18 Susana Lea Skura (Universidad de ) and Jewish Spanish Speakers in Buenos Aires This article reflects part of a joint effort carried out by the Anthropologist Evelyn Dean Olmsted and myself since 2014. This comparative research is focused on ethnic and cultural markers of Jewishness in the discourse of the of Buenos Aires () and Mexico City from the perspective of Linguistic Anthropology and Discourse Analysis. In this first stage of the research, we asked whether there were particular ways of speaking Spanish among the Jewish residents of these cities. Our aim was to show that there are in fact uniquely Jewish uses of Spanish, as evidenced by certain topics, phonological and morphosyntactic phenomena, lexical items and formulaic expressions present in Jewish speech. This article is part of a series of publications on the Spanish of Jewish Latin Americans in which we employ Benor’s notion of a “Jewish ethno-linguistic repertoire,” or a “a fluid set of linguistic resources that members of an ethnic group may use variably as they index their ethnic identities” (Benor, 2010: 159). This perspective allows us to show an array of communicative practices and the complex relationships between language, identity and social life among Jewish Spanish speakers in Latin America. Here, I discuss the study of Jewish languages in Argentina and present preliminary data focused specifically on the Spanish of Ashkenazi Jews in Buenos Aires. Keywords : Jewish Languages, Jewish Spanish, markers of Jewishness, Linguistic Anthropology, Postvernacular , Ashkenazi Jewry- Buenos Aires, Argentina Introduction I am grateful and deeply indebted to the American anthropologist Evelyn Dean-Olmsted of the University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras, who suggested we should share experiences stemming from our corresponding areas of expertise. We set out to write articles with a comparative perspective — she from Mexico City and I from Buenos Aires — about a subject that we called “Jewish Latin American Spanish” (Dean-Olmsted and Skura, 2016), where we ask if Jewish immigrants and their descendants speak and write a particular form of Spanish. We have combined and presented our respective data on the characteristics of the spoken of Jewish habitants of those two cities (Dean-Olmsted and Skura, 2016; Dean Olmsted

19 and Skura, forthcoming) 1. In this article, I first present historical and demographic information on the Jewish communities in Argentina. I then discuss the study of Jewish languages in Argentina and present examples of ethnic markers in the Spanish of Ashkenazi Jewish speakers in Buenos Aires. Jewish life and languages in Argentina 2 The Jewish communities of Argentina really began with the arrival of Russian Yiddish speakers from the Pale of Settlement at the end of the nineteenth century, and other waves of Jews coming from Central and Eastern from early to mid-20 th century, which concluded after the Second World War. Many of the newcomers first inhabited agricultural rural settlements that were the property of a philanthropist named Baron Maurice Hirsch. By 1920, however, most of them had moved to urban centers like Buenos Aires, and had populated neighborhoods of ethnic diversity where they interacted with Jews from different ethnic backgrounds as well as non-Jews. Although slowing during the First World War, Jewish and other European migration continued at a steady pace until the global economic crisis of the late 1920s. Despite restrictive national policies, some 40,000 European Jews settled in Argentina during and after the Second World War. The last wave of European Jewish migration to the country occurred in the 1950s, primarily from Communist Hungary and Egypt (Lesser and Rein, 2008: 8–13). There were also smaller migrations from Morocco, Syria, and other North African and Middle Eastern countries, which peaked in the 1920s (Brodsky 2004, 2016; Bejarano 2005). These migrants generally spoke either Judezmo (Judeo- Spanish) or Judeo- as their mother tongue. Nowadays, Argentina has the largest Jewish population within Spanish-speaking Latin America, estimated at 181,500 (one hundred eighty one thousand, five hundred) (Della Pergola, 2013) 3. Of these,

1 I wish to thank Patricia Ochoa and Evelyn Dean-Olmsted for their assistance translating and editing this article. 2 A version of this paragraph appears in Dean-Olmsted and Skura Forthcoming. 3 The figures presented in this chapter are of estimated “core” Jewish populations, defined as “all persons who, when asked in a socio-demographic survey, identify themselves as Jews; or who are identified as Jews by a respondent in the same household” (Della Pergola, 2013: 11). Estimates of “enlarged” Jewish populations, including those with maternal or paternal Jewish ancestry, are generally greater in each country.

