Media News Bulletin Home
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Authenticity in Electronic Dance Music in Serbia at the Turn of the Centuries
The Other by Itself: Authenticity in electronic dance music in Serbia at the turn of the centuries Inaugural dissertation submitted to attain the academic degree of Dr phil., to Department 07 – History and Cultural Studies at Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz Irina Maksimović Belgrade Mainz 2016 Supervisor: Co-supervisor: Date of oral examination: May 10th 2017 Abstract Electronic dance music (shortly EDM) in Serbia was an authentic phenomenon of popular culture whose development went hand in hand with a socio-political situation in the country during the 1990s. After the disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991 to the moment of the official end of communism in 2000, Serbia was experiencing turbulent situations. On one hand, it was one of the most difficult periods in contemporary history of the country. On the other – it was one of the most original. In that period, EDM officially made its entrance upon the stage of popular culture and began shaping the new scene. My explanation sheds light on the fact that a specific space and a particular time allow the authenticity of transposing a certain phenomenon from one context to another. Transposition of worldwide EDM culture in local environment in Serbia resulted in scene development during the 1990s, interesting DJ tracks and live performances. The other authenticity is the concept that led me to research. This concept is mostly inspired by the book “Death of the Image” by philosopher Milorad Belančić, who says that the image today is moved to the level of new screen and digital spaces. The other authenticity offers another interpretation of a work, or an event, while the criterion by which certain phenomena, based on pre-existing material can be noted is to be different, to stand out by their specificity in a new context. -
Civil-Military Features of the FRY
Civil-Military Features of the FRY 18. november 2002. - Dr Miroslav Hadzic Dr Miroslav Hadžić Faculty of Political Science Belgrade / Centre for Civil-Military Relations Occasional paper No.4 The direction of the profiling of civilian military relations in Serbia/FR Yugoslavia1 is determined by the situational circumstances and policies of the participants of different backgrounds and uneven strength. The present processes however, are the direct product of consequence of the disparate action of parties from the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) coalition, which have ruled the local political scene since the ousting of Milošević. It was their mediation that introduced the war and authoritarian heritage to the political scene, making it an obstacle for changing the encountered civil-military relations. The ongoing disputes within the DOS decrease, but also conceal the fundamental reasons for the lack of pro-democratic intervention of the new authorities in the civil-military domain. Numerous military and police incidents and affairs that have marked the post-October period in Serbia testify to this account.2 The incidents were used for political confrontation within the DOS instead as reasons for reform. This is why disputes regarding the statues of the military, police and secret services, as well as control of them have been reduced to the personal and/or political conflict between FRY President Vojislav Koštunica and Serbian Premier Zoran Djindjić.3 However, the analysis of the "personal equation" of the most powerful DOS leaders may reveal only differences in their political shade and intonation, but cannot reveal the fundamental reasons why Serbia has remained on the foundations of Milošević’s system. -
SERBIA Jovanka Matić and Dubravka Valić Nedeljković
