F0 Contours Around Consonants in English –
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Part 1: Introduction to The
PREVIEW OF THE IPA HANDBOOK Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet PARTI Introduction to the IPA 1. What is the International Phonetic Alphabet? The aim of the International Phonetic Association is to promote the scientific study of phonetics and the various practical applications of that science. For both these it is necessary to have a consistent way of representing the sounds of language in written form. From its foundation in 1886 the Association has been concerned to develop a system of notation which would be convenient to use, but comprehensive enough to cope with the wide variety of sounds found in the languages of the world; and to encourage the use of thjs notation as widely as possible among those concerned with language. The system is generally known as the International Phonetic Alphabet. Both the Association and its Alphabet are widely referred to by the abbreviation IPA, but here 'IPA' will be used only for the Alphabet. The IPA is based on the Roman alphabet, which has the advantage of being widely familiar, but also includes letters and additional symbols from a variety of other sources. These additions are necessary because the variety of sounds in languages is much greater than the number of letters in the Roman alphabet. The use of sequences of phonetic symbols to represent speech is known as transcription. The IPA can be used for many different purposes. For instance, it can be used as a way to show pronunciation in a dictionary, to record a language in linguistic fieldwork, to form the basis of a writing system for a language, or to annotate acoustic and other displays in the analysis of speech. -
Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English A-Tensing
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 23 Issue 1 Proceedings of the 40th Annual Penn Article 21 Linguistics Conference 2017 Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing Yining Nie New York University Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Nie, Yining (2017) "Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 23 : Iss. 1 , Article 21. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol23/iss1/21 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol23/iss1/21 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Phonetic Enhancement and Three Patterns of English a-Tensing Abstract English a-tensing has received numerous treatments in the phonological and sociolinguistic literature, but the question of why it occurs (i) at all and (ii) in seemingly unnatural disjunctive phonological environments has not been settled. This paper presents a novel phonetic enhancement account of a-tensing in Philadelphia, New York City and Belfast English. I propose that a-tensing is best understood as an allophonic process which facilitates the perceptual identity and articulatory ease of nasality, voicing and/or segment duration in the following consonant. This approach unifies the apparently unnatural phonological environments in which the two a variants surface and predicts the attested dialectal patterns. A synchronic account of a-tensing also provides -
Peering Into the Obstruent-Sonorant Divide: the View from /V
Peering into the obstruent-sonorant divide: The view from /v/ Christina Bjorndahl May 04, 2018 Cornell University, PhD Candidate Carnegie Mellon University, Visiting Scholar 1 Why /v/? Final Devoicing: /v/ → [f] / __# 4) [prava] [praf] ‘right (fem./masc.)’ Russian /v/: Final Devoicing Final Devoicing: /D/ → [T] /__# 1) [sleda] [slet] ‘track (gen./nom.sg)’ 2) [soka] [sok] ‘juice (gen./nom.sg)’ 3) [mil] *[mil] ‘dear’ ˚ 2 Russian /v/: Final Devoicing Final Devoicing: /D/ → [T] /__# 1) [sleda] [slet] ‘track (gen./nom.sg)’ 2) [soka] [sok] ‘juice (gen./nom.sg)’ 3) [mil] *[mil] ‘dear’ ˚ Final Devoicing: /v/ → [f] / __# 4) [prava] [praf] ‘right (fem./masc.)’ 2 Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /v/ → [f] / __T 9) /v ruke/ [v ruke] ‘in one’s hand’ 10) /v gorode/ [v gorode] ‘in the city’ 11) /v supe/ [f supe] ‘in the soup’ Russian /v/: Regressive Voicing Assimilation Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /D/ → [T] / __T 5) /pod-nesti/ [podnesti] ‘to bring (to)’ 