The Interpretation of Islam Within the Legal Framework

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Interpretation of Islam Within the Legal Framework JOURNAL OF GOVENANCE AND INTEGRITY (JGI) ISSN: 2600-7479 e-ISSN: 2600-786X VOL. 4, ISSUE 2, 64 – 72 DOI: https://doi.org/10.15282/jgi.4.2.2021.6545 ORIGINAL ARTICLE INSIGHT: THE INTERPRETATION OF ISLAM WITHIN THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK OF THE INDIGENOUS MALAYA Wan Ahmad Fauzi bin Wan Husain1,2 1Faculty of Industrial Management, Universiti Malaysia Pahang 2Director, The Institute of Civilization and Strategic Research ARTICLE HISTORY ABSTRACT – This article promotes Islam's interpretation within the legal framework of the Received: 20-11-2020 indigenous Malayan based on its principle of sovereignty. At present, Islam is popularly defined by Revised: 13-12-2020 the Court's decision in Che Omar Che Soh vs Public Prosecutor, where the sovereignty of the Accepted: 8-1-2021 Malay Rulers was made as a parameter in interpreting Islam within the context of Article 3 of the Federal Constitution. The said decision confines Islam only in the context of personal laws due to KEYWORDS the Pangkor Treaty, 1874. This is a qualitative study applying the legal history design. The findings Old Malayan Constitution, showed that the indigenous sovereignty sourced from the Islamic teachings had not been affected sovereignty, despite the introduction of doctrine of advice and various British policies throughout their law of the land, Article 3, intervention in Malaya. In fact, many agreements made between the Malay Rulers and the British The World Class Good retained the indigenous sovereignty as those agreements were subjected to the old Malayan Governance Ethics Constitution, the principle of Islam as the law of the land as well as the contemporary local thinking. The above three local circumstances explained the principle of sovereignty, thus the position of Islam in the indigenous Malaya's legal framework. This article concludes that the accurate interpretation of Islam should be based on the al-Qur'an and al-Sunnah because the Malay Rulers have retained their position as a caliph even after the British intervened in their internal state affairs. INTRODUCTION The interpretation of Islam by Salleh Abas, LP in the case of Che Omar Che Soh vs Public Persecutor that reads, "Islamic law was rendered isolated in a narrow confinement of the law of marriage, divorce and inheritance only" was based on a misdirected observation. The misdirected observation taken from the phrase, "In our view, it is in this sense of dichotomy that the framers of the Constitution understood the meaning of the word 'Islam' in the context of Article 3" was reversed by Ahmad Fairuz, CJ in the case of Lina Joy vs the Federal Islamic Religious Council & Ors when the majority decided on the following: Islam is not just a set of dogmas and rituals, but it is also a complete way of life embracing all fields of human activities, private or public, legal laws, political, economic, social, cultural, moral or judicial. And if examined thoroughly, it was obvious Articles 11 (1), 74 (2) and item 1 in list 2 in Schedule 9 PP that Islam encompasses, among others, the Islamic laws. Even though the interpretation of Islam by Salleh Abas LP in the case of Che Omar Che Soh vs Public Prosecutor was reversed, it is critical to revisit his ground of Judgment since his lordship had interestingly argued the position of the Malay Rulers' sovereignty before arriving at the interpretation of Islam in the context of the Federal Constitution. Another critical aspect of the said decision is that Islam's interpretation would determine the validity of laws passed by the Parliament. In the above case, there were two interpretations of Islam being considered, namely: The first point to consider here is the meaning which could be given to the expression 'Islam' or 'Islamic religion' in Article 3 of the Constitution. If Islam's religion in the context means only such acts as related to rituals and ceremonies, the argument has no basis whatsoever. On the other hand, if the religion of Islam or Islam itself is an all-embracing concept, as is typically understood, which consists not only the ritualistic aspects but also a comprehensive system of life, including its jurisprudence and moral standard, then the submission has a significant implication in that every law has to be tested accordingly to this yardstick. There can be no doubt that Islam is not just about a mere collection of dogmas and rituals but a whole way of life covering all fields of human activities, whether they be private or public, legal, political, economic, social, and cultural, moral or judicial. This way of ordering the life with all the precepts and moral standards is based on divine guidance through His prophets, and the last of such guidance is the al Quran, and the last messenger is Mohammad SAW whose conduct and utterance are revered (see S Abul A'ala Maududi, The Islamic Law and Constitution, March 1980, seventh. Edition). *CORRESPONDING AUTHOR | Wan Ahmad Fauzi