Women’s Studies International Forum, Vol. 26, No. 2, pp. 167 – 179, 2003 Copyright D 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd Printed in the USA. All rights reserved 0277-5395/03/$ – see front matter doi 10.1016/S0277-5395(03)00019-0

GENDER AND : THE MASCULINIZATION OF HINDUISM AND FEMALE POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN

Sikata Banerjee Department of Women’s Studies, University of Victoria, P.O. 3045, Victoria, BC, Canada V8W 3P4

Synopsis — Feminist analysis has revealed the gendered nature of and nationalism. Adopting such a perspective, this paper analyzes the relationship between the masculinization of and female political participation. The image of an aggressive male warrior is central to certain versions of Hindu nationalism or in contemporary India. This image is embedded within a political narrative, which declares its affinity for ideas of resolute masculinity through an array of symbols, historic icons, and myths. Given that Indian women are very visible in the politics of Hindutva, this paper interrogates how women have created a political space for themselves in a very masculinist narrative. This interrogation focuses on historical and cultural processes that enabled this masculinization, certain ideals of implicit within this narrative which opens the door for female participation, and womens’ use of images and icons drawn from a common cultural milieu to enter the political landscape of Hindutva. D 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION particular period in a specific there may be various interpretations of identity contesting for dom- The political doctrine of nationalism is based on the inance or new readings of an identity may emerge to idea of a nation or a people, and it usually locates an challenge a dominant interpretation. For example, ‘‘other’’ who is used to reinforce ties uniting the currently, the categories American, Canadian, and nation. In other words, a coherent community exists Indian are open to multiple interpretations as minority because ‘‘we’’ are ethnically, linguistically, reli- communities resist the official, mainstream view of giously, and/or ideologically distinct from ‘‘them.’’ nation within these states. Thus, the process of imag- It has become a truism to acknowledge that nation- ining a nation is contested as well as being historically, alism, in the oft-quoted words of Anderson (1991),is socially, and politically constituted. imagined. The theoretical rooting of the process of It has not been until the emergence of feminist nation building in imagination denies malicious intent analysis that the gendered nature of imagined polit- to deceive or falsify, but rather highlights the creative ical identities has been uncovered and deconstructed attempts on the part of communities to build an inter- (Blom, Hall, & Hagemann, 2000; Enloe, 1983, 2000; subjective identity marked by common cultural Mayar, 1999; McClintock, 1995; McClintock, Mufti, myths, symbols, heroes, and heroines. & Shohat, 1997; Yuval-Davis & Anthias, 1989). But Identity draws on the grammar of everyday life. In how precisely does play itself out within other words, daily communication takes place because forms of ? Usually, a nationalism is ordinary people have a shared cultural context that gendered in that it draws on socially constructed forms the basis for why they feel an affinity for a ideas of masculinity and femininity to shape female certain identity and for other members who share this and male participation in nation building, as well as identity. Identities are fluid and multiple. They are the manner in which the nation is embodied in the fluid in that, over time new interpretations of an imagination of self-professed nationalists. identity may emerge. For example, the meaning of Women as social reproducers of cultural forms the American, Canadian, and Indian nations has been teach children rituals and myths aimed at locating renegotiated in the last hundred years within a context them within a specific national context; in other of changing immigration patterns and emerging iden- words, by learning about brave warriors or coura- tity politics. Identities are multiple in that during one geous pioneers through song, stories, or pictures

167 168 Sikata Banerjee