6) /pod-ZetS/ [podZetS] ‘to set fire to’ 7) /pod-pisatj/ [potpisatj] ‘to sign’ 8) [volk] *[volk] ‘wolf’ ˚ 3 Russian /v/: Regressive Voicing Assimilation Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /D/ → [T] / __T 5) /pod-nesti/ [podnesti] ‘to bring (to)’ 6) /pod-ZetS/ [podZetS] ‘to set fire to’ 7) /pod-pisatj/ [potpisatj] ‘to sign’ 8) [volk] *[volk] ‘wolf’ ˚ Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /v/ → [f] / __T 9) /v ruke/ [v ruke] ‘in one’s hand’ 10) /v gorode/ [v gorode] ‘in the city’ 11) /v supe/ [f supe] ‘in the soup’ 3 Regressive Voicing Assimilation: /T/ 9 [D] / __v 15) /ot-vesti/ [otvesti] ‘lead away’ *[odvesti] -
The Emergence of Obstruents After High Vowels*
John Benjamins Publishing Company This is a contribution from Diachronica 29:4 © 2012. John Benjamins Publishing Company This electronic file may not be altered in any way. The author(s) of this article is/are permitted to use this PDF file to generate printed copies to be used by way of offprints, for their personal use only. Permission is granted by the publishers to post this file on a closed server which is accessible to members (students and staff) only of the author’s/s’ institute, it is not permitted to post this PDF on the open internet. For any other use of this material prior written permission should be obtained from the publishers or through the Copyright Clearance Center (for USA: www.copyright.com). Please contact [email protected] or consult our website: www.benjamins.com Tables of Contents, abstracts and guidelines are available at www.benjamins.com The emergence of obstruents after high vowels* David R. Mortensen University of Pittsburgh While a few cases of the emergence of obstruents after high vowels are found in the literature (Burling 1966, 1967, Blust 1994), no attempt has been made to comprehensively collect instances of this sound change or give them a unified explanation. This paper attempts to resolve this gap in the literature by introduc- ing a post-vocalic obstruent emergence (POE) as a recurring sound change with a phonetic (aerodynamic) basis. Possible cases are identified in Tibeto-Burman, Austronesian, and Grassfields Bantu. Special attention is given to a novel case in the Tibeto-Burman language Huishu. Keywords: epenthesis, sound change, aerodynamics, exemplar theory, Tibeto- Burman, Austronesian, Niger-Congo 1. -
How Does Phonetics Interact with Phonology During Tone Sandhi?
How does phonetics interact with phonology during tone sandhi? Bijun Ling Tongji University [email protected] ABSTRACT whether the phonological system affects the phonetic interaction of consonant and f0. This paper investigated the phonetics and phonology Shanghai Wu, a northern Wu dialect of Chinese, of consonant–f0 interaction in Shanghai Wu. Bi- offers a good study case for this research question. syllabic compound nouns, which form tone sandhi Shanghai Wu has five lexical tones, which can be domain, were elicited within template sentences with described by three features [27]: F0 contour: falling two factors controlled: lexical tones (T1[HM], (T1) and rising (T2-T5); Tonal register: high (T1, T2, T3[LM], T5[LMq]) and consonant types (obstruents T4) and low (T3, T5); and Duration: long (T1-T3) and & nasals). Results showed that although the base tone short (T4, T5). They exhibit interesting co-occurrence contrast of the second syllable is neutralized by patterns with both the onset and coda of the tone- phonological tone sandhi rules, the onset f0 of the bearing syllable. Syllables with voiceless onsets only second syllable with low tones (T3) is significantly allow tones that start in the high register, i.e. T1, T2 lower than that with high tone (T1). Furthermore, and T4; while voiced onsets co-occur with tones that such difference cannot be just attributed to the start in the low register, i.e. T3 and T5. Interestingly, consonant perturbation, because it also exists when the sonorant consonants could occur with both high the consonant (i.e. /m/) is the same for all three tones. -
FINAL OBSTRUENT VOICING in LAKOTA: PHONETIC EVIDENCE and PHONOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS Juliette Blevins Ander Egurtzegi Jan Ullrich