bin Wan Husain | [email protected] 64 © The Authors 2019. Published by Penerbit UMP. This is an open access article under the CC BY license. Wan Husain │ Journal of Governance and Integrity│ Vol. 4, Issue 2 (2021) Objective Hence, this article's main objective is to explain the interpretation of Islam within the legal framework of the indigenous Malaya. Such interpretation is critical to argue the observation made by Salleh Abas, LP in the case of Che Omar Che Soh vs Public Prosecutor while analysing the effects of the Pangkor Treaty, 1874 and Article 162 of the Federal Constitution on the existing law which includes in its definition the states constitution before the Independence Day (Hari Merdeka). Subsequently, such interpretation denotes Islam's true definition in Article 3 of the Federal Constitution, thus clarifying the principle of the highest governance in the present Malaysian legal framework. LITERATURE REVIEW The Supreme Court's decision in Che Omar Che Soh vs Public Prosecutor became the subject of review and this article's argument centred on the critical issues and events discussed by Salleh Abas, LP. More information can be found in the sections after methodology. METHODOLOGY This article uses local jurisprudence (Jurisprudens Watan) that promotes legal history as a research design to define Islam's interpretation. Relevant data and evidence were collected from the Old Malayan Constitution and the reliable customary and legal sources in Malaya. The primary issues are critically analysed using legal doctrines based on a qualitative study. This study focuses on the Malay Rulers' position viewed from the three legal perspectives; they are the Old Malayan Constitution, the law of the land and contemporary local thinking. These three sources are most valid, relevant and credible evidence to determine the principle of sovereignty and the interpretation of Islam within the framework of the indigenous Malaya. THE INDIGENOUS SOVEREIGNTY Generally, sovereignty refers to the concept of supreme authority that determines the legal principles in a political entity and legislation, i.e. the concept of the supreme power which could not be stripped by any internal or external power; to carry out political decisions, to enact and enforce laws based on the characteristics of its sovereignty within its territorial jurisdiction (Wan Ahmad Fauzi: 2017). Sovereignty by the Western and Islamic thoughts was a concept that had implications on the political system and legal principles of a government or state (Curzon, Dictionary of Law: 2007; Wan Ahmad Fauzi: 2017). The distinction of sovereignty between Western thought and Islam is from the source of sovereignty. The Western thinking placed sovereignty on the people or certain entities such as parliament that required the sovereign power to be absolute, free and independent when making decisions. On the other hand, Islam places absolute sovereignty on Allah SWT, while the government or rulers is merely a trustee, far from absolute. From the Islamic perspective, free and independent means the freedom to execute Allah SWT's command and the teachings of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). Hence, it must be understood that the sovereign government maintains its independence and is not colonised. As such, the sovereign ruler and his government are not under any form of adverse subordination or control. The colonisation would only occur if a government's sovereignty, including all its characteristics, were relinquished either due to war or was replaced by a different entity. However, according to the Islamic perspective, Allah SWT's sovereignty could only be suspended when people are ignoring religious sanctions. This is because the responsibility to execute the command of Allah SWT is infinite and could not be eliminated by anyone. If it was suspended, then it becomes the obligation of the Muslims to restore it. As further explained by Wan Ahmad Fauzi (2018), the Malayan sovereignty referred to the framework of Islamic sovereignty originating from the establishment of the Malayan Malay Sultanate that occurred earlier or later therefrom. Thus, the Malayan indigenous sovereignty is a supreme authority concept derived from the Islamic Shari'a (Islamic laws) based on faith that asserted the highest legislation is Allah SWT's absolute right as described in the al-Qur'an and al- Sunnah. Based on that conceptual framework, then: 1. Human leadership, including the Malay Rulers, is positioned as Khalifah (Caliph), or the sovereign trustee to the almighty Allah SWT. 2. The sovereignty principle outlines the political system's general policies and the legal principles (the teachings of Islam) that are mandatory guidance to man throughout all time and places. 3. The man could legislate laws and policies, but such legal orders must be in line with Islam's teachings. The evidence that supports indigenous sovereignty was sourced from the Islamic teachings could be based on the following three local circumstances: 65 journal.ump.edu.my/jgi ◄ Wan Husain │ Journal of Governance and Integrity│ Vol.
