Carbon and Inequality: from Kyoto to Paris

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Carbon and Inequality: from Kyoto to Paris PSE | November 2015 Carbon and inequality: from Kyoto to Paris Carbon and inequality: from Kyoto to Paris Trends in the global inequality of carbon emissions (1998-2013) & prospects for an equitable adaptation fund Lucas Chancel, Iddri & Paris School of Economics Thomas Piketty, Paris School of Economics 3RD NOVEMBER, 2015 1 PSE | November 2015 Carbon and inequality: from Kyoto to Paris Abstract. This study presents evolutions in in proportion to their emissions in excess of this the global distribution of CO2e emissions (CO2 and threshold. North Americans would then contrib- other Green House Gases) between world individ- ute to 46% of the fund, vs. 16% for Europeans, 12% uals from 1998 and 2013 and examines diferent for China. In strategy 3, the efort is shared by all strategies to fnance a global climate adaptation top 1% emitters in the world (i.e. all individuals fund based on eforts shared among high world emitting more than 9.1 times world average emis- emitters rather than high-income countries. To sions). North Americans would then contribute to this end, we combine data on historical trends in 57% of the tax, vs. 15% for Europeans, 6% for Chi- per capita country-level CO2e emissions, consump- na. In these strategies, European contributions to tion-based CO2e emissions data, within-country adaptation fnance would decrease in proportion income inequality and a simple income-CO2e compared to today, but substantially increase in elasticity model. We show that global CO2e emis- absolute terms. In these strategies, European con- sions inequalities between individuals decreased tributions to adaptation fnance would decrease in from Kyoto to Paris, due to the rise of top and mid proportion compared to today, but largely increase income groups in developing countries and the in absolute terms. American contributions would relative stagnation of incomes and emissions of increase both in absolute and relative terms. We the majority of the population in industrialized also discuss possible implementations via coun- economies. Income and CO2e emissions inequali- try-level carbon and income taxes or via a gen- ties however increased within countries over the eralized progressive tax on air tickets to fnance period. Global CO2e emissions remain highly con- the adaptation fund. This latter solution might be centrated today: top 10% emitters contribute to easier to implement but less well targeted at top about 45% of global emissions, while bottom 50% emitters. emitters contribute to 13% of global emissions. Top 10% emitters live on all continents, with one Disclaimer: Responsibility for the views ex- third of them from emerging countries. pressed in this study lies entirely with the authors The new geography of global emitters calls and does not necessarily refect those of the Paris for climate action in all countries. While devel- School of Economics or Iddri. oped and developing countries already engaged in mitigation eforts, contributions to climate ad- Acknowledgments: The authors are partic- aptation funds remain almost entirely fnanced ularly grateful to Branko Milanovic, Christopher by developed nations, and for the most part by Lakner, Paul Segal, Sudhir Anand, Glenn Peters, Europe (62%). In order to increase climate adap- Robbie Andrews, the Iddri team and Julia Stein- tation fnance and better align contributions to berger for their comments and/or help with the the new distribution of high emitters, we examine provision of specifc data sources. the implications of a global progressive carbon tax to raise €150 billion required annually for cli- CONTACT mate adaptation. In strategy 1, all emitters above [email protected] world average emissions (i.e. all individuals emit- [email protected] ting more than 6.2tCO2e per year) contribute to the scheme in proportion to their emissions in excess of this threshold. North Americans would contrib- ute to 36% of the fund, vs. 21% for Europeans, 15% for China, and 20 % for other countries. In strat- egy 2, the efort is shared by all top 10% emitters in the world (i.e. all individuals emitting more 2 than 2.3 times world average emissions), again PSE | November 2015 Carbon and inequality: from Kyoto to Paris TABLE DES MATIÈRES Résumé de l’étude en français 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary in English 9 Section 1. Introduction 12 Section 2. Climate adaptation funding: the gap 13 Section 3. Historical CO2e emissions: key facts and Figures 15 Section 3.1. Global CO2e budget and annual emissions 15 Section 3.2. Per capita emissions over time 15 Section 4. Combining income inequality statistics with CO2e emissions: a literature review 20 Section 4.1. CO2e emissions, living standards and income levels 20 Section 4.2. Previous work on the global distribution of CO2e emissions 22 Section 4.3. Recent research on the world distribution of income 24 Section 5. Our methodology 25 Section 5.1. Distribution of income 25 Section 5.2. Distribution of CO2e emissions 25 Section 5.3. Coverage of the study 27 Section 6. A global distribution of carbon emissions: from Kyoto to Paris 28 Section 6.1. From production to consumption-based emissions 28 Section 6.2. Where do high and low emitters live? 28 Section 6.3. Who is hiding behind the numbers? Focus on top, bottom and middle emitters 29 Section 6.4. How unequal are global carbon emissions? 