SERBIA Jovanka Matić and Dubravka Valić Nedeljković porocilo.indb 327 20.5.2014 9:04:47 INTRODUCTION Serbia’s transition to democratic governance started in 2000. Reconstruction of the media system – aimed at developing free, independent and pluralistic media – was an important part of reform processes. After 13 years of democratisation eff orts, no one can argue that a new media system has not been put in place. Th e system is pluralistic; the media are predominantly in private ownership; the legal framework includes European democratic standards; broadcasting is regulated by bodies separated from executive state power; public service broadcasters have evolved from the former state-run radio and tel- evision company which acted as a pillar of the fallen autocratic regime. However, there is no public consensus that the changes have produced more positive than negative results. Th e media sector is liberalized but this has not brought a better-in- formed public. Media freedom has been expanded but it has endangered the concept of socially responsible journalism. Among about 1200 media outlets many have neither po- litical nor economic independence. Th e only industrial segments on the rise are the enter- tainment press and cable channels featuring reality shows and entertainment. Th e level of professionalism and reputation of journalists have been drastically reduced. Th e current media system suff ers from many weaknesses. Media legislation is incom- plete, inconsistent and outdated. Privatisation of state-owned media, stipulated as mandato- ry 10 years ago, is uncompleted. Th e media market is very poorly regulated resulting in dras- tically unequal conditions for state-owned and private media. -
Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W
Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies Central European Studies Charles W. Ingrao, senior editor Gary B. Cohen, editor Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies A Scholars’ Initiative Edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert United States Institute of Peace Press Washington, D.C. D Purdue University Press West Lafayette, Indiana Copyright 2009 by Purdue University. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. Second revision, May 2010. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars’ Initiative / edited by Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert. p. cm. ISBN 978-1-55753-533-7 1. Yugoslavia--History--1992-2003. 2. Former Yugoslav republics--History. 3. Yugoslavia--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 4. Former Yugoslav republics--Ethnic relations--History--20th century. 5. Ethnic conflict-- Yugoslavia--History--20th century. 6. Ethnic conflict--Former Yugoslav republics--History--20th century. 7. Yugoslav War, 1991-1995. 8. Kosovo War, 1998-1999. 9. Kosovo (Republic)--History--1980-2008. I. Ingrao, Charles W. II. Emmert, Thomas Allan, 1945- DR1316.C66 2009 949.703--dc22 2008050130 Contents Introduction Charles Ingrao 1 1. The Dissolution of Yugoslavia Andrew Wachtel and Christopher Bennett 12 2. Kosovo under Autonomy, 1974–1990 Momčilo Pavlović 48 3. Independence and the Fate of Minorities, 1991–1992 Gale Stokes 82 4. Ethnic Cleansing and War Crimes, 1991–1995 Marie-Janine Calic 114 5. The International Community and the FRY/Belligerents, 1989–1997 Matjaž Klemenčič 152 6. Safe Areas Charles Ingrao 200 7. The War in Croatia, 1991–1995 Mile Bjelajac and Ozren Žunec 230 8. Kosovo under the Milošević Regime Dusan Janjić, with Anna Lalaj and Besnik Pula 272 9. -
Media Integrity Matters
a lbania M edia integrity Matters reClaiMing publiC serviCe values in Media and journalisM This book is an Media attempt to address obstacles to a democratic development of media systems in the countries of South East Europe by mapping patterns of corrupt relations and prac bosnia and Herzegovina tices in media policy development, media ownership and financing, public service broadcasting, and journalism as a profession. It introduces the concept of media in tegrity to denote public service values in media and journalism. Five countries were integrity covered by the research presented in this book: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia / MaCedonia / serbia Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia. The research – conducted between July 2013 and February 2014 – was part of the regional project South East European Media Obser vatory – Building Capacities and Coalitions for Monitoring Media Integrity and Ad vancing Media Reforms, coordinated by the Peace Institute in Ljubljana. Matters reClaiMing publiC serviCe values in Media and journalisM Media integrity M a tters ISBN 978-961-6455-70-0 9 7 8 9 6 1 6 4 5 5 7 0 0 ovitek.indd 1 3.6.2014 8:50:48 ALBANIA MEDIA INTEGRITY MATTERS RECLAIMING PUBLIC SERVICE VALUES IN MEDIA AND JOURNALISM Th is book is an attempt to address obstacles to a democratic development of media systems in the MEDIA countries of South East Europe by mapping patterns of corrupt relations and prac- BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA tices in media policy development, media ownership and fi nancing, public service broadcasting, and journalism as a profession. It introduces the concept of media in- tegrity to denote public service values in media and journalism. -