20 165,000 Jews live in Buenos Aires (Della Pergola, 2013: 50). Most of these Jews were born in Argentina and have Spanish as their mother tongue. Around 80-90% are Ashkenazi, while the remainder is Sephardi or Middle-Eastern Jewish. Buenos Aires has more than thirty Jewish educational institutions serving some 22,000 students. Marriage between Jewish and non-Jewish partners is estimated at 43% (Jmelnitzky and Erdei, 2005: 40). Most Jews live in mixed neighborhoods with other religious and ethnic groups. Although a large part of the Jewish population is secular, the influence of ultra-Orthodox or Haredi Judaism has grown in recent decades, including the Chabad Lubavitch group. This is evidenced in new ultra-Orthodox religious and educational institutions and political representation of these groups in the central organ of the Jewish community, the Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina (AMIA). Their distinctive manner of dress has also become increasingly noticeable in some areas in the city. The trajectory of Yiddish in Argentina from the past century through the present day is similar to processes that occurred on a global scale. When European Jewish immigrants began to establish themselves and identify with the expectations and aspirations of the outgroup, the number of exogamic marriages increased notably (Asría, 2006). Consequently, the transmission of Yiddish gradually declined in institutional spheres. Meanwhile, in the home, it was used only as a language of interaction among older generations, as a language for secrets. These uses of Yiddish generally excluded children, who lacked the necessary communicative competence to participate in everyday conversations. This must be understood as part of the immigrant parents’ desire for their children to master the Spanish language. As Hebe Gonzales observed in his study of linguistic minorities in San Juan (a provincial zone of Argentina), “Jewish immigrants were aware of the importance of speaking Spanish as a mean of social mobility. Those who did not have the educational opportunities in their native countries put a special interest on giving their children the education they needed for succeeding and, of course, this included a good command of Spanish” (Gonzalez, 2001: 13). The characterization of Yiddish as a “dead language” soon became commonplace. This shift, however, was not immediate nor unilineal. Upon the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, Hebrew was presented as the lingua franca that would ensure the possibility of

21 communication between Jews of different communities, as Yiddish was traditionally used among Ashkenazim (and still is by some). In those sectors most strongly aligned with the Zionist project, Modern Israeli Hebrew gained prestige as the language of the concretized utopia of a national project that represented the new, the vital, the young and thriving. Yiddish, on the other hand, became associated with nostalgia for a lost past, linked to the traumatic and the old. At the same time, progressive, non-Zionist sectors linked to the Communist Party increasingly preferred Spanish. But these changes coexisted with domains in which Yiddish continued to be, for decades, the preferred linguistic option; or at least, a frequent choice for communication in homes, theaters, schools and other institutions. First used as a whole, spoken language, it later manifested in postvernacular form through songs, sayings, jokes and word play in Spanish discourse (Skura, 2012). Jewish languages as a topic of study in Argentina The topic of Jewish languages is one that is very personal for me. I am a “native” anthropologist; I have been working on this topic in my own city for twenty years. Yiddish was the mother tongue of my parents and grandparents, as it was for many of the adults I knew in my childhood. I grew up listening to their animated conversations in the mame-loshn (mother tongue). At the same time, socially, the language was characterized as either slang or a dead language. In my Jewish school, when they decided to replace Yiddish classes with Hebrew, it was not a traumatic change for us. In the 1970s, Yiddish was the language of old people, whose strange pronunciation of porteño Spanish (the Spanish of the city of Buenos Aires 1) made us laugh and made us feel ashamed. This disparaging attitude was not limited to children. This double condition of Yiddish (as the language of everyday communication while at the same time neglected in public and Jewish institutional spaces) must be considered an important variable in asking why Yiddish was not considered worthy of academic study for so long. Fortunately, in the late twentieth century, this attitude began to change. With post-industrial globalization and the politics and discourse of multiculturalism (in Argentina as elsewhere), we witnessed a revision of the concept of

1 Buenos Aires is a port, and its population is called “porteños”, which means people from the port in coloquial Spanish.

22 ethnicity and the positive valorization of diversity. Because of these trends, those attributes that differentiated minorities were no longer as stigmatized as they were in the past. In a complex interplay of official policies and social movements for the revindication of cultural rights — from the State, Jewish communal institutions and the academy — the notion of national patrimony was reformulated in Argentina. Some authors saw in this situation a possible framework for the “renaissance” of Yiddish. There was a surge of interest in those sociocultural processes experienced by Ashkenazi Jews in situations of language contact, which caused Yiddish to be subordinated as a low-status language. From this perspective, the case of Yiddish in Argentina became relevant for the analysis of a special combination of identity politics, sociocultural conditions, and linguistic factors that had received very little scholarly attention (Skura, 2012: 9). I became interested in the uses and representations of Yiddish when I was finishing my undergraduate studies. I took a course on minoritized languages and I began to ask myself why my parents, whose native language Yiddish, had not wanted that language to be the medium of everyday communication in our household. I also began to ask myself about the ideas and values that lead to the displacement of Yiddish in favor of Spanish in my Jewish community. By choosing this topic, however, I did not create an easy professional path for myself. Not because it was difficult to study; on the contrary, there is a wealth of interesting linguistic and sociocultural phenomena. However, such research was not readily accepted by the academic institutions in Buenos Aires at the time. One issue I continue to face in my research and teaching is that the University of Buenos Aires, both the Linguistics and Anthropology departments, have not had a tradition of studying immigrant languages and cultures. Most generally the teaching of Languages and Cultures is related to indigenous peoples, leaving aside other cases, like the Jewish one, despite the large proportion of Jewish professors and students at the University. There had never been a teaching or research program dedicated to Jewish studies. Proposing Jewish-themed classes, research projects or publications has been a great challenge, for me as for my colleagues with similar interests and the students who enroll in our classes. We understand that, until very recently, nobody showed interest in studying Jewish topics. Only now it is an option for us, although not an easy one compared to other areas of