Recommended publications
  • Muslim Father's Rights in Determining His Minor Child's Conversion to Islam in Malaysia
    ISSN 2411-9563 (Print) European Journal of Social Sciences May-August 2015 ISSN 2312-8429 (Online) Education and Research Volume 2, Issue 3 Muslim Father’s Rights in Determining His Minor Child’s Conversion to Islam in Malaysia Dr Zuliza Mohd Kusrin ([email protected]) Senior Lecturer of Department of Shariah, Faculty of Islamic Studies, The National University of Malaysia (UKM) Affiliation in Comparative Family Law and Constitutional Human Rights Associate Professor Dr Salasiah Hanin Hamjah ([email protected]) Associate Professor of Department of Dakwah, Faculty of Islamic Studies, The NationaI University of Malaysia (UKM) Affiliation in Islamic Counselling Associate Professor Dr Fariza Md Sham ([email protected]) Associate Professor of Department of Dakwah, Faculty of Islamic Studies, The NationaI University of Malaysia (UKM) Affiliation in Dakwah Psychology among Adolescents Abstract Freedom of religion is guaranteed by the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. For children, their rights to freedom of religion are mentioned in Article 12(4) of the Federal Constitution. However, there is conflict of law, i.e. between the civil law and Sharia Law, in some cases involving the child’s conversion to Islam, following the conversion of his or her parents. This article aims to discuss on provisions of the Federal Constitution on the child’s right to the freedom of religion. The discussion also elucidate on the father’s right in determining his minor child’s conversion to Islam. The methodology used in gathering relevant data is content analysis. Data was gathered from Sharia Laws, legal provisions, law journals and reported cases relevant to the issue.
    [Show full text]
  • FAUZILAH SALLEH V. UNIVERSITI MALAYSIA TERENGGANU HIGH
    Fauzilah Salleh v. [2012] 4 CLJ Universiti Malaysia Terengganu 601 A FAUZILAH SALLEH v. UNIVERSITI MALAYSIA TERENGGANU B HIGH COURT MALAYA, KUALA TERENGGANU MOHD YAZID MUSTAFA J [CIVIL SUIT NO: 22-02-2009] 16 OCTOBER 2011 C ADMINISTRATIVE LAW: Rules of natural justice - Right to be heard - Breach of - Revocation of Master’s Degree by University due to allegation of plagiarism - Whether there was a violation of the university’s constitution - Whether University partly contributed to commission of plagiarism - Whether plaintiff accorded right to be heard D The plaintiff was awarded a Master’s Degree in Marketing Science from the defendant University. She was then offered by the defendant University a three-years PhD course commencing on 23 July 2006 and ending on 22 July 2009. On 22 January 2007, an inquiry was held by the Jawatankuasa Penyiasatan (‘the E inquiry’) where the plaintiff appeared as a witness before a committee. After a lapse of one year, the plaintiff received a letter dated 22 January 2008 from the Registrar of the defendant University informing her that the Chancellor of the defendant University, on the recommendation of the board of the University, F had revoked her Master’s Degree under cl. 57(1)(b) and cl. 2 of the constitution of the defendant university on the ground that she had committed plagiarism. Aggrieved, the plaintiff filed the present suit claiming that the revocation of her Master’s Degree by the defendant University was in violation of cl. 57 of the said G constitution and the principle of natural justice. She also asked for a declaration that the revocation was invalid and an order for the return of the degree to her, damages, interests and costs.