31 Section 6.5. Who beneftted from the highest growth in CO2e emissions since Kyoto? 32 Section 6.6. Did global CO2e emission inequalities increase or decrease over the past decades? 33 Section 7. Financing adaptation via a global progressive carbon tax 35 Section 7.1. Proposed strategies for climate adaptation contributions 35 Section 7.2. Implementation via country-level progressive taxation 38 Section 7.3 Implementation via a global progressive tax on air tickets 38 Section 8. Conclusions and prospects for future research 40 Bibliography 41 Appendix Figures and Tables 44 3 PSE | November 2015 Carbon and inequality: from Kyoto to Paris LISTE DES FIGURES LISTE DES TABLEAUX Figure E.1. Répartition géographique des émetteurs Tableau E.4. Qui devrait contribuer aux fonds de CO2e 6 d’adaptation pour le climat? 7 Figure E.2. Comment les émissions de CO2e ont-elles évolué entre Kyoto et Paris LISTE OF TABLES pour diférents groupes d’émetteurs ? 6 Table E.4. Who should contribute to climate Figure E.3. Inégalités mondiales d’émissions de CO2e: adaptation funds? 11 importance des inégalités intra et inter pays 6 Table 1. Current per capita CO2e emissions 19 Table 2. Global GDP, Population LISTE OF FIGURES and GHG coverage (%) 27 Table 3. Current per capita CO2e emissions - Figure E.1. Breakdown of top 10, middle 40 consumption-based 28 and bottom 50% CO2e emitters 10 Table 4. Bottom global CO2e emitters, 2013 29 Figure E.2. How did CO2e emissions grow from Table 5. Top global CO2e emitters, 2013 29 Kyoto to Paris for diferent groups of emitters? 10 Table 6. Average world emitters in 2013 30 Figure E.3. World CO2e emissions inequalities: Table 7. CO2e emissions concentration shares within and between country importance 10 in 2013 (%) 31 Figure 1A. Contributors to global adaptation Table 8. Evolution of percentile ratios for CO2e funds (2014) 13 emissions 33 Figure 1.B. Distribution of current Table 9A. Population, mean emissions and world production-based CO2e emissions 14 shares in strategies 0-1 36 Figure 1.C. Distribution of cumulated Table 9B. Population, mean emissions and production-based historical CO2e emissions 14 world shares in strategies 2-3 36 Figure 2A. Share in global CO2e emissions Table 10. Implementation via country-level since 1820 16 progressive income taxation 37 Figure 2B. Share in cumulated global Table 11. Who should contribute to climate CO2e emissions since 1820 16 adaptation funds? 39 Figure 3. Global CO2e emissions per region, Table A.1. Income concentration shares from 1820 to today 17 over time (%) 48 Figure 4. Per capita CO2e emissions per world region 18 Figure 5. Regional composition of emissions per global CO2e quintile. 28 Figure 7. Regional composition of top 10, middle 40 and bottom 50% emitter groups 31 Figure 7. Growth of CO2e emissions from 1998 to 2013 32 Figure 8. Evolution of within & between country CO2e emissions inequalities 33 Figure A.0. List of countries and available years 44 Figure A.1. Breakdown of global GDP in 2014 46 Figure A.2. Breakdown of consumption-based CO2e emissions in 2013 46 Figure A.3. Distribution of world emitters according to GHG emission categories 47 Figure A.4. Income growth from 1998 to 2013 48 4 PSE | November 2015 Carbon and inequality: from Kyoto to Paris Carbone et inégalité: de Kyoto à Paris Evolution de l’inégalité mondiale des émissions de CO2 (1998-2013) et perspectives pour un fnancement équitable de l’adaptation RÉSUMÉ DE L’ÉTUDE 13% des émissions (Figure E.1). Les grands émet- EN FRANÇAIS teurs sont aujourd’hui sur tous les continents et un tiers d’entre eux vient des pays émergents. Cette étude analyse l’évolution des inégalités Parmi les individus les plus émetteurs de la pla- d’émissions de CO2e (CO2 et autres gaz à efet de nète en 2013, nos estimations mettent en avant les serre) entre individus, dans le monde entier, de 1% les plus riches Américains, Luxembourgeois, 1998 à 2013. Nous utilisons ces résultats pour Singapouriens et Saoudiens, avec des émissions construire et examiner diférentes stratégies de annuelles par personne supérieures à 200 tCO2e. fnancement d’un fond mondial pour l’adaptation A l’autre extrémité de la pyramide des émetteurs, au changement climatique, fondé sur un principe on retrouve les individus les plus pauvres du Hon- d’équité entre individus et non entre pays. A cette duras, du Mozambique, du Rwanda et du Malawi, fn, l’étude combine des données historiques sur avec des émissions 2000 fois plus faibles, proches l’évolution des inégalités de revenus à l’intérieur de 0,1 tCO2e par personne et par an.