children can develop a loyalty to a certain idea of its militant activities)’’(Interview with author, Febru- nation (Peterson, 1998). Further, motherland or nation ary 2002).1 as woman to be protected by brave citizen warriors is a However, all these organizations do have some common metaphor of nationalisms. For example, the overlap in their ideology because of close inter-per- Marseilles implicitly calls upon soldiers to protect the sonal relations. For example, Ashok Singhal, an French nation embodied by the beautiful young important VHP leader, was a member of the RSS. Marianne. In a similar manner, many Indian nation- Similarly, many activists of the Sena, BJP, and the alists vow to protect Bharatmata or ‘‘Mother India.’’ VHP all have close ties with the RSS. The idea of the Nation as woman also intersects the nationalist dis- Hindu warrior referred to above is one of these ideo- course through socially constructed ideas of honor. In logical commonalities. This image rooted in a notion many contexts, women symbolize national honor, of masculinity defined by attributes such as decisive- thus any act (e.g., rape) that defiles and violates ness, aggression, muscular strength, and a willingness women’s bodies becomes a political weapon aimed to engage in battle, is opposed to a notion of femininity at destroying the enemy nation’s honor. Consequently, that is defined by traits such as weakness, non-vio- the point of departure of an analysis of the social lence, compassion, and a willingness to compromise. construction of gender and how it informs nationalism This image of a warrior—reflecting (as I term it) is the relationship between woman as signifier of the masculine Hinduism—is the culmination of a series nation and the warriors exhorted to defend the home- of gendered historical and social processes playing land. Further, the gendered manner in which the image themselves out in the Indian context. of the warrior is constructed within nationalist narra- Such a process of masculinization does not nec- tives as well as the notion that women embody essarily have to erase women from active nation national honor, influences to a certain extent, how building; after all one of the great contributions of women will participate in nationalist politics. feminist analysis has been the separation of sex and The above ideas shape the gendered lens I employ gender. Within feminist analysis, ‘‘sex’’ refers to the to analyze the narrative of Hindu nationalism as it physical attributes that construct a biological or unfolds in contemporary India. I draw upon the role woman while gender refers to the group of culturally and construction of masculinity within Hindutva or endorsed traits—aggression, strength, weakness— Hindu nationalism in the Indian context to examine that are deemed necessary for socially accepted the influence of the masculinization of nationalism ‘‘masculine’’ and ‘‘feminine’’ behavior. Most femi- on female political participation. I argue that while nists agree that there is no biological link between sex there are multiple interpretations of Hindu national- and gender; it is possible for women to take on ism, an image central to the more militant of these ‘‘masculine’’ traits and for men to take on ‘‘feminine’’ views is that of a male warrior. It is important to traits. Thus, women may simply join the project of acknowledge that the notion of militancy, within the masculine Hinduism by taking on the masculine traits context of Hindu nationalism, is contested. Social approved by this interpretation of nation and it is organizations such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad indeed possible that some women may do so. But we (VHP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) must not forget that when women challenge societal and political parties such as the and ideas of femininity by taking on masculine traits, they (BJP) all represent some may face censure and sanction from the (usually aspects of ‘‘militant’’ Hindu nationalism. However, male) elite leading the project of masculinization there are ideological differences among them. For who may not welcome such women, seeing their example, VHP members will define their nationalist female presence as ‘‘diluting’’ the resolute masculin- mission as conserving tangible representations of ity of the nation. Therefore, it can be argued that Hindu religion (i.e., temples and idols) and partic- women as political actors may become invisible when ipating in religious rituals while RSS activists visual- faced with such a process of masculinization. In ize themselves as social workers who are building a reality, however, women—within the many interpre- strong nation with education and discipline. tations of Hindu nationalism—have created a space Although it celebrates Hindu spirituality, protecting within this process, delicately negotiating their way temples, preserving idols, and celebrating Hindu through culturally dominant ideas of masculinity and rituals are not the primary features of the RSS’ femininity in ways that are powerful and visible. nationalist vision. This difference is succinctly illus- One important way in which they do so is by trated by an RSS activist in New Delhi, ‘‘My first taking on masculine traits to become citizen warriors allegiance is to Bharatmata and not Ram (a Hindu defending the nation. Women become warriors to deity revered and used by the VHP to justify many of defend the nation in two ways. One, by protecting Gender and Nation in India 169

