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PREFACE 1 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, the Civic Culture

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PREFACE 1 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, the Civic Culture Notes PREFACE 1 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitude and Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton University Press, 1963) p. 5. 2 Lucian Pye and Sidney Verba (eds), Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton University Press, 1965) p. 7. 3 Barrington Moore Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (London: Allen Lane, 1966). 4 Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (Yale University Press, 1968). 5 S. M. Lipset, The First New Nation (New York: Basic Books, 1963). 6 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (New York: Alfred Knopf, English trans., 1883). NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE: POLITICAL SOCIETY IN THE WEST See in this connection my Democratic Process in A Developing Sociery, especially the chapter on 'An Emerging Political Society' (London: Macmillan, 1979) pp. 12~5. 2 See in this connection John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, a critical edition with an introduction and apparatus criticus by Peter Laslett (Cambridge University Press, 1960) p. 351. 3 De Tocq ueville, Democracy in America (N ew York: Alfred Knopf, 1883) vol. I passim, pp. 299-305. Such an approach is different from the 'macro­ sociological' approach of Edward W. Lehman's Political Sociery: A Macro­ sociology of Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977). 4 See in this connection Ernest Barker, The Politics of Aristotle (Oxford University Press, 1969) p. Ii. 5 Ibid., Book IV, p. 155. 6 John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, p. 351. 7 Ibid., p. 356. 8 Ibid., p. 365. 9 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America. Harold Laski said ofthis book, 'It is perhaps the greatest work ever on one country by the citizen of another.' Quoted in the introduction by Phillip Bradley, p. i. 10 Ibid., pp. 299-300. 11 Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, edited and with an 186 Notes 187 introduction by Talcott Parsons (London: Collier-Macmillan, 1944) p. 12. 12 Ibid., p. 80. 13 See in this connection R. H. Tawney's classic foreword to Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, translated by Talcott Parson~ (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958) p. 10. 14 See in this connection my The Political Theory of John Dewey (New York: Teachers College Press, Columbia University, 1968). 15 John Rawls, The Theory of Justice (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972) pp. vii-viii. 16 Ibid., p. 6. 17 'Consensus or Elite Domination: The Case of Business', by J. P. Nettl, in Studies in British Politics: A Reader in Political Sociology, edited by Richard Rose (London: Macmillan, 1969) pp. 291-316. 18 See in this connection a highly readable work by T. A. Critchley, The Conquest of Violence: Order and Liberty in Britain (London: Constable, 1970) pp. 1-2. 19 I'bid., pp. 5--6. 20 A. H. Birch, Representative and Responsible Government: Essays on the British Constitution (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1964) p. 21. 21 Ibid., pp. 91-2. 22 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, vol. I, p. 297. 23 Ibid., vol. II, p. 3. 24 Seymour Martin Lipset, The First New Nation (New York: Basic Books, 1963) p. 208. Also see in this connection the controversy between Lipset, Riesman and Whyte on values as causal factors or as by-products of different kinds of economy and polity with reference to the United States, p. 106. 25 Ralph H. Gabriel, American Value: Community and Change (London: Green­ wood Press, 1974) pp. 4-5. 26 In 1837, in his address to Harvard College, Ralph Waldo Emerson said, 'We have listened too long to the courtly muses of Europe' , and now 'we will walk on our own feet; we will work with our hands; we will speak our own minds'. Quoted by R. H. Gabriel, American Value: Community and Change, p.6. 27 S. M. Lipset, The First New Nation, pp. 19-21. 28 See in this connection W. C. Mitchell, The American Polity: A Social and Cultural Interpretation (New York: The Free Press, 1970) p. 115. 29 See in this connection Theodore Zeldin (ed.), Conflicts in French Society: Anticlericism, Education and Morals in the Nineteenth Century (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1970) pp. 10-11. 30 Ibid., p. 229. 31 R. D. Anderson, France 1870-1914: Politics and Society (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1977). 32 David Thompson, Democracy in France Since 1870 (Oxford University Press, 1964) p. 10. 33 Ibid. 34 Theodore Zeldin,France: 1848-1945, vol. II (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977) p.793. 35 See Jack Hayward, 'Dissentient France: The Counter Political Culture' in 188 Notes Conflict and Consensus in France, edited by Vincent Wright (London: Frank Cass, 1979). 36 Ibid., p. 65. 