Recommended publications
  • Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948-2020 Amory Gethin, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty
    Brahmin Left versus Merchant Right: Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948-2020 Amory Gethin, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty To cite this version: Amory Gethin, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty. Brahmin Left versus Merchant Right: Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948-2020. 2021. halshs-03226118 HAL Id: halshs-03226118 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03226118 Preprint submitted on 14 May 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2021/15 Brahmin Left versus Merchant Right: Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948-2020 Amory Gethin Clara Martínez-Toledano Thomas Piketty May 2021 Brahmin Left versus Merchant Right: Changing Political Cleavages in 21 Western Democracies, 1948-2020 Amory Gethin Clara Martínez-Toledano Thomas Piketty May 5, 2021 Abstract This paper provides new evidence on the long-run evolution of political cleavages in 21 Western democracies by exploiting a new database on the vote by socioeconomic characteristic covering over 300 elections held between 1948 and 2020. In the 1950s-1960s, the vote for democratic, labor, social democratic, socialist, and affiliated parties was associated with lower-educated and low-income voters.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: the Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel, Thomas Piketty
    Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel, Thomas Piketty To cite this version: Lucas Chancel, Thomas Piketty. Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality. 2021. halshs-03321887 HAL Id: halshs-03321887 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03321887 Preprint submitted on 18 Aug 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2021/19 Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel Thomas Piketty This version: July 2021 World Inequality Lab 1 Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel1,2, Thomas Piketty1,3 This version: July 2021 Abstract. In this paper, we mobilize newly available historical series from the World Inequality Database to construct world income distribution estimates from 1820 to 2020. We find that the level of global income inequality has always been very large, reflecting the persistence of a highly hierarchical world economic system. Global inequality increased between 1820 and 1910, in the context of the rise of Western dominance and colonial empires, and then stabilized at a very high level between 1910 and 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Highlights from the World Inequality Report 2018 Lucas Chancel
    Globalization, Growth, and Inequality: Highlights from the World Inequality Report 20181 Lucas Chancel 1 What is the aim of the World Inequality Report 2018? • The objective of the World Inequality Report 2018 is to contribute to a more informed global democratic debate on economic inequality by bringing the latest and most complete data to the public discussion. • Economic inequality is widespread and to some extent inevitable. It is our belief, however, that if rising inequality is not properly monitored and addressed, it can have catastrophic polit- ical, economic, and social consequences. We do not seek to bring everyone into agreement regarding inequality; this will never happen, for the simple reason that no single scientific truth exists about the ideal level of inequality, let alone the most socially desirable mix of pol- icies and institutions to achieve such a level. Ultimately, it is a matter for public deliberation, political institutions, and their processes to make these difficult decisions. • But this deliberative process requires more rigorous and transparent information on income and wealth that reconciles macroeconomic phenomena with microeconomic trends in inequal- ity, which can often contradict each other. Generating this information is not a straightforward exercise, however, given that many countries do not publicly release, or may not even pro- duce, detailed and consistent income and wealth inequality statistics. • To overcome these limitations, we combine all data sources at our disposal in a systematic and transparent manner: national income and wealth accounts (including, when possible, es- timates of offshore wealth); household income and wealth surveys; fiscal data coming from taxes on income; inheritance and wealth data (when they exist); and wealth rankings.