23 study. I began my own research in 1997 in a team about minority languages in Argentina, where all of the other researchers were interested in native languages. I was alone at first, but later some students and colleagues got involved in topics related to languages of Jewish immigrants. The contrast between the development and prestige now associated with the studies of indigenous languages and the place of oblivion given to the study of immigrant languages in general is related to a context of revalorization of the "other" which emerged after the Argentinean constitutional change in 1994. This is related to the turn toward multicultural politics, mentioned above. The nineties marked the beginning of a revindication of the indigenous peoples at the regional and national levels. The law is clear regarding the respect and recognition of cultural diversity, and the right to have bilingual schools. However, at the same time as new intercultural and bilingual schools were being created for indigenous children, the number of Jewish schools ( shules ) decreased. Parents no longer with to send their children to such schools as they did until the 1970s or 1980s. The peculiarity of the Yiddish case lies in its ethnic aspect: unlike other immigrant heritage languages, Yiddish lacks a state. This makes it further marginalized in the study of language and culture in Argentina. My goal is to make my field of study, the study of a minoritized transnational language, open to everybody and as appealing or interesting as any indigenous language studies. In my research and teaching, I stress the relevance of studying Jewish languages in disciplines like Anthropology and Linguistics, beyond Jewish studies. Studying these languages is particularly insightful for understanding processes of migration and contact languages, as well as the relationships between Language and Ethnicity. This has been the framework for my research, which includes relationships among Jewish languages (a field known as Jewish Interlinguistics (Wexler, 1981); relationships between Jewish languages and national ones; and vernacular and post-vernacular (Shandler, 2008) uses of Yiddish in the contemporary milieu. To observe these relationships and tensions, I pay special attention to language ideologies (Skura and Fiszman, 2005).

24

A new research area: From Yiddish to Spanish The focus on the Spanish language, as it is used by Argentine Jews, grows out of and contributes to my previous research on Yiddish. In the remainder of this article, I provide examples of linguistic markers of ethnicity from data collected at different stages of my fieldwork over the years. These include use of Yiddish, castídish (Spanish/Yiddish contact form), and loans from Jewish languages in both Buenos Aires as well as , the speech variety associated with poorer urban social groups. The term castídish began to be used in the in the early 20 th century to describe the language of Jewish immigrants from Central and Eastern Europe (that is, a mixture of castellano ‘(Castilian) Spanish’ and ídish ). Castídish consisted of a principally Yiddish matrix with Spanish loan words (especially the jargon of poor neighborhoods known as lunfardo ). Many such words were adapted to Yiddish morphology and phonology (e.g., the Spanish guitarra was pronounced guitarre ). Castídish was often represented in the Jewish communal press as well as in literature and music (Weinstein and Toker 2004: 17). It was employed as a tool of comic realism in Argentine Jewish theater of the 1910s-1950s (Skura, 2007; Skura and Fiszman, 2016). Most present-day Argentinians do not apply a specific label to Jewish speech, aside from vague references to ‘a Jewish accent’ or a ‘Jewish slang.’ Nor is there consensus on nomenclature among academics, as very few people have studied the Spanish of Jewish Latin Americans (Gold 1980 was one of these few early studies). However, there is abundant evidence of uniquely Jewish uses of Spanish in numerous institutional and personal documents (letters, memoirs, etc.) as well as in the press, literature, theater, and film. Ethnographic and oral historical research — both academic and communally-sponsored — has produced recordings of interviews, oral performances and other live speech. Such materials are largely housed in Jewish community archives. Argentina maintains dozens of Jewish archives and libraries in the major cities as well as in the former agricultural colonies. Among the most prominent in Buenos Aires are the Centro de Documentación e Información sobre el Judaísmo Argentino Marc Turkow (AMIA), Archivo Histórico de la Fundación IWO , and Idisher Cultur Farband . Some Jewish schools have their own collections of oral interviews and other audiovisual materials like Tarbut (http://tarbut.edu.ar/museo_50/) and the

