DEMOCRACY in DEFINING the CHALLENGE
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THE UNITED STATES and the WORLD: SETTING LIMITS Jeane J
The Francis Boyer Lectures on Public Policy THE UNITED STATES AND THE WORLD: SETTING LIMITS Jeane J. Kirkpatrick American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research THE UNITED STATES AND THE WORLD: SETTING LIMITS The Francis Boyer Lectures on Public Policy THE UNITED STATES AND THE WORLD: SETTING LIMITS Jeane J. Kirkpatrick American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research ISBN 0-8447-1379-1 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 86-70364 ©1986 by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. "American Enterprise Institute" and @) are registered service marks of the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. Printed in the United States of America American Enterprise Institute 1150 Seventeenth Street, N. W., Washington, D.C. 20036 THE FRANCIS BOYER LECTURES ON PUBLIC POLICY The American Enterprise Institute has initiated the Francis Boyer Lectures on Public Policy to examine the relationship between business and government and to develop contexts for their creative interaction. These lectures have been made possible by an endowment from the SmithKline Beck man Corporation in memory of Mr. Boyer, the late chairman of the board of the corporation. The lecture is given by an eminent thinker who has developed notable insights on one or more aspects of the relationship between the nation's private and public sectors. -
The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion. -
New Report ID
Number 21 April 2004 BAKER INSTITUTE REPORT NOTES FROM THE JAMES A. BAKER III INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY OF RICE UNIVERSITY BAKER INSTITUTE CELEBRATES ITS 10TH ANNIVERSARY Vice President Dick Cheney was man you only encounter a few the keynote speaker at the Baker times in life—what I call a ‘hun- See our special Institute’s 10th anniversary gala, dred-percenter’—a person of which drew nearly 800 guests to ability, judgment, and absolute gala feature with color a black-tie dinner October 17, integrity,” Cheney said in refer- 2003, that raised more than ence to Baker. photos on page 20. $3.2 million for the institute’s “This is a man who was chief programs. Cynthia Allshouse and of staff on day one of the Reagan Rice trustee J. D. Bucky Allshouse years and chief of staff 12 years ing a period of truly momentous co-chaired the anniversary cel- later on the last day of former change,” Cheney added, citing ebration. President Bush’s administra- the fall of the Soviet Union, the Cheney paid tribute to the tion,” Cheney said. “In between, Persian Gulf War, and a crisis in institute’s honorary chair, James he led the treasury department, Panama during Baker’s years at A. Baker, III, and then discussed oversaw two landslide victories in the Department of State. the war on terrorism. presidential politics, and served “There is a certain kind of as the 61st secretary of state dur- continued on page 24 NIGERIAN PRESIDENT REFLECTS ON CHALLENGES FACING HIS NATION President Olusegun Obasanjo of the Republic of Nigeria observed that Africa, as a whole, has been “unstable for too long” during a November 5, 2003, presentation at the Baker Institute. -
Dictatorships & Double Standards
8/10/2021 Dictatorships & Double Standards - Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, Commentary Magazine NOVEMBER 1979 FEATURED Dictatorships & Double Standards The Classic Essay That Shaped Reagan's Foreign Policy by Jeane J. Kirkpatrick he failure of the Carter administration’s foreign policy is now clear to everyone except its architects, and T even they must entertain private doubts, from time to time, about a policy whose crowning achievement has been to lay the groundwork for a transfer of the Panama Canal from the United States to a swaggering Latin dictator of Castroite bent. In the thirty-odd months since the inauguration of Jimmy Carter as President there has occurred a dramatic Soviet military buildup, matched by the stagnation of American armed forces, and a dramatic extension of Soviet influence in the Horn of Africa, Afghanistan, Southern Africa, and the Caribbean, matched by a declining American position in all these areas. The U.S. has never tried so hard and failed so utterly to make and keep friends in the Third World. As if this were not bad enough, in the current year the United States has suffered two other major blows–in Iran and Nicaragua–of large and strategic significance. In each country, the Carter administration not only failed to prevent the undesired outcome, it actively collaborated in the replacement of moderate autocrats friendly to https://www.commentary.org/articles/jeane-kirkpatrick/dictatorships-double-standards/ 1/38 8/10/2021 Dictatorships & Double Standards - Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, Commentary Magazine American interests with less friendly autocrats of extremist persuasion. It is too soon to be certain about what kind of regime will ultimately emerge in either Iran or Nicaragua, but accumulating evidence suggests that things are as likely to get worse as to get better in both countries. -
6086 AR Cover R1:17.310 MFAH AR 2015-16 Cover.Rd4.Qxd