    [Show full text]
  • The Inequality Virus Bringing Together a World Torn Apart by Coronavirus Through a Fair, Just and Sustainable Economy
    Adam Dicko is a Malian activist, fighting for social justice in the times of COVID-19 © Xavier Thera/Oxfam The Inequality Virus Bringing together a world torn apart by coronavirus through a fair, just and sustainable economy www.oxfam.org OXFAM BRIEFING PAPER – JANUARY 2021 The coronavirus pandemic has the potential to lead to an increase in inequality in almost every country at once, the first time this has happened since records began. The virus has exposed, fed off and increased existing inequalities of wealth, gender and race. Over two million people have died, and hundreds of millions of people are being forced into poverty while many of the richest – individuals and corporations – are thriving. Billionaire fortunes returned to their pre-pandemic highs in just nine months, while recovery for the world’s poorest people could take over a decade. The crisis has exposed our collective frailty and the inability of our deeply unequal economy to work for all. Yet it has also shown us the vital importance of government action to protect our health and livelihoods. Transformative policies that seemed unthinkable before the crisis have suddenly been shown to be possible. There can be no return to where we were before. Instead, citizens and governments must act on the urgency to create a more equal and sustainable world. 2 © Oxfam International January 2021 This paper was written by Esmé Berkhout, Nick Galasso, Max Lawson, Pablo Andrés Rivero Morales, Anjela Taneja, and Diego Alejo Vázquez Pimentel. Oxfam acknowledges the assistance of Jaime
    [Show full text]
  • Global and Country Perspectives on a New Agenda
    ONE Technology, Change, and a New Growth Agenda ZIA QURESHI lobal economic growth has been lackluster for more than a de cade Gnow. Growth slowed sharply after the global financial crisis of 2007–08, but the under lying growth trajectory had started to weaken in most major economies well before the crisis. Recovery from the shock of the crisis has been uneven and, in general, slow and weak. Growth appeared to pick up steam in a synchronized way across economies in 2017 and early 2018, but the acceleration proved short- lived and faded by late 2018.1 The per sis tent sluggish growth is happening at a time when the global economy has been exposed to impor tant forces of change. Foremost among these has been technology. There has been a boom in new technolo- gies, spearheaded by digital technologies. Technology- enabled innova- tion is a major spur to productivity growth, the key driver of long- term economic growth. Yet, paradoxically, productivity growth has slowed rather than accelerated in most economies. Among advanced economies 3 01-3775-9-ch01.indd 3 1/16/20 8:41 PM 4 ZIA QURESHI since approximately 2005, growth in productivity has averaged barely half of the pace of the previous fifteen years.2 There is much ongoing debate on this “productivity paradox”— why has productivity slowed amid a wave of technological advances?3 Firms at the technological frontier have reaped major productivity gains from these advances, but the impact on productivity more widely across firms and the economy at large has been weak. The new technologies have tended to produce “winner- takes- most” outcomes.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond GDP-Measuring What Matters
    ART ANALYSIS AND RESEARCH TEAM 19 May 2021 Issues paper BEYOND GDP: MEASURING WHAT MATTERS GDP has long been the standard way of measuring and comparing the economic performance of countries, but it cannot on its own give a complete picture of the well-being of a community. That requires the use of additional indicators that go beyond the purely economic. With the digital and green transitions set to shape our future, and as we emerge from the COVID-19 pandemic, we have an opportunity to develop the phrase ‘beyond GDP’ from a well-intentioned slogan to a tool that can help inform a more structured debate on social and environmental issues. However, as this paper shows, this requires addressing at least two key issues. The first of these is the selection and endorsement of indicators. This is important since the value of this exercise will depend on the extent to which indicators win political acceptance both within and beyond the EU. The second issue is how such indicators are to be used - will they be used for communication purposes, or as input to the policy-making process, or both? Unless there is clarity on these issues, ‘beyond GDP’ risks remaining an empty shell. Disclaimer: The opinions expressed are solely those of the author(s). In no case should they be considered or construed as representing an official position of the Council of the European Union or the European Council. © European Union, 2021 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. Any question or comment should be addressed to [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Asian Development Review: Volume 38, Number 1
    Asian Development Review Volume 38 2021 Number 1 Seasonal Labor Mobility in the Pacifi c: Past Impacts, Future Prospects John Gibson and Rochelle-Lee Bailey Population Aging and the Three Demographic Dividends in Asia Naohiro Ogawa, Norma Mansor, Sang-Hyop Lee, Michael R.M. Abrigo, and Tahir Aris What’s Happened to Poverty and Inequality in Indonesia over Half a Century? Hal Hill Does Computer-Aided Instruction Improve Children’s Cognitive and Noncognitive Skills? Hirotake Ito, Keiko Kasai, Hiromu Nishiuchi, and Makiko Nakamuro Education–Occupation Mismatch and Its Wage Penalties in Informal Employment in Thailand Tanthaka Vivatsurakit and Jessica Vechbanyongratana International Comparisons of Poverty in South Asia TM Tonmoy Islam, David Newhouse, and Monica Yanez-Pagans Government Intervention, Institutional Quality, and Income Inequality: Evidence from Asia and the Pacifi c, 1988–2014 Bertrand Blancheton and Dina Chhorn Social Capital and Innovation in East Asia Seo-Young Cho AADEV3801-Cover.inddDEV3801-Cover.indd 1 22/24/21/24/21 99:30:30 AAMM EDITOR YASUYUKI SAWADA, Asian Development Bank TETSUSHI SONOBE, Asian Development Bank Institute MANAGING EDITOR JESUS FELIPE, Asian Development Bank EDITORIAL TEAM GEMMA ESTHER B. ESTRADA, Asian Development Bank MARIA SUSAN M. TORRES, Asian Development Bank MARY ANN M. MAGADIA, Asian Development Bank EDITORIAL BOARD KYM ANDERSON, University of Adelaide AHMED MUSHFIQ MOBARAK, Yale University PREMA-CHANDRA ATHUKORALA, NANCY QIAN, Northwestern University Australian National University KRISLERT SAMPHANTHARAK,