37 See 'Conclusion: The Impact of the Fifth Republic on France' by Stanley Hoffman in William G. Andrews and Stanley Hoffman (eds), The Fifth Republic at Twenty (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981) pp. 450-96. NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO: POLITICAL SOCIETY IN INDIA Gandhi had said, 'I feel that our progress towards the goal will be in exact proportion to the purity of means.' Quoted by Raghavan N. Iyer, The Moral and Political Thought of Mahatma Gandhi (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973) p. 362. But once the use of proper means was established, Gandhi was very determined on the type of social and political consequences he wanted from the use of such means. 2 M. K. Gandhi, Satyagraha (Allahabad: All India Congress Committee, 1935) p. 37. 3 Erik Erikson, Gandhi's Truth: On the Origins of Militant Non- Violence (London: Faber & Faber, 1970). 4 Erik Erikson has called Gandhi 'a religious actualist' who was drawn to action by the highest normative considerations which often make people withdrawn. See in this connection his Gandhi's Truth: On the Origins of Militant Non- Violence, p. 396. 5 Gandhi wrote in 1920, 'I have found Englishmen amenable to reason and persuasion, and as they always wish to appear just, it is easier to shame them than others in doing the right thing.' Quoted by B. R. Nanda, Mahatma Gandhi: A Biography (Boston: Beacon Press, 1958) p. 516. The technique which he developed against the British did not work against the Portuguese on the question of Goa where unarmed freedom fighters used to be mowed down by Portugese machineguns. In this connection Morarji Desai is reported to have said that it was Gandhi's genius to have discovered what would work against the British: non-violence and moral embarrassment. 6 Ibid., p. 211. 7 See in this connection, 'Mahatma Gandhi and Civil Disobedience' by Paul F. Power in Meaning of Gandhi, ed. Paul F. Power (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1971). 8 Jawaharial Nehru, The Discovery of India (London: Meridian Books, 1946) p. II. 9 Ibid., p. 44. 10 Ibid., pp. 433-4. II Michael Brecher, Nehru: A Political Biography (Boston: Beacon Press, 1962) p.233. 12 See in this connection M. N. Das, The Political Philosophy ofJawaharlal Nehru (New York: John Day, 1961). 13 Ibid., p. 21. 14 Ibid., p. 99. Notes 189 15 See for an extensive discussion of the peculiarities of the growth of political capacity, and factors inhibiting it in various countries, my Political Capacity in Developing Societies (London: Macmillan, 1981). 16 Quoted by M. N. Das, Political Philosophy ofJawaharlal Nehru, p. 167. 17 Geoffrey Tyson has put this appropriately: 'he knew that the vast amorphous mass which is India could only be governed and held together by a series of compromises; a concession here, a special exception there'. Nehru: The Years of Power (London: Pall Mall Press, 1966) p. 188. 18 One of the finest expressions of this view came from the Balwatray Mehta Committee Report on democratic decentralisation. In that Nehru was quoted as follows: 'to build the community and the individual and to make the latter the builder of his own village centres and ofIndia in a larger sense of the term'. Quoted by Balwatray Mehta Committee Report: Report of the Team for the Study of Community Projects and National Extension Service (New Delhi, 1957) p. 3. 19 See in this connection D. V. Tahmankar, Sardar Patel (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1970). 20 A. R. H. Copley, The Political Career if C. Rajagopalachari: A Moralist in Politics (Delhi: Macmillan, 1978) p. 4. 21 Quoted by R. C. Gupta, Lalbahadur Shastri: The Man and His Ideas (Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1966) pp. 51-2. 22 See in this connection J ayaprakash Narayan, A Plea for Reconstruction of Indian Polity (Rajghat: Kashi, Akhil Bharat Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan) p. 3. 23 Ibid., p. 12. 24 Ibid., p. 23. 25 Socialism, Sarvodaya and Democracy: Selected Works ifJayaprakash Narayan, ed. Bimla Prasad (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1964) p. ix. 26 Ajit Bhattacharjea,jayaprakash Narayan: A Political Biography (Delhi: Vikas, 1975) p. vii. NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE: NORMATIVE-PRAGMATIC CONSIDERA TIONS In the 1960s, in a rural community ofGujarat, in western India, a number of definitions of what the lokshahi (democracy) was all about, emerged. Some of these were recorded by me. See in this connection my Democracy and Political Change in Village India (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1971). 2 In this respect India did not experience the threat of rival ethical notions implicit in political liberalism, which in turn are themselves rooted in the Judeo-Christian ethical system. Hinduism, being a belief system with emphasis on inclusion, synthesis and relativism, did not feel threatened by rival ethical imperatives. On the contrary, educated Hindus were deeply fascinated by the values implicit in political liberalism. They even welcomed its egalitarian and participatory emphasis which appeared to be a much-needed corrective to the hierarchical notions of their own social organisation.
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