national possessions (goods and land) and two by provide cultural depth to current work on gender and fending off attacks on their bodies. The latter act is nation. crucial because according to the conceit of ‘‘nation as I will approach my argument in three parts. One, I woman,’’ women actually embody national honor, will briefly trace the historical evolution of masculine which can be sullied, if enemy soldiers rape women. Hinduism by emphasizing the gendered impact of Women also intersect the masculinized discourse of British on Indian society. Two, I will Hindu nationalism by playing on their role as wife highlight masculine Hinduism in modern ideas of and mother as well as culturally endorsed ideas of Hindu nationalism, and three, I will analyze the ‘‘wifehood’’ and ‘‘motherhood.’’ In addition, milita- relationship between the masculinization of Hindu rism has not necessarily been a masculine trait in nationalism and female participation. My argument India. Goddesses such as Kali and Durga illustrate will be based on the following organizations espous- that violence, militarism, and anger have been asso- ing Hindu nationalism—the BJP, the dominant party ciated with the divine figure of the feminine. The cult in the coalition governing India; the Shiv Sena, a of the mother goddess as a symbol of martial strength political party based in the Indian state of Mahara- and prowess inspired some nineteenth century nation- shtra; the socio-cultural organizations VHP and the alist movements. Indeed, the existence of multiple RSS; and the women’s wings of each organization: ways of mapping gender and militarism in India has, the Mahila Morcha, the Mahila Agadhi, the Sadhavi to a certain extent, enabled female visibility in the Shakti Parishad, and the Rashtriya Sevika Samiti, Hindu nationalist project. However, as the discussion respectively. It is important to acknowledge that below will highlight, women who participate in this although these organizations may not represent the project are aware of and use various strategies to deal entire spectrum of Hindu nationalist activism in India, with masculinist fears that female political presence currently, they are the most visible and powerful. may challenge socially prescribed gender roles and hence weaken (read feminize) the image of the HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF powerful (read masculine) nation. HEGEMONIC MASCULINITY IN INDIA There is a body of work analyzing female partic- ipation in militant Hindu nationalism (Sarkar & Jeffords describes masculinity as a ‘‘set of images, Butalia, 1995) as well as gender and nation in India values, interests, and activities held important to the (Chowdhury, 2001; Gupta, 2001; Jeffery & Basu, successful achievement of male adulthood’’ (Jeffords, 1998; Roy, 1998; Sinha, 1995).TheSarkarand 1989, p. xiii). Femininity is the corresponding set of Butalia book offers a collection of studies on wom- values and images held important for female adult- en’s activism in the Hindutva movement; however, hood. Although there may be many competing most of the authors do not draw on current feminist images and values of male and female adulthood in theorizing on gender and nation for their analysis. In society, there is always a hegemonic definition of fact, most authors who have discussed gendered masculinity/femininity. Since the nineteenth century, nationalism in India have predominately focused on aggression, and militarism have formed an integral colonial India, have not explored some vital aspects part of British hegemonic masculinity (Connell, of the historical evolution of masculinity in colonial 1995, p. 213). And conversely, being not aggressive times and its continuity within modern India, and/or and not militaristic were ideas associated with the have not explicitly linked feminist theorizing on opposing notion of hegemonic femininity. In this gender and nation to the modern Indian context. paper, I use the terms hegemonic masculinity and My work adds to these studies in three ways. One, femininity to refer to these interpretations of man- while these works do allude to ideas of