FINAL OBSTRUENT VOICING IN LAKOTA: PHONETIC EVIDENCE AND PHONOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS Juliette Blevins Ander Egurtzegi Jan Ullrich The Graduate Center, Centre National de la Recherche The Language City University of New York Scientifique / IKER (UMR5478) Conservancy Final obstruent devoicing is common in the world’s languages and constitutes a clear case of parallel phonological evolution. Final obstruent voicing, in contrast, is claimed to be rare or non - existent. Two distinct theoretical approaches crystalize around obstruent voicing patterns. Tradi - tional markedness accounts view these sound patterns as consequences of universal markedness constraints prohibiting voicing, or favoring voicelessness, in final position, and predict that final obstruent voicing does not exist. In contrast, phonetic-historical accounts explain skewed patterns of voicing in terms of common phonetically based devoicing tendencies, allowing for rare cases of final obstruent voicing under special conditions. In this article, phonetic and phonological evi - dence is offered for final obstruent voicing in Lakota, an indigenous Siouan language of the Great Plains of North America. In Lakota, oral stops /p/, /t/, and /k/ are regularly pronounced as [b], [l], and [ɡ] in word- and syllable-final position when phrase-final devoicing and preobstruent devoic - ing do not occur.* Keywords : final voicing, final devoicing, markedness, Lakota, rare sound patterns, laboratory phonology 1. Final obstruent devoicing and final obstruent voicing in phonological theory . There is wide agreement among phonologists and phoneticians that many of the world’s languages show evidence of final obstruent devoicing (Iverson & Salmons 2011). Like many common sound patterns, final obstruent devoicing has two basic in - stantiations: an active form, involving alternations, and a passive form, involving static distributional constraints. -
ABC+Q: Contour Segments and Tones in (Sub)Segmental Agreement by Correspondence
Inkelas & Shih 25 May 2013 ABC+Q: Contour segments and tones in (sub)segmental Agreement by Correspondence Sharon Inkelas (UC Berkeley) & Stephanie S Shih (Stanford/UC Berkeley) [email protected], [email protected] 0 INTRODUCTION Phonological theory has long been challenged by the behavior of contour segments and contour tones in harmony patterns. (1) Contour segments: segments with distinct gestures sequenced in time (Sagey 1986; et seq.) a. pre- and post-nasalized segments (e.g., nd, dn) b. affricates (e.g., ʧ) c. pre- or post-laryngealized segments (e.g., kʰ, ʰk) d. contour tones (e.g., ǎ, â, ǎ` ) e. diphthongs (e.g., aɪ) f. on- and off-glides (e.g., ju, kʷ) (a), (c), see Steriade 1993; 1994; (b), see Lombardi 1990; see also Banner-Inouye 1989 on flaps (2) Not covered in this talk: complex segments involving distinct gestures which overlap in time a. labiovelars, /l/ b. partially laryngealized vowels c. clicks, implosives, ejectives (3) Conflicting behavior by contour segments in harmony patterns: participate in phonology as whole units their subsegmental parts act independently (4) This talk: ABC+Q Propose new subdivided, quantized segmental representations, which allow for a better characterization of the behavior of contour and simplex segments. Quantized segmental subdivisions are grounded in phonetic reality and tuned to typological phonological generalizations incorporated in Agreement by Correspondence (ABC) theory (Hansson 2001, Rose & Walker 2004). ABC+Q marries the representational strength of previous approaches, including Autosegmental Theory, Aperture Theory, and Articulatory Phonology, with the locality and similarity design features of ABC, to capture the unity and internal complexity of segments. -
The Contribution of Obstruent Consonants and Acoustic Landmarks to Speech Recognition in Noise
