Project Supporting Sponsors ABOUT THE BAY AREA COUNCIL ECONOMIC INSTITUTE Since 1990, the Bay Area Council Economic Institute and the state, including infrastructure, globalization, has been the leading think tank focused on the science and technology, and health policy. It is guided economic and policy issues facing the San Francisco by a Board of Advisors drawn from influential leaders in Bay Area-Silicon Valley, one of the most dynamic regions the corporate, academic, non-profit, and government in the United States and the world’s leading center sectors. The Institute is housed at and supported by for technology and innovation. A valued forum for the Bay Area Council, a public policy organization that stakeholder engagement and a respected source of includes hundreds of the region’s largest employers information and fact-based analysis, the Institute is a and is committed to keeping the Bay Area the trusted partner and adviser to both business leaders world’s most competitive economy and best place and government officials. Through its economic and to live. The Institute also supports and manages the policy research and its many partnerships, the Institute Bay Area Science and Innovation Consortium (BASIC), addresses major factors impacting the competitiveness, a partnership of Northern California’s leading scientific economic development and quality of life of the region research laboratories and thinkers. Contents Executive Summary ...................................................4 CHAPTER 6 Information Technology: Upward Mobility .............51 Introduction ...............................................................7 Government Initiatives ............................................. 54 CHAPTER 1 Trends ...................................................................... 55 India’s Economy: Poised for Takeoff .........................9 The Bay Area-IT Connection Shifts ........................
    [Show full text]
  • How Large Are African Inequalities? Towards Distributional National Accounts in Africa, 1990-2017
    WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2019/13 How Large Are African Inequalities? Towards Distributional National Accounts in Africa, 1990-2017 Lucas Chancel Denis Cogneau Amory Gethin Alix Myczkowski October 2019 How large are African inequalities? Towards Distributional National Accounts in Africa, 1990-2017∗ Lucas Chancel Denis Cogneau Amory Gethin Alix Myczkowski This version: Tuesday 1st October, 2019 Abstract This paper makes a first attempt to estimate the evolution of income inequality in Africa from 1990 to 2017 by combining surveys, tax data and national accounts in a systematic manner. The low quality of the raw data calls for a lot of caution. Results suggest that income inequality in Africa is very high, and stands at par with Latin America or India in that respect. Southern and Central Africa are particularly unequal. The bulk of continent-wide income inequality comes from the within country component, and the between country component was even slightly reduced in the two last decades, due to higher growth in poorer countries. Inequality was rather stable over the period, with the exception of Southern Africa. Dualism between agriculture and other sectors and mining rents seem to be important determinants of inequality. ∗We thank Thomas Blanchet, Leo´ Czajka, Ignacio Flores and Thanasak Jenmana for their useful advices and helpful comments. 1 Introduction Despite strong economic growth in many African countries, human development and poverty indicators have not progressed as expected. This phenomenon has fueled a renewed interest for the study of inequality in Africa: it was seen as one of the main causes of the weak poverty-alleviation elasticity of growth.
    [Show full text]
  • Carbon and Inequality: from Kyoto to Paris Trends in the Global Inequality of Carbon Emissions (1998-2013) & Prospects for an Equitable Adaptation Fund
    WID.world WORKING PAPER SERIES N° 2015/7 Carbon and inequality: From Kyoto to Paris Trends in the global inequality of carbon emissions (1998-2013) & prospects for an equitable adaptation fund Lucas Chancel Thomas Piketty November 2015 World Inequality Lab PSE | November 2015 Carbon and inequality: from Kyoto to Paris Abstract. This study presents evolutions in in proportion to their emissions in excess of this the global distribution of CO2e emissions (CO2 and threshold. North Americans would then contrib- other Green House Gases) between world individ- ute to 46% of the fund, vs. 16% for Europeans, 12% uals from 1998 and 2013 and examines diferent for China. In strategy 3, the efort is shared by all strategies to fnance a global climate adaptation top 1% emitters in the world (i.e. all individuals fund based on eforts shared among high world emitting more than 9.1 times world average emis- emitters rather than high-income countries. To sions). North Americans would then contribute to this end, we combine data on historical trends in 57% of the tax, vs. 15% for Europeans, 6% for Chi- per capita country-level CO2e emissions, consump- na. In these strategies, European contributions to tion-based CO2e emissions data, within-country adaptation fnance would decrease in proportion income inequality and a simple income-CO2e compared to today, but substantially increase in elasticity model. We show that global CO2e emis- absolute terms. In these strategies, European con- sions inequalities between individuals decreased tributions to adaptation fnance would decrease in from Kyoto to Paris, due to the rise of top and mid proportion compared to today, but largely increase income groups in developing countries and the in absolute terms.
    [Show full text]