masculinity, I hood and womanhood. find that many of them do not provide a detailed Research has linked hegemonic masculinity in examination of an important cultural construct: Chris- Britain to the institutions of empire (Alderson, 1998; tian manliness. This concept forms a vital party of my Chowdhury, 2001; Gilmore, 1996; Gupta, 2001; Hall, study, as it plays an integral role in illuminating the 1994; Inden, 1990; Roper & Tosh, 1991; Sinha, masculinization of the Hindu nation. Two, although I 1995; Vance, 1985). Colonial administrators scoffed do discuss colonial India, this is done primarily to at Indian men for being weak and non-martial. In the highlight the historical evolution of masculine Hindu- words of Edward Said (1978, p. 207), such criticism ism. The main focus of my study is on gender and can be related to a process of feminization wherein nation in modern Hindutva. Three, by explicitly the Orient (non-western colonies in South Asia and locating the gendered Hindu nation within contem- the Middle East) was created as the weak, irrational, porary feminist theorizing on nationalism, I hope to non-martial ‘‘other’’ in contrast to a rational strong, 170 Sikata Banerjee

martial European ‘‘self.’’ Ronald Inden (1990, p. 17) some groups of Indian men may be acknowledged, alludes to the European masculine hero who would yet simultaneously these same groups would be conquer and create order out of the feminized chaos condemned for being ‘‘unmanly’’ because of a lack that was India. Said and Inden both imply that the of patriotic fervor and/or honesty. feminization of the Orient encompassed a disparage- The intersection of Christian manliness and ment of Arab and Indian men who were conquered Empire was not an isolated cultural phenomenon. because they were effeminate and seen as effeminate The monograph published by the Religious Tract because they were conquered. Their conquered status Society refers to British colonial administrators and constructed them as not muscular, not aggressive, and military leaders such as Warren Hastings, Henry not skilled in militarism, which were values associ- Lawrence, and General Henry Havelock as living ated with hegemonic femininity. Thus, gender was a examples of Christian manliness. General Havelock politically salient aspect of colonialism. More specif- was a favorite icon representing Christian heroism ically, the idea of Christian manliness formed the and books such as General Havelock and Christian bridge connecting Empire and gender both in terms Soldiership by the Rev. Frederick S. Williams (1858) of emphasizing the British need to guide Indians and General Havelock or the Christian Soldier by Lt. (who were not aware of these values) as well as Col. B.D.W. Ramsay (1871) celebrated this valor. presenting India as the ideal venue for the practice of Further, adventure books written for British school Christian manhood. boys incorporated the message of Christian manliness by celebrating its alliance with while CHRISTIAN MANLINESS AND EMPIRE simultaneously emphasizing and military courage as potent traits in this intersection (Green, In 1866, the Religious Tract Society of London 1980). published a monograph titled, ‘‘Christian Manliness: In addition, well-known English intellectuals— A Book of Examples and Principles for Young Men.’’ Charles Kingsley and William Pater—debated these In this publication, the author outlined several char- ideas in public fora (Hall, 1994; Vance, 1985), while acteristics necessary for constructing an ideal Chris- colonial military historians classified Indian soldiers tian man: faith, personal will to decide, resolve, using ideas of both hegemonic masculinity (or mus- fidelity, courage, energy, perseverance, strength, gen- cular Christianity) and the multifaceted notion of tleness, self-mastery, and prudence. The title as well Christian manliness. Sikh men were praised as being as the language of the tract very clearly assumed a ‘‘martial’’ and manly in the sense of both physical male audience (Religious Tract Society, 1866, p. 95). and moral rigor. However, some groups fulfilled the This text made a clear distinction between mere criteria of physical hardiness but fell short of the muscular Christianity (conceptually almost identical moral criteria of manliness. For example, Shivaji and to the ideas underlying hegemonic masculinity) and the Marathas, who were able warriors and harassed Christian manliness that included physical strength/ colonial troops, occupied much of the British imag- martial prowess but also went beyond mere ‘‘muscu- ination, but even as historians spoke of their prowess larity’’ to emphasize moral