The contribution of obstruent consonants and acoustic landmarks to speech recognition in noise ͒ Ning Li and Philipos C. Loizoua Department of Electrical Engineering, University of Texas at Dallas, Richardson, Texas 75083-0688 ͑Received 14 April 2008; revised 8 September 2008; accepted 10 September 2008͒ The obstruent consonants ͑e.g., stops͒ are more susceptible to noise than vowels, raising the question whether the degradation of speech intelligibility in noise can be attributed, at least partially, to the loss of information carried by obstruent consonants. Experiment 1 assesses the contribution of obstruent consonants to speech recognition in noise by presenting sentences containing clean obstruent consonants but noise-corrupted voiced sounds ͑e.g., vowels͒. Results indicated substantial ͑threefold͒ improvement in speech recognition, particularly at low signal-to-noise ratio levels ͑−5 dB͒. Experiment 2 assessed the importance of providing partial information, within a frequency region, of the obstruent-consonant spectra while leaving the remaining spectral region unaltered ͑i.e., noise corrupted͒. Access to the low-frequency ͑0–1000 Hz͒ region of the clean obstruent-consonant spectra was found to be sufficient to realize significant improvements in performance and that was attributed to improvement in transmission of voicing information. The outcomes from the two experiments suggest that much of the improvement in performance must be due to the enhanced access to acoustic landmarks, evident in spectral discontinuities signaling the onsets of obstruent consonants. These landmarks, often blurred in noisy conditions, are critically important for understanding speech in noise for better determination of the syllable structure and word boundaries. © 2008 Acoustical Society of America. -
Consonant Types and F0 in Kiowa
UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2011) CONSONANT TYPES AND F0 IN KIOWA ANNA JURGENSEN UNIVERSITY OF CALIFONRIA, BERKELEY 62 UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2011) Abstract Since the work of House and Fairbanks (1953) and Lehiste and Peterson (1961) it has been established that the prevocalic voiced stops produce downward perturbations and prevocalic voiceless stops produce upward perturbations on the fundamental frequency (F0) of the following vowel. The effects of stops with other laryngeal settings, such as aspirated and ejective, are not as clear (Hombert 1978). Additionally, the effects on F0 in tonal languages may differ from those in nontonal languages, both in the magnitude of the effect on vowels of different tone and in the duration of the effect in general (Gandour 1974). Using pre-recorded elicitations in Kiowa, a tonal, Kiowa-Tanoan language of southwestern Oklahoma, the effects of prevocalic voiced, voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated, and ejective stops on the F0 of the following vowel were measured and analyzed. Using WaveSurfer, the F0 of the vowel was measured every 20 ms for a duration of 100 ms. The measurements were categorically averaged for comparison between types of stop and tone level. The analysis shows that voiced and voiceless stops in Kiowa produce the predicted downward and upward perturbations, and provides evidence that aspirated stops produce a higher perturbation on vowels than do voiceless unaspirated, and that ejective stops produce a downward perturbation on F0 instead of a neutral effect, as has been previously assumed (Hombert 1978). 63 UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2011) It has been well established that the laryngeal setting of a prevocalic stop has an intrinsic effect on the fundamental frequency (F0) of the vowel that follows. -
On Basque Affricates
On Basque Affricates JOSE IGNACIO HUALDE University of Southern California 1. Introduction * The representation of affricates and other non-steady-state segments posed se rious problems to linear phonological theories. Hierarchical models such as the one introduced in elements (1985) offer the possibility of representations that capture the behavior of these segments in a much more conspicuous way than in earlier models. Working within a hierarchical theory of phonological representations, Sagey (1986) proposes that affricate segments differ from simple segments in that they contain two ordered features [-cont] [+ cant]. Given this representation, Sagey makes the prediction that affricates will behave as stops for rules involving their left edge, but as fricatives for rules sensitive to their right edge. Sagey pre sents data from a number of languages which offer support for this prediction. In this paper, I will argue, basing myself on Basque data, that, whereas a representation of affricates as segments containing two ordered features [-cont] [+ cont] is essentially correct, it does not necessarily follow--· from that represen tation that these segments-'wilI always show edge effects'. As I will show, affricates in Basque are treate~ as stops with respect to a deletion rule involving their right side, but sensitive to -the feature [~cont]. I will argUe for a representation of affricates as segments fontaining two 'ordered supralaryngeal nodes. 2. Basque Stop Deleti()n In Basque, sequences of two [-cont] segments are not allowed if the first of the two adjacent segments also has the feature [-son]. There is a rule which simplifies these sequences, affecting the first of the two stops. -