    [Show full text]
  • Rule of Law and the Independence of the Judiciary
    Rule of Law and the Independence of the Judiciary Speech delivered by Arthur Moses SC, President, Law Council of Australia at the Australian High Commissioner’s Residence, Kuala Lumpur. 11 January 2019 Telephone +61 2 6246 3788 • Fax +61 2 6248 0639 • Email [email protected] GPO Box 1989, Canberra ACT 2601, DX 5719 Canberra • 19 Torrens St Braddon ACT 2612 Law Council of Australia Limited ABN 85 005 260 622 www.lawcouncil.asn.au Good evening. Thank you, Your Excellency, for your hospitality in hosting tonight’s reception to mark the Opening of the Legal Year 2019. It is a great honour to be here in Kuala Lumpur and to deliver this address on behalf of the Law Council of Australia. I am delighted to acknowledge here this evening The Right Honourable Tan Sri Datuk Seri Panglima Richard Malanjum, Ministers, President of the Malaysian Bar, and distinguished guests and colleagues. Thank you for welcoming me so warmly to your beautiful city. The legal professions of Malaysia and Australia enjoy a strong relationship that has developed over decades. This friendship is anchored in our mutual respect for the rule of law, and our shared commitment to promoting and upholding the rule of law both within and across our borders. As President of the Law Council of Australia, I look forward to working with you in the year ahead to continue to strengthen the bond between our professions, to serve and to advance the administration of justice throughout our region. I am humbled to have been invited to Malaysia as my first official engagement.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Documents of All Tcountries in Southeast Asia As of December 2007, As Well As the ASEAN Charter (Vol
    his three volume publication includes the constitutional documents of all Tcountries in Southeast Asia as of December 2007, as well as the ASEAN Charter (Vol. I), reports on the national constitutions (Vol. II), and a collection of papers on cross-cutting issues (Vol. III) which were mostly presented at a conference at the end of March 2008. This collection of Constitutional documents and analytical papers provides the reader with a comprehensive insight into the development of Constitutionalism in Southeast Asia. Some of the constitutions have until now not been publicly available in an up to date English language version. But apart from this, it is the first printed edition ever with ten Southeast Asian constitutions next to each other which makes comparative studies much easier. The country reports provide readers with up to date overviews on the different constitutional systems. In these reports, a common structure is used to enable comparisons in the analytical part as well. References and recommendations for further reading will facilitate additional research. Some of these reports are the first ever systematic analysis of those respective constitutions, while others draw on substantial literature on those constitutions. The contributions on selected issues highlight specific topics and cross-cutting issues in more depth. Although not all timely issues can be addressed in such publication, they indicate the range of questions facing the emerging constitutionalism within this fascinating region. CONSTITUTIONALISM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Volume 2 Reports on National Constitutions (c) Copyright 2008 by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Singapore Editors Clauspeter Hill Jőrg Menzel Publisher Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 34 Bukit Pasoh Road Singapore 089848 Tel: +65 6227 2001 Fax: +65 6227 2007 All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • 'DAP's Opposition of Malaysia As an Islamic State'