Die Situation Der Medien in Serbien
7Christova-Förger:Layout 1 25.03.09 15:38 Seite 95 95 DIE SITUATION DER MEDIEN IN SERBIEN Christiana Christova / Dirk Förger Dr. Christiana Christova ist Assis - tentin des Medien- „Medien haben die Möglichkeit, programms Südost- europa der Konrad- sich an der Suche nach der Wahrheit zu beteiligen Adenauer-Stiftung und einen Teil am Versöhnungsprozess in Sofia/Bulgarien. der Menschen zu übernehmen.”1 EINLEITUNG Die Auflösung des ehemaligen Jugoslawien führte über eine Reihe von Kriegen und Abspaltungen. Eckdaten dabei waren die Konflikte um Slowenien (1991), Kroatien (1991–1995) und Bosnien-Herzegowina (1992–1995). 1993 wurde die Un- abhängigkeit Mazedoniens anerkannt, 2006 erhielt Montene- gro seine Eigenständigkeit. Im Februar 2008 erklärte schließ- Dr. Dirk Förger ist lich der Kosovo seine Unabhängigkeit. Der Zerfallsprozess Journalist und Lei- ter des Medienpro- war von politischen Systemänderungen begleitet: Während gramms Südosteu- Jugoslawien bis zur Absetzung Miloševićs 2000 ein autoritär ropa der Konrad- geführtes Regime hatte, setzte mit den Wahlen von Vojislav Adenauer-Stiftung mit Sitz in Sofia/ Kostunica zum Präsidenten und insbesondere von Zoran Đin- Bulgarien. dić zum Ministerpräsidenten eine liberal-demokratische Ent- wicklung ein. Diese verläuft mal positiv, mal erleidet sie schwere Rückschläge wie durch die Ermordung Đindićs 2003. Immerhin steuert der im Mai 2008 wieder gewählte Präsident Serbiens, Boris Tadic, das Land auf einen proeuro- päischen Kurs und hat den EU-Beitritt zum obersten Ziel er- klärt. 1 | Veran Matic, Direktor von B92, im der Sendung „kulturplatz”, 27.08.08 7Christova-Förger:Layout 1 25.03.09 15:38 Seite 96 96 Die Lage der Medien in Die Veränderungen auf politischer Ebene wirkten sich natür- Serbien ist trotz positi- lich auch stark auf die Medienlandschaft aus. -
An Analysis of Media Coverage of ICTY Verdicts in Croatian and Serbian Media
How (not) to reconcile: An analysis of media coverage of ICTY verdicts in Croatian and Serbian media by Sara Ana Cemazar Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Dr. Oana Lup CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2018 Abstract This thesis investigates media coverage of International Criminal Court for former Yugoslavia’s verdicts in Croatia and Serbia in three cases. This Court was established to deal with atrocities committed during conflict between these two countries in the 1990-es and it set out to perpetrate the guilty. By using thematic and framing analysis on more than 250 articles in four newspapers, it can be seen that the observed verdicts to Gotovina et al., Karadzic and Prlic et al. were perceived ambivalently in two countries, which extends to the ongoing duality of narratives present in understanding common history between Croatia and Serbia. If the verdict’s outcome was perceived as favorable to the country, it was portrayed as just in the media, and vice versa. Given that this Court’s indirect aims were to individualize guilt and facilitate reconciliation, this study argues that this was not achieved. Namely, by media reporting that helped encourage collectivity of the guilt or innocence as an outcome of a verdict to an individual, reconciliation process between two nations was not made easier. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements Since my MA Thesis marks the culmination of my education so far, I must acknowledge many people that have helped me on this way. -
Ovčara Case Trial for the War Crimes Against the War Prisoners War Crimes Chamber of the District Court in Belgrade, Serbia Number of Case: K.V