    [Show full text]
  • Ten Facts About Inequality in Advanced Economies
    WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2019/15 Ten facts about inequality in advanced economies Lucas Chancel October 2019 Ten facts about inequality in advanced economies Lucas Chancel1,2 This version: October 16th, 2019 This paper presents 10 basic facts regarding inequality in advanced economies. Income and wealth inequality was very high a century ago, dropped in the 20th century, and has been rising at different speeds across countries since the 1980s. The financial crisis of 2008 does not appear to have inverted this trend. At the global level, while between-country inequality mattered more than within-country inequality in the 1980s, it is the opposite today. The rise of inequality has not been counterbalanced by an increase social mobility. The reduction of gender pay gaps has tempered the rise of inequality in recent decades, but gender inequality remains particularly high among top income and wealth groups. Racial inequalities remain large as well. Evidence suggests that trade and technology alone cannot explain large inequality variations across rich countries. Shifts in tax and wage setting policies, as well as differences in educational and health systems matter a lot. 1 World Inequality Lab, Paris School of Economics 2 Sciences Po Postal address: World Inequality Lab at the Paris School of Economics, 48 Bd Jourdan, 75014 Paris. Contact: [email protected]. The author would like to thank Tancrède Voituriez, Olivier Blanchard and Dani Rodrik, Thomas Blanchet as well as colleagues at the World Inequality Lab for comments. Thanks to Abhijit Tagade for excellent research assistance. Introduction Inequality in high-income countries has attracted significant attention in recent years among academics, international organizations, civil society and policymakers1.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: the Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality
    World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2021/19 Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel Thomas Piketty This version: July 2021 World Inequality Lab 1 Global Income Inequality, 1820-2020: The Persistence and Mutation of Extreme Inequality Lucas Chancel1,2, Thomas Piketty1,3 This version: July 2021 Abstract. In this paper, we mobilize newly available historical series from the World Inequality Database to construct world income distribution estimates from 1820 to 2020. We find that the level of global income inequality has always been very large, reflecting the persistence of a highly hierarchical world economic system. Global inequality increased between 1820 and 1910, in the context of the rise of Western dominance and colonial empires, and then stabilized at a very high level between 1910 and 2020. Between 1820 and 1910, both between-country and within-country inequality were increasing. In contrast, these two components of global inequality have moved separately between 1910 and 2020: within-country inequality dropped in 1910- 1980 (while between-country inequality kept increasing) but rose in 1980-2020 (while between-country inequality started to decline). As a consequence of these contradictory and compensating evolutions, early 21st century neo-colonial capitalism involves similar levels of inequality as early 20th century colonial capitalism, though it is based upon a different set of rules and institutions. We also discuss how alternative rules such as fiscal revenue sharing could lead to a significant drop in global inequality. JEL Codes: D31, N30, O15 www.wid.world/longrun 1 World Inequality Lab, Paris School of Economics 2 Sciences Po 3 Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales [email protected] and [email protected] 2 Section 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bay Area-Silicon Valley and India Convergence and Alignment in the Innovation Age Project Lead Sponsors
    June 2019 The Bay Area-Silicon Valley and India Convergence and Alignment in the Innovation Age Project Lead Sponsors Project Supporting Sponsors ABOUT THE BAY AREA COUNCIL ECONOMIC INSTITUTE Since 1990, the Bay Area Council Economic Institute and the state, including infrastructure, globalization, has been the leading think tank focused on the science and technology, and health policy. It is guided economic and policy issues facing the San Francisco by a Board of Advisors drawn from influential leaders in Bay Area-Silicon Valley, one of the most dynamic regions the corporate, academic, non-profit, and government in the United States and the world’s leading center sectors. The Institute is housed at and supported by for technology and innovation. A valued forum for the Bay Area Council, a public policy organization that stakeholder engagement and a respected source of includes hundreds of the region’s largest employers information and fact-based analysis, the Institute is a and is committed to keeping the Bay Area the trusted partner and adviser to both business leaders world’s most competitive economy and best place and government officials. Through its economic and to live. The Institute also supports and manages the policy research and its many partnerships, the Institute Bay Area Science and Innovation Consortium (BASIC), addresses major factors impacting the competitiveness, a partnership of Northern California’s leading scientific economic development and quality of life of the region research laboratories and thinkers. Contents Executive Summary ...................................................4 CHAPTER 6 Information Technology: Upward Mobility .............51 Introduction ...............................................................7 Government Initiatives ............................................. 54 CHAPTER 1 Trends ...................................................................... 55 India’s Economy: Poised for Takeoff .........................9 The Bay Area-IT Connection Shifts ........................