dimensions. The British in battle, these achievements were denigrated by saw Indian men as feminized beings in need of references to the moral laxity of Maratha troops instruction and exposure to the moral and physical (Tone, 1818; Waring, 1810). Such comments are dimensions of Christian manhood. Norman Vance relevant to this narrative because the Hindu nation- (1985, p. 10) suggests that ‘‘‘manliness’ may relate alist groups forming the basis of this analysis focus to physical vigor and prowess...or to patriotic and on Shivaji as a fundamental icon of Hindu martial military qualities, or to the traditions of chivalry, or to power and celebrate the military history of the a variety of moral qualities ranging from...general Marathas. In other words, an aspect of the masculin- benevolence to the most awe inspiring moral rig- izing project of Hindu nationalism includes reclaim- or....’’ This multifaceted definition of manhood ing and celebrating warriors who were dismissed as partly constructed the gendered lens the British used ‘‘unmanly’’ by the colonial rulers. to look at India and its male inhabitants. Although A popular image of Indian effeminacy was the colonial references to Indians commonly conflated Bengali babu or clerk who worked in the vast effeminacy and lack of martial prowess in the tradi- imperial bureaucracies (Alter, 1994). Lord Macaulay, tion of hegemonic masculinity, critical observations a highly placed colonial administrator stated: about Indian manhood were also based on the multi- dimensional notion of masculinity underlying Chris- The physical organization of the Bengalee is tian manliness. For example, the martial ability of feeble even to effeminacy.... During many ages Gender and Nation in India 171

he has been trampled upon by men of bolder and What we want is muscles of iron and nerves of more hardy breeds (Lord, 1931, pp. 109–110). steel, inside which dwells a mind of the same material as that of which the thunderbolt is made. Other colonial observers made similar claims: Strength, manhood, Kshatra-Virya (author’s note: warrior courage).... We have wept long enough. We do not speak of the martial races of Britain as No more weeping, but stand on your feet and be distinct from the non-martial, nor of Germany, nor men. It is man-making religion we want. It man- of France. But in India we speak of the martial making theories that we want. It is man-making races as a thing apart and because the mass of education all around that we want...take away my people have neither martial aptitude nor physical weakness, take away unmanliness, and make me a courage... (MacMunn, 1933, p. 2). man. (Vivekananda in Jyotirmayananda, 1986, p. 29). In British eyes, the greatest proof that Indian men could not live up to the standards embedded in ideas This obsession with manliness carried over into an of Christian manhood was that ‘‘more than one admiration for India’s conquerors, the Muslims and hundred and thirty million people’’ in a ‘‘region of the British. Vivekananda often proclaimed that he Asian equal in extent to the whole of Europe (exclu- wanted to build an India with a Muslim body and a sive of Russia)’’ was ruled by ‘‘forty thousand Vedantist brain, and maintained that no race under- British’’ (Duff, 1840, p. 22). stood as the British did ‘‘what should be the glory of a man’’ (Kakar, 1978, p. 175). The Swami called INDIAN RESPONSES TO BRITISH upon the Hindu men of India to assert their mascu- GENDERED OBSERVATIONS linity. To do so they must emulate the ideas of hegemonic masculinity. Implicitly, he placed in oppo- Certain sections of the Indian elite internalized this sition the values of hegemonic masculinity to a British colonial criticism. They began to ridicule femininity defined by weakness, indecisiveness, and themselves for their weaknesses and inability to a lack of virility. In his view, those men who defend their motherland. Indian elite including B.C. embodied these feminine attributes were and are Chatterjee, Swami Vivekananda, and V.D. Savarkar Hinduism’s greatest enemies. Vivekananda, it should called upon Indians to be men and wrest their mother- be noted, did not always define ‘‘manhood’’ as land from the British with force if necessary. Vande- merely muscular (read physical strength and power) mataram—the theme song of past and present Hindu but also tried to create a multifaceted interpretation by nationalism—published in Chatterjee’s influential combining moral values—honesty, tolerance, chiv- nationalist novel Anandamath (1882) valorized mar- alry—(also found in Christian manliness) with Hindu tial prowess: spirituality. Savarkar in his influential