    Political Managements and Policies in Malaysia ‘DAP’s Opposition of Malaysia as an Islamic State’ R. Sivaperegasam P. Rajanthiran Abstract e brave and controversial declaration of Malaysia as an Islamic state by YABhg Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad on the 29 September 2001, was vehemently opposed by the DAP. is paper analyses and explores the justifi cation of the said declaration as well as the pattern and rationale for DAP’s oppositionism. e DAP had specifi cally highlighted and protested via its “929” campaign that YABhg Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad’s declaration of Malaysia as an Islamic state was unconstitutional, undemocratic and arbitrary. e DAP party stalwarts maintained that Malaysia was a secular state since Independence and ought to continue remaining so in the best interests of a pluralistic Malaysia. e primary focus of this paper therefore is to identify and discuss the fl aws in the DAP’s said claim, and instead highlight the fact that Malaysia is rightfully an Islamic state from Independence and beyond. YABhg Tun Dr. Mahathir’s declaration of Malaysia as an Islamic state is the climax of the Islamisation policy conducted throughout to put Malaysia back on the world map as a reputable Islamic state just as how it had been during the days of the pre- colonisation era. Malaysia was declared as an Islamic state by the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad on the 29 th September, 2001 at the Gerakan national 39 th delegates’ conference with the consensus of all other BN component parties present. ! is brave and controversial declaration of Malaysia as an Islamic state by Tun Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • 50 Reasons Why Anwar Cannot Be Prime Minister 287–8, 298 Abdul
    Index 50 Reasons Why Anwar Cannot be mega-projects 194, 313–14, Prime Minister 287–8, 298 320–1, 323 successor 126, 194, 307–9, 345 Abdul Aziz Shamsuddin 298 Proton 319–21 Abdul Aziz Taha 158 Abdullah Majid 35, 36 Abdul Daim Zainuddin see Daim Abdullah Mohamed Yusof 133 Zainuddin Abu Bakar Ba’asyir 228–9 Abdul Gani Patail see Gani Patail Abu Sahid Mohamed 176 Abdul Ghafar Baba see Ghafar Baba affirmative action programme (New Abdul Khalid Sahan 165 Economic Policy/NEP) 30–1, 86, Abdul Qadeer Khan 313 87, 88–9, 96, 98, 101, 103–4, Abdul Rahim Aki 151, 152 110–13, 142, 155, 200, 230, 328, Abdul Rahim Bakar 201 329, 348 Abdul Rahim Noor see Rahim Noor Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Abdul Rahman Putra see Tunku Abdul Organization 23 Rahman agriculture 88–9, 104, 111 Abdul Rahman Aziz 227 Ahmad Zahid Hamidi see Zahid Hamidi Abdul Razak Hussein see Razak Ali Abul Hassan Sulaiman 301 Hussein Aliran (multiracial reform movement) Abdul Wahab Patail see Wahab Patail 66, 70, 324, 329 Abdullah Ahmad 4, 26, 27, 32, 35–6, Alliance 17 38, 128, 308, 319 government 18–19, 24–5, 53, 126, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi see Abdullah 218 Badawi see also National Front Abdullah Badawi 235–7, 268, 299 Alor Star 3, 4–5, 11, 14–15, 16, 130 2004 election 317–18 MAHA Clinic (“UMNO Clinic”) 13, anti-corruption agenda 310–12, 191 317–18, 319, 327–8, 330–1 Mahathir Mohamad’s relocation to Anwar Ibrahim case 316 Kuala Lumpur from 31 corruption and nepotism Alternative Front 232, 233 allegations 312–13, 323 Anti-Corruption Agency 90, 282, 301, economic policies 194, 313–14 311,
    [Show full text]
  • Imagereal Capture
    Five ‘May Day for Justice’1 H P. Lee ’ High among men's finer traits is their love of justice. Through history’s tornadoes and fitful gusts its flame has kept alive. Sometimes spluttering and flickering, sometimes waxing, sometimes waning, it has always been a reminder that men may look for a determination of their rights to a principle mightier than might alone. — C. G. Weeramantiy, Law in Crisis, at p.vii. On 8 August 1988, Tun Salleh Abas, the Lord President of Malaysia (the highest judicial officer of the land) was effectively ‘removed’ from office. In common parlance, he was ‘sacked’. His removal was made pursuant to the recommendation of a special Tribunal appointed purportedly in accordance with the provisions of the Malaysian Constitution. To the observer (who is unfamiliar with Malaysian politics) and to some Malaysian citizens (confronted with a govern­ ment controlled media), the removal seemed above board: there had been scrupulous adherence to the Constitution of Malaysia. May Day For Justice is the anguished account by Tun Salleh of the convulsion which occurred in the Malaysian judiciary and which resulted in his removal. The account preserves for posterity the shamefulness of the whole saga. It is the harrowing story of a man of simple roots and highest integrity being brought down by a web of lust for political power, greed for self-advancement and plain timidity in the face of a ferocious assault by the Executive on judicial independence. * * t Tun Salleh Abas with K. Das, May Day For Justice Magnus Books, Kuala Lumpur, 1989. * Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Melbourne.