    [Show full text]
  • How Large Are African Inequalities? Towards Distributional National Accounts in Africa, 1990-2017
    WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2019/13 How Large Are African Inequalities? Towards Distributional National Accounts in Africa, 1990-2017 Lucas Chancel Denis Cogneau Amory Gethin Alix Myczkowski October 2019 How large are African inequalities? Towards Distributional National Accounts in Africa, 1990-2017∗ Lucas Chancel Denis Cogneau Amory Gethin Alix Myczkowski This version: Tuesday 1st October, 2019 Abstract This paper makes a first attempt to estimate the evolution of income inequality in Africa from 1990 to 2017 by combining surveys, tax data and national accounts in a systematic manner. The low quality of the raw data calls for a lot of caution. Results suggest that income inequality in Africa is very high, and stands at par with Latin America or India in that respect. Southern and Central Africa are particularly unequal. The bulk of continent-wide income inequality comes from the within country component, and the between country component was even slightly reduced in the two last decades, due to higher growth in poorer countries. Inequality was rather stable over the period, with the exception of Southern Africa. Dualism between agriculture and other sectors and mining rents seem to be important determinants of inequality. ∗We thank Thomas Blanchet, Leo´ Czajka, Ignacio Flores and Thanasak Jenmana for their useful advices and helpful comments. 1 Introduction Despite strong economic growth in many African countries, human development and poverty indicators have not progressed as expected. This phenomenon has fueled a renewed interest for the study of inequality in Africa: it was seen as one of the main causes of the weak poverty-alleviation elasticity of growth.
    [Show full text]
  • Carbon and Inequality: from Kyoto to Paris Trends in the Global Inequality of Carbon Emissions (1998-2013) & Prospects for an Equitable Adaptation Fund
    WID.world WORKING PAPER SERIES N° 2015/7 Carbon and inequality: From Kyoto to Paris Trends in the global inequality of carbon emissions (1998-2013) & prospects for an equitable adaptation fund Lucas Chancel Thomas Piketty November 2015 World Inequality Lab PSE | November 2015 Carbon and inequality: from Kyoto to Paris Abstract. This study presents evolutions in in proportion to their emissions in excess of this the global distribution of CO2e emissions (CO2 and threshold. North Americans would then contrib- other Green House Gases) between world individ- ute to 46% of the fund, vs. 16% for Europeans, 12% uals from 1998 and 2013 and examines diferent for China. In strategy 3, the efort is shared by all strategies to fnance a global climate adaptation top 1% emitters in the world (i.e. all individuals fund based on eforts shared among high world emitting more than 9.1 times world average emis- emitters rather than high-income countries. To sions). North Americans would then contribute to this end, we combine data on historical trends in 57% of the tax, vs. 15% for Europeans, 6% for Chi- per capita country-level CO2e emissions, consump- na. In these strategies, European contributions to tion-based CO2e emissions data, within-country adaptation fnance would decrease in proportion income inequality and a simple income-CO2e compared to today, but substantially increase in elasticity model. We show that global CO2e emis- absolute terms. In these strategies, European con- sions inequalities between individuals decreased tributions to adaptation fnance would decrease in from Kyoto to Paris, due to the rise of top and mid proportion compared to today, but largely increase income groups in developing countries and the in absolute terms.
    [Show full text]