μ˙ The Museum of Fine Arts, Houston annual report 2015–2016 MFAH BY THE NUMBERS July 1, 2015–June 30, 2016 • 900,595 visits to the Museum, the Lillie and Hugh Roy Tuition Attendance Revenue $3.2 Other Cullen Sculpture Garden, Bayou Bend Collection and $2.1 5% 3% $7.1 Gardens, Rienzi, and the Glassell School of Art 11% Membership Revenue $2.9 • 112,000 visitors and students reached through learning 5% and interpretation programs on-site and off-site FY 2016 • 37,521 youth visitors ages 18 and under received free Operating Operating Revenues Endowment or discounted access to the MFAH Fund-raising (million) Spending $14.2 $34.0 22% 54% • 42,865 schoolchildren and their chaperones received free tours of the MFAH • 1,020 community engagement programs were presented Total Revenues: $63.5 million • 100 community partners citywide collaborated with the MFAH Exhibitions, Curatorial, and Collections $12.5 Auxiliary • 2,282,725 visits recorded at mfah.org 20% Activities $3.2 5% • 119,465 visits recorded at the new online collections Fund-raising $4.9 module 8% • 197,985 people followed the MFAH on Facebook, FY 2016 Education, Instagram, and Twitter Operating Expenses Libraries, (million) and Visitor Engagment $12.7 • 266,580 unique visitors accessed the Documents 21% of 20th-Century Latin American and Latino Art Website, icaadocs.mfah.org Management Buildings and Grounds and General $13.1 and Security $15.6 21% • 69,373 visitors attended Sculpted in Steel: Art Deco 25% Automobiles and Motorcycles, 1929–1940 Total Expenses: $62 million • 26,434 member -
The Role of the Media, Law, and National Resolve in the War on Terror
Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 33 Number 1 Winter - 2004 Sutton Colloquium Article 10 April 2020 The Role of the Media, Law, and National Resolve in the War on Terror Robert Hardaway Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Robert Hardaway, The Role of the Media, Law, and National Resolve in the War on Terror, 33 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 104 (2004). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA, LAW, AND NATIONAL RESOLVE IN THE WAR ON TERROR ROBERT HARDAWAY* I. INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the govern- ment of the United States took unprecedented steps to protect American lives and property.' Measures imposed included tightened security at nuclear power plants,2 airports,3 and numerous other government and private installations around the United States.4 Debate over an appropriate U.S. response centered on whether there was proof of a foreign state's complicity in the attacks. On September 15, 2001, a New York Times/CBS News poll revealed that eighty-five percent of Americans would Professor of Law, University of Denver Sturm College of Law. 1. See, e.g., Michael R. Gordon, After the Attacks: An Assessment, U.S. Force vs, Terrorists: From Reactive to Active, N.Y. -
Islam - Washington's New Dilemma :: Middle East Quarterly
Islam - Washington's New Dilemma :: Middle East Quarterly http://www.meforum.org/289/islam-washingtons-new-dilemma Islam - Washington's New Dilemma by Benjamin Gordon Middle East Quarterly March 1996, pp. 43-52 http://www.meforum.org/289/islam-washingtons-new-dilemma Benjamin Gordon is a consultant at Corporate Decisions, Inc., Boston, and a recent graduate of Yale College. Does the U.S. government have a coherent policy toward fundamentalist Islam? Fundamentalists themselves are convinced not only that Washington has a policy but that it is a consistent and aggressive one. Iran's former ambassador to the United Nations, Said Raja'i Khourasani, asserts that the American position "has not changed" over the years: "The language is always the same -- it is threatened or it is threatening."1 On the other side, scholars and diplomats tend to see incoherence in policy toward fundamentalists as they do about foreign policy in general. Richard Haass speaks for many when he holds that "public statements by administration officials about the purposes of U.S. foreign policy have been inconsistent or simply ambiguous.2 In fact, neither side is entirely correct. While there has been a coherent policy, it has changed over time. Since 1979, when Iranian fundamentalist Muslims overthrew Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and stormed the U.S. embassy in Tehran, Washington has undergone a series of subtle shifts in its policy toward fundamentalist Islam. From Presidents Reagan to Bush to Clinton, the U.S. government has migrated from rhetorical confrontation to timid outreach to outright accommodation. The following analysis focuses on official U.S. -
Executive Order 13978 of January 18, 2021
6809 Federal Register Presidential Documents Vol. 86, No. 13 Friday, January 22, 2021 Title 3— Executive Order 13978 of January 18, 2021 The President Building the National Garden of American Heroes By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, it is hereby ordered as follows: Section 1. Background. In Executive Order 13934 of July 3, 2020 (Building and Rebuilding Monuments to American Heroes), I made it the policy of the United States to establish a statuary park named the National Garden of American Heroes (National Garden). To begin the process of building this new monument to our country’s greatness, I established the Interagency Task Force for Building and Rebuilding Monuments to American Heroes (Task Force) and directed its members to plan for construction of the National Garden. The Task Force has advised me it has completed the first phase of its work and is prepared to move forward. This order revises Executive Order 13934 and provides additional direction for the Task Force. Sec. 2. Purpose. The chronicles of our history show that America is a land of heroes. As I announced during my address at Mount Rushmore, the gates of a beautiful new garden will soon open to the public where the legends of America’s past will be remembered. The National Garden will be built to reflect the awesome splendor of our country’s timeless exceptionalism. It will be a place where citizens, young and old, can renew their vision of greatness and take up the challenge that I gave every American in my first address to Congress, to ‘‘[b]elieve in yourselves, believe in your future, and believe, once more, in America.’’ Across this Nation, belief in the greatness and goodness of America has come under attack in recent months and years by a dangerous anti-American extremism that seeks to dismantle our country’s history, institutions, and very identity. -