25 ORT (http://campus.almagro.ort. edu.ar/cienciassociales/historiaoral). Non-Jewish oral history archives like Memoria Abierta (dedicated to preserving testimony of survivors of recent authoritarian regimes in Argentina) also preserve a lot of interviews of Jewish people. Memoria Abierta has over one hundred such interviews, in addition to one hundred thiry more conducted by activist Gabriela Lotersztain and donated to the organization after her death in 2006. These could be very useful toward further research on Jewish language in Argentina. I personally conducted several of the interviews housed in both the archives of the Tarbut School and Memoria Abierta . Finally, the Internet provides a rich source of data on contemporary Latin American Jewish Spanish, including news outlets, institutional websites, blogs, and social media sites like Facebook and Twitter. Markers of Jewishness in the Spanish of Buenos Aires Jews 1 Although the majority of this section is dedicated to lexicon, there are a few phonetic and morphosyntactic phenomena worth mentioning. Generally speaking, the influence of pre-migration languages is most apparent in the Spanish of immigrants; in this case, native (L1) Yiddish speakers. Although it is not common, L1 Yiddish speakers, for example, can produce Spanish phrases that conform to Yiddish syntactic structures, as nadie no salió, ‘ Nobody left,’ a calque of the Yiddish phrase keyner iz nisht aroys gegangen (the grammatical version in standard Spanish would be nadie salió or no salió nadie ; the no is not preserved in the presence of an antecedent negative pronoun). An example of Yiddish phonological influence is seen in the realization of the Spanish dipthong /ue/ as [oi]. This is exemplified in the typical pronunciation of the word bueno (‘good ’) as [ ʋoi ŋo]; this pronunciation also exemplifies the tendency to realize the Spanish voiced bilabial stop as a labiodental appro ximant [ ʋ]. Such speakers also produce a subtle lengthening and dentalization of alveolar , especially when following a vowel and preceding a consonant. For example, the words esto (usually [eh'to] in ) may be realized as [es'to] with very slight dentalization of the [s].

1 Some of the information in this section is published in Dean-Olmsted and Skura, Forthcoming.

26 One of the most acknowledged phonetic markers of Jewishness is the pronunciation of the word Israel . The unmarked (non-Jewish) Buenos Aires version of the word features an alveolar trill [r] following the voiceless alveolar [s]. Jewish speakers, on the other hand, commonly produce a longer [s] followed by an alveolar flap [ ɾ] instead of a trill (Scherlis, 2014, personal communication). Jewish and non-Jewish speakers alike (or at least those with Jews in their social networks) are aware of this distinction and often cite in when asked about linguistic differences between Jews and non-Jews; it therefore serves as a sort of shibboleth. The “Jewish” pronunciations are apparently produced by and associated with Jews in general (rather than specific ethnic or religious sub-group). Interestingly, the phenomenon of a distinctive Jewish pronunciation of the word Israel has also been observed in Mexico City (Dean-Olmsted and Skura, 2016). Lexical phenomena — including loans from textual Hebrew and Aramaic, Modern Israeli Hebrew, and Yiddish — are the most salient markers of Jewishness in Buenos Aires and other Spanish-speaking contexts. Dean-Olmsted (2012) refers to these as “heritage words” for their importance in performing identity work. As I have emphasized in a previous article (Skura, 1998), the inclusion of such words in Spanish discourse can serve as a “password” to discreetly signal Jewishness (or specific kinds of Jewishness) in interaction and thereby include or exclude certain interlocutors. Speakers can also use them to introduce new topics or a shift toward more intimate registers; as such, they function as “triplex signs” (Briggs, 1986; Jakobson, 1957), with heightened pragmatic, social indexical and poetic functions beyond their referentiality (which Shandler (2008) identifies as characteristic of “post- vernacular” use of Yiddish). Variation in their use reflects and manifests differences in religiosity, ethno-geographic origin (in the case of Yiddish there is a variation in the pronunciation when the family is originally Polish/Galitzian, Ukranian and Lithuanian), generation and political or ideological orientation among Jewish speakers. For example, among Ashkenazim in Buenos Aires, the difference between the use of Hebrew versus Yiddish formulas (e.g. shabat shalom (Heb.) vs gut shabes (Yid.); chag sameach [χaɡ sa ˈme.a χ] (Heb.) vs a gut ( or git) yontev (Yid) can signal generational difference between native Yiddish speakers and those who learned Modern Israel Hebrew in a Zionist Jewish educational