The Effects of Duration and Sonority on Contour Tone Distribution— Typological Survey and Formal Analysis
The Effects of Duration and Sonority on Contour Tone Distribution— Typological Survey and Formal Analysis Jie Zhang For my family Table of Contents Acknowledgments xi 1 Background 3 1.1 Two Examples of Contour Tone Distribution 3 1.1.1 Contour Tones on Long Vowels Only 3 1.1.2 Contour Tones on Stressed Syllables Only 8 1.2 Questions Raised by the Examples 9 1.3 How This Work Evaluates The Different Predictions 11 1.3.1 A Survey of Contour Tone Distribution 11 1.3.2 Instrumental Case Studies 11 1.4 Putting Contour Tone Distribution in a Bigger Picture 13 1.4.1 Phonetically-Driven Phonology 13 1.4.2 Positional Prominence 14 1.4.3 Competing Approaches to Positional Prominence 16 1.5 Outline 20 2 The Phonetics of Contour Tones 23 2.1 Overview 23 2.2 The Importance of Sonority for Contour Tone Bearing 23 2.3 The Importance of Duration for Contour Tone Bearing 24 2.4 The Irrelevance of Onsets to Contour Tone Bearing 26 2.5 Local Conclusion 27 3 Empirical Predictions of Different Approaches 29 3.1 Overview 29 3.2 Defining CCONTOUR and Tonal Complexity 29 3.3 Phonological Factors That Influence Duration and Sonority of the Rime 32 3.4 Predictions of Contour Tone Distribution by Different Approaches 34 3.4.1 The Direct Approach 34 3.4.2 Contrast-Specific Positional Markedness 38 3.4.3 General-Purpose Positional Markedness 41 vii viii Table of Contents 3.4.4 The Moraic Approach 42 3.5 Local Conclusion 43 4 The Role of Contrast-Specific Phonetics in Contour Tone Distribution: A Survey 45 4.1 Overview of the Survey 45 4.2 Segmental Composition 48 -
Looking Into Segments Sharon Inkelas and Stephanie S Shih University of California, Berkeley & University of California, Merced
Looking into Segments Sharon Inkelas and Stephanie S Shih University of California, Berkeley & University of California, Merced 1 Introduction It is well-known that the phonological ‘segment’ (consonant, vowel) is internally dynamic. Complex segments, such as affricates or prenasalized stops, have sequenced internal phases; coarticulation induces change over time even within apparently uniform segments. Autosegmental Phonology (e.g., Goldsmith 1976, Sagey 1986) captured the internal phasing of complex segments using feature values ordered sequentially on a given tier and ‘linked’ to the same timing unit. Articulatory Phonology (e.g., Browman & Goldstein 1992, Gafos 2002, Goldstein et al. 2009) captures internal phases through the use of coordinated gestures, which overlap in time with one another but are aligned to temporal landmarks. Segments can be internally dynamic in a contrastive way. Affricates differ from plain stops or plain fricatives in being sequentially complex; the same difference obtains between prenasalized vs. plain stops, between contour and level tones, and so forth. Segments can also be dynamic in a noncontrastive way, due to coarticulation with surrounding segments. To the extent that phonological patterns are sensitive to contrastive or noncontrastive segment-internal phasing, the phasing needs to be represented in a manner that is legible to phonological grammar. However, contemporary phonological analysis couched in Optimality Theory, Harmonic Grammar and similar approaches is very highly segment-oriented. For example, Agreement by Correspondence theory, or ABC (Hansson 2001, 2010; Rose & Walker 2004; Bennett 2013; inter alia) and other surface correspondence theories of harmony and disharmony are theories of segmental correspondence. The constraints in these theories refer to segments as featurally uniform units, and do not have a way of referencing their internal phases.