Ovčara case Trial for the war crimes against the war prisoners War Crimes Chamber of the District Court in Belgrade, Serbia Number of case: K.V. br.1/2003 Trial Chamber: Vesko Krstajić (the presiding judge), Gordana Božilović-Petrović (judge) and Vinka Beraha-Nikićević (judge). Prosecutor: Deputy War Crimes Prosecutor Dušan Knežević. Defendants: Miroljub Vujović, Stanko Vujanović, Jovica Perić, Ivan Atanasijević, Predrag Madžarac and Milan Vojnović, Serbs from Croatia. Report: Nataša Kandić and Dragoljub Todorović, victims representatives 1 October 2004 The witness, Jovan Dulović, pointed out that, in the fall of 1991, he had been a war correspondent for Politika Ekspres. Then, he had stayed in Vukovar, together with some 10 to 15 other correspondents, at the home of the Pajić family which stood across the road from the house of the father of defendant Stanko Vujanović. In his words, captain Radić used to come, very often, to the house of defendant Vujanović; from time to time, major Šljivančanin would also drop in; not far from the said house a unit commanded by defendant Lančužanin was billeted, the unit which everybody used to call "šešeljevci" (Šešelj's followers). Very often in the presentation of his testimony, witness Dulović consulted his notebook so that, at one moment, he read from the notebook that, on 13 November 1991, Vojislav Šešelj had been in the house of defendants Stanko Vujanović and Nada Kalaba and had said on the occasion that the Yugoslav National Army (YNA), members of territorial Defense (TD) and volunteers were one and the same army and that "no ustasha may leave Vukovar alive". -
A Pillar of Democracy on Shaky Ground
Media Programme SEE A Pillar of Democracy on Shaky Ground Public Service Media in South East Europe RECONNECTING WITH DATA CITIZENS TO BIG VALUES – FROM A Pillar of Democracy of Shaky on Ground A Pillar www.kas.de www.kas.dewww.kas.de Media Programme SEE A Pillar of Democracy on Shaky Ground Public Service Media in South East Europe www.kas.de Imprint Copyright © 2019 by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Media Programme South East Europe Publisher Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. Authors Viktorija Car, Nadine Gogu, Liana Ionescu, Ilda Londo, Driton Qeriqi, Miroljub Radojković, Nataša Ružić, Dragan Sekulovski, Orlin Spassov, Romina Surugiu, Lejla Turčilo, Daphne Wolter Editors Darija Fabijanić, Hendrik Sittig Proofreading Boryana Desheva, Louisa Spencer Translation (Bulgarian, German, Montenegrin) Boryana Desheva, KERN AG, Tanja Luburić Opinion Poll Ipsos (Ivica Sokolovski), KAS Media Programme South East Europe (Darija Fabijanić) Layout and Design Velin Saramov Cover Illustration Dineta Saramova ISBN 978-3-95721-596-3 Disclaimer All rights reserved. Requests for review copies and other enquiries concerning this publication are to be sent to the publisher. The responsibility for facts, opinions and cross references to external sources in this publication rests exclusively with the contributors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. Table of Content Preface v Public Service Media and Its Future: Legitimacy in the Digital Age (the German case) 1 Survey on the Perception of Public Service -
SIGNALIZAM U FONDOVIMA BIBLIOTEKE SANU Posebna Biblioteka Miroljuba TODOROVIĆA (PB 19)
SIGNALIZAM U FONDOVIMA BIBLIOTEKE SANU Posebna biblioteka Miroljuba TODOROVIĆA (PB 19) Biblioteka SANU osnovana je Ustavom i ustrojenijem Društva srpske slovesnosti od 7. novembra 1841. godine. Razvijajući se u sklopu Društva, menjala je i svoj naziv u skladu sa izmenama naziva Društva. Od 1864. godine bila je Biblioteka Srpskog učenog društva, potom, od 1886. Biblioteka Srpske kraljevske akademije, 1945. postala je Biblioteka Srpske akademije nauka, da bi 1960. godine dobila sadašnji naziv – Biblioteka Srpske akademije nauka i umetnosti. Dimitrije Tirol, član Društva srpske slovesnosti i dobrotvor srpskog naroda, poklonio je 1842. godine Društvu u dva maha 89 knjiga koje su predstavljale početni fond Biblioteke, i tada je ona i počela sa radom. Početni fond uvećavan je poklonima i izdanjima društva, ustanovljena je razmena sa domaćim i inostranim akademijama i naučnim društvima. Kupovina knjiga počela je 1851. godine. Biblioteka je delimično otvorena za javnost 1952. godine U ovom momentu, može se govoriti o fondu od 