27 setting. It can also signal affiliation with Orthodox religious institutions that resort and refer to Biblical Hebrew In our other work (Dean Olmsted and Skura, 2016 and Forthcoming), we discuss the most common semantic areas for Jewish language heritage words in Buenos Aires and Mexico City Spanish. Here, I will mention only a few of them, from my data on Buenos Aires. Adults may occasionally bless children with blessings and “verbal talismans” (Matisoff, 2000). Yiddish examples include words spoken to protect oneself from the evil eye, such as kenayneore /kaynenore/keynenore (a compound word that means ‘without the evil eye’; composed of a Yiddish word ( kayn or keyn ) and a Hebrew one (ayn hara ) with Yiddish pronunciation). Interestingly, in popular (non-Jewish) Argentine culture, the idea of “mal de ojo” (evil eye) also exists, and people talk about someone being ojeado (to suffer from the effects evil eye; an adjective deriving from the verb ojear ). However, even though this Spanish alternative is available, many Jewish speakers still invoke the Yiddish phrase. For instance, when speaking about how big a child is, a person may say “¡Qué grande tu hijo, keyneynore!” (‘How big your child is, keyneynore! ’), thereby mixing the Spanish language with a Yiddish ethnic marker. Middle Eastern and Sephardic Jews in Buenos Aires often use the term barminán when remarking on unfortunate circumstances, a word derived from the Aramaic phrase “[may it be] far from us.” There are also blessing phrases like ve ezrat Hashem ( Heb.: ‘with the help of God’) or gey gezunterheyt (Yid.: go with health). Zikhroyno le brokhe or Zikhronó le brakha (God bless his/her memory) are Yiddish and Hebrew formulas that, together with alav ha shalom , are traditional honorary treatments used when someone mentions a dead person. Many also use terms of endearment like meydele (little girl), ingele (little boy), tatele (diminutive for father) or mayn kind (my child) to show affection to children. Makhetonim is a Yiddish word use to refer to the relationship between the two sets of parents of a married couple; or one set of parents may use makhetonim to refer to the other set of parents. Finally, bobe and baba (grandmother) is one of the most frequently used Yiddish words among all generations. Perhaps the most frequent and widely used Yiddish word, both within and outside the Jewish ethnic group, is tukhes (‘backside’), usually spelled tujes in Spanish writing. It can be used as good luck or to express that someone has been fortunate. The phrase “Esta persona tiene más

28 tujes que cabeza” means ‘this person has more luck ( tukhes) than intelligence’. Food words from Jewish languages are also common , such as gefilte fish and knishes (Yid.) and matza (Heb.). Greetings are also common markers of Jewishness, including shalom (Hebrew: peace) or sholem aleikhem , and the answer aleikhem sholem (Yid.: Peace be upon you). Polite formulas like vos majstu ? (Yid. ‘How are you?’) are also often present in the Spanish of Jewish speakers in Buenos Aires. Argentina has many Jewish institutions, which are very interesting sites to do research and ethnographic fieldwork centered on languages in contact. These institutions include synagogues, schools, community centers and others. Many such terms used in these contexts are from Modern Israeli Hebrew (for example, tnuá ‘youth movement’), reflecting the Zionist orientation of most contemporary Jewish institutions in Latin America. Some institutional words tend to be used by Jews across ethno- religious spectrums. Others, like shule (Jewish school ), are even known outside of the ethnic group. Members of Haredi institutions like Chabad Lubavitchalso use a lot of Biblical Hebrew loans in everyday conversation (not only in rituals). With regards to religion, the most common way to refer to a synagogue among the Orthodox is shil (Yid . ‘synagogue’), whereas those of a more secular orientation may use the Spanish words sinagoga (synagogue) or templo (temple). The term idn (Yid. Jews) is an ingroup way to refer to the ethnic group. In the same way that Jews make a special use of the term paisano (Sp-“fellow countryman”) to address another Jew or use the idn (Yid.) to speak about Jews in general, non-Jews have coined the term Moyshe (Yid.) to refer to Jews. This word is slightly derogatory and its origin can be found in the pronunciation of the name Moises (Sp.) or Moshe (Heb.). In informal speech, some Jewish speakers might use specific words for non-Jews, including the Hebrew goy (sometimes with the Spanish and Yiddish feminine suffix to refer to female goyes ) and the Yiddish shikse (non-Jewish woman or female domestic employee) 1.Similarly, Syrian/Lebanese Jewish speakers use the Judeo-Arabic word ishire [ɪʒ iːre] (female domestic employee). There is also the term Yiddishe mame , which invokes the paradigmatic overprotective figure of the Jewish mother.