    [Show full text]
  • Unjust Order: Malaysia's Internal Security Act
    Fordham International Law Journal Volume 26, Issue 5 2002 Article 1 Unjust Order: Malaysia’s Internal Security Act Nicole Fritz∗ Martin Flahertyy ∗ y Copyright c 2002 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Unjust Order: Malaysia’s Internal Security Act Nicole Fritz and Martin Flaherty Abstract This Report represents the culmination of a year-long project undertaken by the Crowley Pro- gram to update the study of the use and impact of the Internal Security Act (ISA) in Malaysia in light of international law obligations. We reference first those international commitments that Malaysia has expressly adopted. However, these are very few–reflecting the antipathy felt by the Malaysian government for international obligations of this sort. Additionally, we have made ref- erence to the generally-accepted international law provisions applicable in this context–intended both to demonstrate the extent to which the ISA deviates from widely-upheld international norms, even if those norms are not ones expressly accepted by Malaysia. We have also referenced the extent to which other States, contemplating reviving or enacting similar laws, will fall afoul of their more readily undertaken international obligations in doing so. SPECIAL REPORT UNJUST ORDER: MALAYSIA'S INTERNAL SECURITY ACT Nicole Fritz* & Martin Flaherty** INTRODUCTION The Petronas Towers - two soaring office blocks in the heart of Kuala Lumpur - rise cleanly from their base. Few neighboring skyscrapers hem their space and it is this contrast to their surrounding landscape that makes them, arguably, even more arresting than the Twin Towers they so obviously recall.
    [Show full text]
  • '88 Crisis : Money No Cure for Pain Malaysiakini.Com Apr 18, 2008 Beh Lih Yi
    '88 crisis : money no cure for pain Malaysiakini.com Apr 18, 2008 Beh Lih Yi The government's decision to offer a ‘goodwill payment’ to the top judges embroiled in the 1988 judicial crisis and their families has been lauded. However, some felt that an apology would be more valuable. While they saw the government’s admission of having wronged them as positive, there was also the feeling that no amount of money could compensate the pain and suffering endured. At a special dinner last night, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi announced the decision to make the ‘goodwill ex gratia payments’ to the six former judges and their families but remained firm on his 'no apology' stand. Prayer answered bar council judiciary dinner 170408 salleh abas interviewedThe most prominent casualty of the crisis, former lord president Salleh Abas, who was seated at the main table with Abdullah at the dinner, said his prayer for a moral victory had been answered. "Come Aug 8, it will be exactly 20 years (since the crisis). I suffered so much humiliation, being shunned by people, vilification, you name it... So much so, that I ran away from the public," he said Salleh, who now leads a simple life as a farmer in Terengganu, told reporters that the government’s gesture was a right step towards the restoration of the judiciary which, according to him, "has never been the same again" since the 1988 crisis which saw him and two other supreme court judges sacked and three others suspended. Salleh also said that he was "satisfied for the time being" since the government admitted the wrong done unto him and his colleagues after two decades.
    [Show full text]
  • UMNO Factionalism and the Politics of Malaysian National Identity
    UMNO Factionalism and The Politics Of Malaysian National Identity JAE HYON LEE This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of Murdoch University 2005 I declare that this thesis is my own account of my research and contains as its main content work which has not previously been submitted for a degree at any tertiary education institution. .................................. Abstract This thesis analyses UMNO factionalism from the perspective of the elite’s manipulation of the various modes of nationalisms. This thesis argues that UMNO factionalism, which is seemingly a power struggle between competing UMNO elites, has been significantly shaped by contesting nationalist ideologies that reflect the unresolved questions of national identity in Malaysia. These two issues, that is, nationalism and UMNO factionalism, have shaped Malaysian politics in significant ways. UMNO factionalism has been related to such major political events as the 1969 ethnic riots, the introduction of the New Economic Policy, the UMNO split in 1987 and the Reformasi (Reform) movement in 1998. Frequently, the impact of these disputes extended beyond UMNO politics and affected wider Malaysian politics. At the same time, due to unresolved questions of national identity, nationalism has occupied a central position in Malaysian political discourse. There are ambiguities regarding the relationships among the various ethnic identities and national identity and between the individual and the larger Malaysian community that enable elites to construct and manipulate nationalist ideologies. In this thesis, the conflicting nationalisms are captured by five different concepts of nationalism – ethnocultural, civic and multicultural nationalisms in one group and collectivist-authoritarian and individualistic-libertarian nationalisms in another.