books, The Indian War of Independence (1909), Hindu Pad Who hath said thou art weak in thy lands, Padashahi (1925, a history of the Maratha empire), When the swords flash out in twice seventy million and Hindutva (1923), expressed similar views of hands Hindu masculinity. Thus, Hinduism was reconfigured And seventy million voices roar to embrace the ideals of hegemonic masculinity. Thy dreadful name from shore to shore? Note that I am not arguing for an unbroken With many strengths who art mighty and stored, mechanistic continuity between the nineteenth cen- To thee I call, Mother and Lord (quoted in Hingle, tury and contemporary Hindu nationalism. In other 1999, p. 79). words, I am not assuming that the leaders of the present Hindu nationalist parties/organizations read The following speeches by Vivekananda illustrate Savarkar, Vivekananda, and Chatterjee, and then self- the intense desire to create an indigenous Indian consciously apply these ideas. Rather, because these model of manhood built on ideas of hegemonic thinkers introduced such ideas of masculinity into the masculinity: common cultural milieu, these ideas were available for use by Hindu nationalist organizations, regardless I will go into a thousand hells cheerfully if I can of whether the leaders and activists were cognizant of rouse my countrymen, immersed in tamas (dark- the origin of such thoughts. In the politics of con- ness), to stand on their own feet and be men (em- temporary Hindu nationalist parties and organiza- phasis mine).... (Vivekananda in Rahbar, 1995, p. tions, masculinity has become codified in terms of a 181) warrior tradition; the multifaceted idea of manhood 172 Sikata Banerjee

has been erased. As argued in the opening paragraph, M.S. Golwalkar, influential RSS leader, gives the the creation of a nationalist political doctrine usually following account of the organization’s mission: includes the construction of an ‘‘other’’ who is seen as the enemy of the citizen warriors defending nation Therefore, when we say that our nation should be as woman. Before independence, this ‘‘other,’’ for taken to the pinnacle of glory, it also means that certain proponents of a Hindu nationalism con- people should be made alert, organized, and structed with ideas of hegemonic masculinity, was powerful. After all, nations can stand only upon the British. But now that India is independent, the solid foundation of their organized strength.... followers of this brand of Hindu nationalism have Then, what are the qualities required of individ- chosen another enemy: Islam. uals who will form the living limbs of such an As we move onto the examination of how mas- organized strength?.... The first thing is invin- culine Hinduism manifests itself in contemporary cible physical strength. We have to be so strong Hindu nationalism, it is important to note that mem- that none in the whole world will be able to bers of a nation constructed with ideas of hegemonic overawe and subdue us. For that, we require masculinity described by symbols of war and war- strong and healthy bodies.... Swami Vivekananda riorhood, can easily justify physical aggression used to say, ‘I want men with muscles of iron and against ‘‘the other.’’ Indeed, this is the case in some nerves of steel.’ ...he would thunder, ‘That is not interpretations of Hindu nationalism. Often, day-to- bhakti (author’s note: faith in or devotion to the day political participation has become equated with divine). That is nervous weakness. Don’t sit down being a warrior and measured by involvement in and weep like little girls.’ What do we see today violence against the enemy. If so, then how do when we look at ourselves in a mirror? Do we find women negotiate a space in this context of mascu- anysignofmanlinessandstrength?...The linization and potential aggression? The next sections present-day fashion of our young men of decorat- address this question by outlining the relationship ing the skin and discarding the sinews must be among contemporary Hindu nationalism, masculine given up and they should, with proper exercises Hinduism, and women. and healthy habits, develop strong bodies capable of...undergoing all the hardships of life with good CONTEMPORARY HINDU cheer. (Golwalkar, 1981, p. 66). NATIONALISM AND MASCULINITY Golwalkar’s reference to Vivekananda highlights the The RSS (founded in 1925), the VHP (1964), the continuity of ideas of reconfigured Hindu masculi- Shiv Sena (1966), and the BJP (1980) constitute the nity. four major voices of Hindu nationalism in India. A BJP manifesto delineates the nation, which These organizations do not necessarily share an these masculine heroes