1 See more about the use of shikse in (Skura, 1997).

29 Terms for money are sometimes used as a “secret language”. Ashkenazim use the Yiddish grine (green) or lokshn (noodles) to refer to money. To say that a price is cheap it is possible to use the term metsye (deal; bargain) or the formula bilig vi borsht (a traditional beet soup), which means ‘cheap as borsht.’ Finally, there are many terms to insult or criticize people using parts of the body, like pots (literally ‘penis’), which is a way to say ‘stupid’ in a more polite mode. These are only a few of many lexical markers of Jewish speech that I have observed in Buenos Aires. Conclusions In this paper I have tried to show and share my work on Yiddish and Jewish Spanish in Argentina, partly stemming from my collaborations with Evelyn Dean-Olmsted on language and identity among Jewish Latin Americans. Our aim was to summarize, systematize and compare Jewish speech across the Mexico City and Buenos Aires contexts. Here I have shown some results from my Buenos Aires research, mostly about the influences from textual Hebrew/Aramaic, Modern Israeli Hebrew, and Yiddish. These have resulted in a set of unique lexical, semantic, pragmatic and other markers that characterize Buenos Aires Jewish linguistic practice. This kind of survey and study of Jewish Argentinian linguistic repertoires constitutes a new field. I hope that it will be the starting point for future studies about Jewish languages in Buenos Aires and in Latin America more broadly. From the Linguistic–Anthropological perspective, not only is the description and explanation of the languages themselves important, but we also need to know more about contemporary Jewish verbal styles and interactional genres in Latin America. This research contributes to many general areas of interest in both Linguistics and Anthropology. Additionally, in settings where it may be more common to feel embarrassed about ethnic differences, it helps Jewish speakers to promote and see value in their languages, past and present. References Agha, Asif. Language and social relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2007.

30 Agosin, Marjorie. (ed). The house of memory: Stories by Jewish women writers of Latin America. Nueva York: Feminist P. 1999. Agosin, Marjorie. (ed). Memory, oblivion, and Jewish culture in Latin America, U Texas Press. 2005. Balbuena, Monique. 2012. Ladino in Latin America. In Edna Aizenberg & Margalit Bejarano (eds.), Contemporary Sephardic identity in the Americas: An interdisciplinary approach, 161–83. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. Bargman, Daniel. Matrimonios mixtos e identidad judía: Dilemas y desafios. Buenos Aires: CEHIS & AMIA. 1991. Bargman, Daniel. Acerca de la legitimación de la adscripción étnica. Dentro, fuera y sobre los límites del grupo judío en Buenos Aires. Efraim Zadoff & Margalit Bejarano (eds.), Judaica Latinoamericana , vol. 3, 93– 112. Jerusalem: AMILAT. 1997. Bejarano, Margalit. Sephardic communities in Latin America: Past and present. In Efraim Zadoff, Yossi Goldstein & Florinda Goldberg (eds.), Judaica Latinoamericana V: Estudios históricos, sociales y literarios , 9– 16. Jerusalem: Magnes Press. 2005. Benor, Sarah Bunin. Do American Jews speak a "Jewish language"? A model of Jewish linguistic distinctiveness. Jewish Quarterly Review 99. 230–69. 2009. Benor, Sarah Bunin. Ethnolinguistic repertoire: Shifting the analytic focus in language and ethnicity. Journal of Sociolinguistics 14. 159–83. 2010. Biondi Assali, Estela. Alternancia de los códigos español-árabe entre los bilingües de Tucumán, Argentina. Caravelle 52. 33–55. 1989. Bokser de Liwerant, Judit (ed.). Imágenes de un encuentro: La presencia judía en México durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. Mexico City: UNAM, Tribuna Israelita, Cómite Central Israelita de México & Multibanco Mercantil Probursa. 2001. Bokser de Liwerant, Judit. Latin American Jewish identities: Past and present challenges. The Mexican case in a comparative perspective. In Judit Bokser Liwerant (ed.), Identities in an era of globalization and multiculturalism: Latin America in the Jewish world, 81–105. Leiden: Brill. 2008.

31 Bokser Liwerant, Judit. Latin American Jews in the : Community and belonging in times of transnationalism. Springer. Contemporary Jewry 33(1). 121–143. 2013. Briggs, Charles L. Learning how to ask: A sociolinguistic appraisal of the role of the interview in social science research. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1986. Brodsky, Adriana Mariel. The contours of identity : Sephardic Jews and the construction of Jewish communities in Argentina, 1880 to the present. Durham: Duke University PhD thesis. 2004. Brodsky Adriana M. Sephardi, Jewish, Argentine: Community and National Identity. Indiana University Press. 2016. Cherjovsky, Iván. De la Rusia Zarista a la pampa Argentina. Memoria e identidad en las colonias de la Jewish Colonization Association. Buenos Aires: Universidad de Buenos Aires PhD thesis. 2013. Cohen, Martin A., Margalit Bejarano, Victor A. Mirelman, Haim Avni, Shlom Erel & Efraim Zadoff. 2007. Latin America. In Michael Berenbaum & Fred Skolnik (eds.), Encyclopaedia Judaica , 2nd edn., vol. 12, 507–517. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA. http://go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?id= GALE%7CCX2587511921&v=2.1&u=imcpl1111&it=r&p=GVRL&sw= w&asid=38e2f97bb2189aa9fb9cc33bd22134f8. (accessed 17 August 2016). Dean-Olmsted, Evelyn. “Arabic Words in the Spanish of Syrian Jewish Mexicans: A Case for ‘Heritage Words.’” In Texas Linguistics Forum, 55:20–32. Austin, TX. http://studentorgs.utexas.edu/ salsa/proceedings/2012/ deanolmsted.pdf. 2012. Dean-Olmsted, Evelyn, & Susana Skura. Jewish Latin American Spanish. In Lily Kahn & Aaron Rubin (eds.), The Handbook of Jewish languages , 389–402. Leiden & Boston: Brill. 2016. Dean Olmsted y Susana Skura “The Spanish of Jewish Latin Americans: Comparative Analysis of Buenos Aires and Mexico City”. En: Benjamin Hary y Sarah Bunin Benor, (eds.), Languages in Jewish Communities, Past and Presen t. De Gruyter Mouton. (forthcoming). DellaPergola, Sergio. ¿Cuantos somos hoy? Investigación y narrativa sobre población judía en America Latina. In Haim Avni (ed.),