1.300.000 jedinica knjižne i neknjižne građe od čega je preko 60% na stranim jezicima. U elektronskoj bazi postoji 125.000 zapisa. U okviru ovako bogatog fonda, osobit značaj pridaje se tzv. posebnim bibliotekama . To su ponajčešće zapravo biblioteke-legati, primljene poklonom ili testamentom, a samo u iznimnim slučajevima biblioteke koje su kupovane na osnovu posebnih odluka SANU. Njih u ovom trenutku ima 36, i svaka je na svoj način presek ne samo jednog vremena već i života, interesovanja i opusa velikih stvaralaca na svim poljima ljudske delatnosti. Na knjigama tih biblioteka nalaze se posvete koje govore o dinamičnim i dramatičnim stvaralačkim prijateljstvima. Jasno je da kao takve postaju teško procenljive. -
Financing Presidential Electoral Campaign in Serbia 2004
Vladimir Goati Nemanja Nenadić Predrag Jovanović FINANCING PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN IN SERBIA 2004 A blow to political corruption or preservation of status quo? This book is a part of the project Promoting Democracy and Preventing Corruption implemented with the support from Westminster Foundation for Democracy. The stated views belong to the authors and do not necessarily present the opinions of Westminster Foundation for Democracy. Transparency - Serbia, Belgrade 2004 Financing Presidential Electoral Campaign in Serbia 2004 A Blow to Political Corruption or Preservation of Status Quo? Translators: Olivera Ristanović (Introductory notes, chapters 1,2) Nebojša Naumović (chapters 3,4,5) Transparency Serbia (tables and annexes)* Publisher: Transparency Serbia 29. novembra 36/I Belgrade tel.: +381 11 303 38 27 fax: +381 11 322 81 96 [email protected] www.transparentnost.org.yu For publisher: Branislav Miletić Layout: Transparency Serbia, Belgrade Printing: Arteast, Belgrade Circulation: 200 ISBN: 86 - 84711-07 - 6 * Translation of some legal documents, presented in Documentation Annex was made by, or in consultation with OSCE Mission to Serbia and Montenegro - legal translation unit. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of abbreviations ................................................................... ix Introductory Notes .......................................................................1 Vladimir Goati Scope of research......................................................................... 5 Increase in election costs .........................................................................7 -
Terrorist Threats by Balkans Radical Islamist to International Security
Darko Trifunović1 Оригинални научни рад University of Belgrade UDK 323.285:28]:355.02(497) Serbia Milan Mijalkovski2 University of Belgrade Serbia TERRORIST THREATS BY BALKANS RADICAL ISLAMIST TO INTERNATIONAL SECURITY Abstract The decade-long armed conflict in the Balkans from 1991 to 2001, greatly misrepresented in the Western public, were the biggest defeat for the peoples of the former Yugoslavia, a great defeat for Europe - but a victory for global jihad. Radical Islamists used the wars to recruit a large number of Sunni Muslims in the Balkans (Bosnian and Herzagovina and Albanian) for the cause of political Islam and militant Jihad. Converts to Wahhabi Islam not only provide recruits for the so-called “White Al-Qaeda,” but also exhibit growing territorial claims and seek the establishment of a “Balkan Caliphate.” Powers outside the Balkans re- gard this with indifference or even tacit approval. Radical Islamist activity is en- dangering the security of not only Serbia, Macedonia, Montenegro and Bosnia- Herzegovina, but also Europe and the world. Key Words: Balkans, Wahhabi, Salafi, radical Islamist, terrorism, Al-Qaeda Introduction In order to understand correctly the ongoing processes in the Islamic circles in the Balkans, it is necessary to understand all processes that occurred and occur in the Middle East and its circles of Islamic fundamentalists. Balkans’ groups of Islamic fundamentalists are inextricably connected with organizations of Islamic fundamentalists originating from the Middle East. Early as 1989, Prof. dr Miroljub Jevtić, one of the most eminent political scientists of religion, had been warning on danger and connection of the Middle East Islamic fundamen- talists with the ones on the Balkans sharing the same ideas3.