are striving for: identical definition of Hindutva. However, all of these groups would, with minor modifications, accept the Diversity is an inseparable part of India’s past and following outlines of Hindutva. Briefly, a true India is present national tradition. The post-independence a Hindu India and minorities (read Muslims) can live tendency to reject all ancient Indian wisdom in in India only if they accept Hindu cultural domi- political life led to all pre-independence values nance. All who identify themselves as Indians must and symbols—be it the idea of spiritual national- accept the cultural primacy of Hindu heroes such as ism expounded by Swami Vivekananda...or the Ram and Shivaji. Any refusal to do so will represent soul stirring ‘Vande Mataram’ song...as unsecular an act of disrespect towards India. Frequently, minor- and unacceptable. The BJP rejects this attitude... ity communities (mostly Muslims and recently, Chris- (http://www.bjp.org/manifesto). tians have been added to the list) are perceived as being anti-national because of their allegiance to In the above excerpt from the BJP election manifesto, religious prophets who are seen as being outside the the reference to the ‘‘post-independence tendency to context of Hindu India. More moderate proponents of reject all ancient Indian wisdom’’ reveals this party’s Hindutva, will perhaps emphasize ideas of Hindu belief that contemporary India has moved away from pride and cultural dominance and downplay notions its Hindu cultural background (represented by Swami of aggression against perceived enemies of the Hindu Vivekananda and Vandematarm). The manifesto goes nation while radical followers will agitate for acts of on to interpret nationalism as based on the idea of war against the ‘‘other’’ or ‘‘enemy’’ of the Hindu ‘‘one nation, one people, and one culture.’’ One may nation, be it Islam or Christianity. ask what will be the basis of this monolithic nation? Gender and Nation in India 173

Given the BJP’s celebration of Hinduism, it may be organization was distinctly martial and highlighted argued that such a configuration of nationalism their beliefs that male Hindu warriors were being signifies the subordination of non-Hindu traditions trained to defend Bharatmata. This method continues to a monolithic Hindu nation constructed by the BJP. in its present training camps. The Sena’s outline of its aims and objectives Elements of masculine Hinduism can also be proclaims: ‘‘We are Hindustanis and therefore, Hindu found in the BJP’s iconography. The BJP’s reconfi- is the belief of our party. We love Hindustan more guration of Ram (mythic hero, commonly believed to than we love ourselves. Therefore, Shiv Sena’s fight be the incarnation of the god Vishnu) most dramati- against anti-national forces shall be ceaseless...it is cally represents this emerging masculinist imagery. Shivsena’s (sic) belief that whatever may be our Most traditional Indian depictions of Ram are androg- religion, whatever our form of worship, our culture ynous and unmuscled; his curves are definitely fem- is Hindu. We are a national force. Hence, we say with inine in terms of a British gender dichotomy based on pride that we are Hindus’’ (http://www.shivsena.org). hegemonic masculinity (Kapur, 1993, p. 86). Further, These statements very clearly outline a nationalism he is ethereal and unfocused, not really engaged in the rooted in Hinduism. The distinction that the Sena tensions of the human world (Kapur, 1993, p. 88). But attempts to make between Hinduism as a religion and recently, Ram has become aggressive and masculine, as a nationalism is not very clear and open to slippage engaged in the process of human desires and violence between the two. For example, it is not clear what a (Kapur, 1993, p. 105). In BJP posters, Ram’s muscles Hindu nation emptied of the dominance of the Hindu ripple as he towers over a Hindu temple protecting it religion looks like or what comprise the markers against aggressors. The disengaged, androgynous, separating Hindu culture and Hindu religion. The divine Ram has become a masculine Hindu warrior. Sena is also vague as to why people who are not The BJP has seized upon the figure of a newly Hindus by religion should pledge allegiance to a configured warrior Ram as an icon representing an Hindu nation and say ‘‘with pride’’ that they are armed masculinity that demands Hindu anger against Hindus. national enemies should be expressed, through, The VHP also draws on a similar vision of a among other ways, aggressive action. Hindu nation as it aggressively asserts its right to A male Shiv Sena leader makes the following protect