32 Pertenencia y alteridad: judíos en/de América Latina: Cuarenta años de cambios , 305–330. Madrid, Frankfurt am Main & Mexico City: Iberoamericana, Vervuert & Bonilla Artigas. 2011. DellaPergola, Sergio. 2013a. World Jewish population, 2013. In Arnold Dashefsky & Ira M. Sheskin (eds.), The American Jewish year book, 2013 , vol. 113, 279–358. Dordecht: Springer. http://www.jewishdatabank.org/ Studies/details.cfm?StudyID=737. (accessed 17 August 2016). DellaPergola, Sergio. 2013. National uniqueness and transnational parallelism: Reflections on the comparative study of Jewish communities in Latin America. Berman Jewish Policy Archive. http://www.bjpa.org/ Publications/details.cfm?PublicationID=18558. (accessed 17 August 2016). Della Pérgola, Sergio & Susana Lerner. La población judía de México: Perfil demográfico, social y cultural. Mexico City & Jerusalem: Asociación Mexicana de Amigos de la Universidad Hebrea de Jerusalén. 1995. Fishman, Joshua A. Language loyalty in the United States: The maintenance and perpetuation of non-English mother tongues by American ethnic and religious groups. The Hague: Mouton. 1966. Gold, David L. The Spanish, Portuguese and Hebrew names for Yiddish and the Yiddish names for Hebrew. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 1980(24). 29–42. 1980. Gold, David L. "La ribeca ista en ventana: A ditty in Buenos Aires Jewish Spanish. Jewish Language Review 2. 57–58. 1982. Gold, David L. More musical and linguistic material from Argentina. Jewish Language Review 3. 103–111. 1983. Gold, David L. More musical and linguistic material from Argentina (Part 2), some Items from contemporary Sefardic , and a bit of Eastern Ashkenazic and Eastern Ashkenazic . Jewish Language Review 5. 117–122. 1985. González, Hebe. “Ethnographic survey of four linguistic minorities of San Juan (Argentina): Korean, Jewish, Deaf and Gypsy communities” mimeo. 2001.

33 Jakobson, Roman.. Shifters, verbal categories and the Russian verb . In Linda R. Waugh & Monique Monville-Burston (eds.), On language: Roman Jakobson , 386-392. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Russian Language Project. 1990 [1957] Jmelnitzky, Adrián & Ezequiel Erdei. The Jewish population of Buenos Aires: A socio-demographic survey. Buenos Aires: AMIA. 2005. Lesser, Jeff & Raanan Rein. Rethinking Jewish-Latin Americans. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. 2008. Matisoff, James. Blessings, curses, hopes, and fears: Psycho-ostensive expressions in Yiddish. 1st edn. Standford: Stanford University Press. 2000. Nussbaum, Luci. “De las lenguas en contacto al habla plurilingüe”. In: Maldonado Ángel & Virginia Unamuno (eds.), Prácticas y repertorios plurilingües en Argentina . Buenos Aires: GREIP, 273- 284. 2012 Ran, Amalia & Jean Cahan. Returning to Babel: Jewish Latin American experiences, representations, and identity. Leiden & Boston: Brill. 2011. Rein, Raanan & Tzvi Tal. Becoming part of the moving story: Jews on the Latin American screen. Jewish Film & New Media 2(1): 1–8. doi:10.13110/jewifilmnewmedi.2.1.0001. (accessed 18 August 2016). 2014. Reyes, Angela & Adrienne Lo. Beyond yellow English: Toward a linguistic anthropology of Asian Pacific America. New York: Oxford University Press. 2009. Rivera, Andrés. El Verdugo en el umbral. Buenos Aires: Alfaguara. 1994 Romero, Rey. Lexical borrowing and gender assignment in Judeo- Spanish. Ianua: Revista Philologica Romanica 9. 2–13. 2009. Shandler, Jeffrey. Adventures in Yiddishland: Postvernacular language & culture. Berkeley: University of California Press. 2008. Skura, Susana. 1997a. La Shikse. Signos múltiples en el discurso sobre el "otro". Noticias de Antropología y Arqueología n° 20 http://www.equiponaya.com.ar/congresos/contenido/laplata/LP4/14.htm. (accessed 18 August 2016). Skura, Susana. 1997b. Usos y representaciones de la lengua de origen en la conformación de procesos identitarios: El idish según sus semi- hablantes Ashkenazíes de la Capital Federal. In Mario Margulis &