Iraq: Options for U.S
THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE POLICY FOCUS IRAQ: OPTIONS FOR U.S. POLICY LAURIE MYLROIE RESEARCH MEMORANDUM NUMBER TWENTY-ONE MAY 1993 Cover and title page illustrations from windows of the tom Bi-AmnW Mosque. 990-1013 THE AUTHOR Laurie Mylroie is Arab Affairs Fellow at The Washington Institute. She has previously taught in the Department of Government at Harvard University and at the U.S. Naval War College. Among Dr. Mylroie's many published works on Iraq are Saddam Hussein and the Crisis in the Gulf (with Judith Miller), and The Future of Iraq (Washington Institute Policy Paper Number 24). The views expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and should not necessarily be construed as representing those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Clinton administration inherited a flawed Iraq policy from the Bush administration, but, in formulating a new policy, it has failed to accurately define those flaws. Its emphasis on "depersonalizing" the conflict with Iraq by shifting the focus from Saddam Hussein to Baghdad's compliance with relevant UN resolutions may mean that the Clinton administration will eventually, if reluctantly, come to terms with Saddam's dogged hold on power and accept a diluted form of Iraqi compliance with the resolutions. Although that may be far from the administration's intent, the present formulation of U.S. policy may weaken the coalition and lead to that result nonetheless. The Clinton administration has stated that it will enforce all UN resolutions, including Resolution 687, which, inter alia, provides for stripping Iraq of weapons of mass destruction, and Resolution 688, which demands that Baghdad cease to repress its population. -
Conservative Movement
Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul. -
The Syrian-Israeli Peace Process and the United States from Hope To
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Ghent University Academic Bibliography FACULTEIT POLITIEKE EN SOCIALE WETENSCHAPPEN VAKGROEP STUDIE VAN DE DERDE WERELD The Syrian-Israeli Peace Process and The United States From Hope to Impasse 1991-2000 Ahmad Soltani Nejad June 2004 Dissertation submitted for the degree of doctoral in political Science Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Ruddy Doom 2 Table of contents Acknowledgements 3 Maps 4 1. Introduction 7 2. Theoretical Framework 21 3. U.S.-Syrian relations 41 4. The Madrid Peace Conference 67 5. The Oslo Peace Process 90 6. Slow Progress After Oslo Accords (1993-1994) 108 7. Progress on the Syrian-Israeli track (1994- 1996) 124 8. Deadlock in the Syrian-Israeli negotiations (1996- 1999) 138 9. Shepherdstown Talks (January 2000) 155 10. Syrian perspectives on the main issues of the peace process 173 11. Conclusions 193 Documents 211 Bibliography 214 3 Acknowledgements I am greatly indebted to several people and institutions for their assistance in the formation and completion of this study. I am grateful to my supervisor Prof. Ruddy Doom who has always been helpful throughout the conduct of this research. With his generous support I was able to come to the University of Ghent and later on pursue my research at the University of Arizona as an Exchange Visiting Scholar. The Center for Middle Eastern Studies there provided the opportunity for me to pursue my research with specialists at the University and to access the resources that I needed to conduct this research. I am grateful particularly to Prof. -
Presentation of the Jeane J
Foundation For Defense Of Democracies: Presentation Of The Jeane J. Kirkpatrick Award to U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley August 28, 2018 Speakers: Mark Dubowitz, CEO, Foundation For Defense Of Democracies; U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley; Cliff May, President, Foundation For Defense Of Democracies [*] DUBOWITZ: Good morning. My name is Mark Dubowitz and I'm the Chief Executive of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. And before we begin today's event, I'd like to just take a moment to pay tribute to Senator John McCain. And I really can think of no better tribute than the one sent out by one of today's honorees, Ambassador Nikki Haley. She wrote, "Tonight we say goodbye to a true hero. A man who never sought accolades. A patriot who fought every day for American freedom and dignity. A warrior of strength. A patriot of heart and a man of conviction. There will never be another John McCain, may he rest in peace." So please pause for a moment of silence and prayer for Senator McCain, a great American who will be badly missed and may his memory be a blessing. So as you know, FDD was organized in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 attacks and we are a nonpartisan policy institute. We're focused on foreign policy and national security. And I've been really honored to work alongside my FDD colleagues for 15 years, since 2003. And since that time we've conducted in-depth research. We've produced timely analyses. We've tracked illicit networks and we've provided policy options with the objective of strengthening the United States and its national security and countering those who threatened free and democratic nations.