    [Show full text]
  • Aliran Monthly 20(4) Page 1 PP3739/12/2000 ISSN 0127
    PP3739/12/2000 ISSN 0127 - 5127 / RM3.00 / 2000:20(4) Aliran Monthly 20(4) Page 1 COVER STORY When The Quitting Gets Tough Would Ling Liong Sik’s resignation really matter? by Khoo Boo Teik hen he realized last year that Barisan Nasional’s WWW political fortune rested heavily on non-Malay (read Chinese) support, Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad favourably compared the Chinese with the Malays. Unlike the Malays, said he, the Chinese were rational and unemotional and knew what was good (BN) and what was bad (opposition) for them. Arguably BN’s retention of a large proportion of Chinese support in the November 1999 general elec- tion suggested that there were enough Chinese who were flat- replaceable loss’, ‘irreparable the United Malays National Or- tered thus by Mahathir. But damage’ or ‘betrayal of trust’. ganization (UMNO)? should anyone be persuaded that the Chinese are more rational and This emotional outflow was not If, however, Ling’s aim was to less emotional than ‘people of matched by rational or persuasive shield MCA against any fallout other races’? answers to key questions raised from a rumoured investigation by Ling’s announcement. linking his son, Lim Hee Leong, Chinese Opera with the latter’s ex-business part- Why, for example, should the MCA ner and now fugitive, Soh Chee Watch the ‘Chinese reactions’ to president quit his Cabinet post Wen – an ‘evil lie that can only the little opera the Malaysian Chi- now when his party had just per- come out of an evil mind’, accord- nese Association has been enact- formed very well in two succes- ing to Ling – why should the MCA ing since 22 May 2000, when sive general elections, something leadership so anxiously reject it? MCA president, Dr Ling Liong Sik, MCA had not been able to accom- announced he would resign as plish before November 1999? Divided And Minister of Transport.
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins and Evolution of Ethnocracy in Malaysia
    Volume 7 | Issue 47 | Number 4 | Article ID 3259 | Nov 16, 2009 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The Origins and Evolution of Ethnocracy in Malaysia Geoff Wade The Origins and Evolution of1957 Constitution has been used as a basis for Ethnocracy in Malaysia all manner of exclusionist and discriminatory policies which have become increasingly Geoff Wade socially encompassing, producing a situation where non-Malay members of Malaysian 1. Introduction society feel themselves excluded and thereby ignored in terms of access to “public” facilities, How is it that today in the diverse, multi-ethnic funds and opportunities. The March 2008 polity of Malaysia (where government figures election results were in part a reflection of give a population breakdown of 65%sentiments over this socially inequitable Bumiputra, 26% Chinese and 8% Indian), a situation. single ethnic group completely controls - and occupies virtually all positions in - the judiciary, 2. The History of Ethnocracy in public administrative organs, the police, the Malaya/Malaysia from 1942 armed forces and increasingly the universities? While Malays constitute a majority of the Let us begin the account with 1942, and population of this nation, their presence in all proceed to earlier times later in the paper. these spheres of power far exceeds their ratio Even from the beginning of the Japanese within the general population. How did this invasion and occupation of Malaya and situation emerge and how has it evolved? Singapore over the period 1941-45, it was obvious to the British and others that there would need to be a real reassessment of the British role in the peninsula and Borneo post- war.
    [Show full text]