34 Marcelo Urresti (eds.), La cultura en la Argentina de fin de siglo: Ensayos sobre la dimensión cultural , 109–120. Buenos Aires: Eudeba. Skura, Susana. 2006 (1998). Usos y representaciones de la lengua de origen en la construcción de la identidad socio-étnica. El ídish en la comunidad ashkenazí de Buenos Aires . En: AAVV Tesis de Licenciatura del Departamento de Ciencias Antropológicas 1 . Universidad de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires. CD. Skura, Susana. “A por gauchos in chiripá...". Expresiones criollistas en el teatro ídish argentino (1910-1930). Iberoamericana. América Latina- España-Portugal. Ensayos sobre letras, historia y sociedad 7(27). 7–23. 2007. Skura, Susana (Comp.) “Introducción. Ídish en Argentina: Mame loshn, lengua muerta, lengua minorizada”. Reflexiones sobre el ídish , Colección Mil Años. Vol. 10, Buenos Aires: Sholem. Buenos Aires, 9- 25. 2012. Skura, Susana & Lucas Fiszman. "From shiln to shpiln in Max Perlman's Songs: Linguistic and Socio-cultural Change among Ashkenazi Jews in Argentina.” Journal of Jewish Languages 4(2) . 231 – 251. 2016. Skura, Susana & Lucas Fiszman. Ideologías lingüísticas: Silenciamiento y transmisión del ídish en Argentina. In Susana Skura (eds.), Lenguaje, cultura y sociedad. Perspectivas integradoras, 63-82. Buenos Aires: Universidad de Buenos Aires. 2005. Toker, Eliahu. 1996a. Refranerito ídish y las más sabrosas maldiciones judías de Europa Oriental . Buenos Aires: Arte y Papel. Toker, Eliahu. 1996b. Refranerito sefardí y las mejores maldiciones judeo españolas . Buenos Aires: Arte y Papel. Virkel de Sandler, Ana. El bilingüismo idish-español en dos comunidades bonaerenses. In María Beatriz Fontanella de Weinberg (eds.), Lengua e Inmigración: Mantenimiento y cambio de lenguas inmigratorias , 113– 132.Bahía Blanca: Departamento de Humanidades, Universidad Nacional del Sur. 1991. Wexler, Paul. “Jewish Interlinguistics: Facts and Conceptual Framework” Language Vol. 57, No. 1 (Mar., 1981), pp. 99-149. 1981.

35 Еврейские языки и носители еврейско -испанского в Буэнос -Айресе Сузана Лея Скура Университет Буэнос -Айреса , Аргентина Аннотация : настоящая статья представляет собой часть сов - местного проекта с антропологом Эвелин Дин Олмстед , начатого в 2004 г. Данное сравнительное исследование посвящено этническим и культурным маркерам еврейскости на примере евреев Буэнос - Айреса ( Аргентина ) и Мехико . В нем применены методы культурной антропологии и дискурсивного анализа . В первой части исследования выяснялось , существуют ли особенности , характерные для речи испаноязычных евреев этих двух городов , для того чтобы продемонстрировать специфику еврейского испанского языка на тематическом , фонетическом , морфосинтаксическом , лексическом и идиоматическом уровнях . Настоящая статья встает в один ряд с публикациями об испанском языке евреев в Латинской Америке , в которых используется идея С. Бенор о « еврейском этнолингвистическом репертуаре » или « меняющийся лингвистический ресурс , который члены этнической группы могут использовать для демонстрации этнической идентичности » ( Бенор 2010: 159). Данная перспектива позволяет сосредоточить свое внимание на ряде коммуникативных практик и показать отношения между языком , идентичностью и социальной жизнью евреев - носителей испанского языка в Латинской Америке . В статье обсуж - дается исследование еврейских языков в Аргентине , представляются предварительные данные по испанскому языку ашкеназских евреев Буэнос -Айреса . Ключевые слова : еврейские языки , еврейско -испанский , маркеры еврейской идентичности , лингвистическая антропология , поствернакулярный идиш , ашкеназское еврейство , Буэнос -Айрес , Аргентина .