Hindu temples, rituals, and idols. To this end, observation during the Hindu–Muslim riots of 1992/ it has led the struggle to build a temple in the North 1993: Indian town of to celebrate the birthplace of the Hindu deity Ram. Young male VHP activists At Radhabhai chawl they (author’s note: Mus- flooded this town in February and March 2002, lims) bolted the door from the outside and set it on aggressively agitating for the construction of this fire. And all our (author’s note: Hindu) children, temple. The threat of potential violence led to height- families, they were roasted. When this hit the ened security and increased military presence. The headlines the next day...my wife told me, ‘I VHP’s militant tactics and stance in this endeavor should offer you bangles now. What are we? In highlights the use of a very simple and aggressive our own country, Hindus are being burnt.’ (Inter- interpretation of Hindu masculinity. view with author, January 1993). The RSS, Shiv Sena, VHP, and BJP use religious symbols and icons to facilitate the spread of mascu- Note that in the above quotation, the male leader line Hinduism. It is important to begin with the RSS describes Hindu weakness in the face of Muslim as this is the oldest of the three and has heavily aggression with feminine images, i.e. bangles offered influenced the others in their interpretation of Hindu by his wife. The offer of bangles or jewelry worn by nationalism and masculine Hinduism. Indeed most women is an insult to Hindu men because they have BJP politicians and VHP activists were members of failed to protect their people. This equation of the RSS during their youth while the Shiv Sena weakness with the feminine and strength with the divides its party along the same organizational lines masculine places this interpretation of masculinity into shakhas or branches, a nomenclature borrowed squarely within the parameters of hegemonic mascu- directly from the RSS. When the RSS began its first linity. training camps in 1927, young boys and men were Another Shiv Sena leader examines the idea of a encouraged to learn sword fighting, use javelins, and Hindu nation: become proficient in the use of daggers. They saluted saffron flags (commonly believed to be associated ...India is our country, whoever is against India— with Hindu warriors). Their method of training and Hindu or Muslim—hang him. India and Pakistan 174 Sikata Banerjee

play a cricket game. The Indian team loses and Most of the policy makers as well as the foot Pakistan wins. Firecrackers go off in Bhendi soldiers of the RSS, BJP, VHP, and the Shiv Sena are Bazaar. Bhendi Bazaar [is a] Muslim area. That men, the icons they use are resolutely masculinized, means what? Their loyalty is not for India but for and the message they disseminate focuses on being Pakistan. They have no right to live in India.... ‘‘masculine’’ warriors in politics. The position of This country is Hindustan. It is Hindustan of the women within this context of masculinization and Hindus. What is wrong with calling it Hindustan? militarism becomes contested and ambiguous. Where Like Pakistan which is a Muslim country. This is a do women fit in? Do they take on masculine traits to country which belongs to Hindus...riots will become ‘‘masculinized warriors’’ or do they disap- increase in the future.’’ (Interview with author, pear completely from this political arena based on December 1992). masculine Hinduism?

This leader begins by adopting a view of nation- MASCULINIZATION AND WOMEN IN alism that seems to accept both Hindus and Mus- THE HINDU NATION lims. However, by emphasizing India as Hindustan or land of the Hindus and portraying Muslims as As mentioned in the opening paragraphs women foreigners and necessarily traitors to India (read enter the political landscape of Hindu nationalism Hindustan), he clearly demonstrates his bias. The as passive symbols of the nation as woman as well as language of aggression and potential violence is active participants in the role of masculinized warrior, implicit in his view. If one examines both these wife, and mother. quotations, the first during Hindu–Muslim riots and the second in the absence of such violence, it is Nation as Woman reasonable to make the inference that if the imagined Hindu nation is in danger, it is appropriate for Hindu ‘‘...Motherland is a woman’s body and as such is warriors to defend it. ever in danger of violation—by ‘foreign’ males. To The politics of the Shiv Sena exhorts the Hindu defend her frontiers and her honor requires relentless nation to arise and Sena activists paint the walls of vigilance and the sacrifice of countless citizen cities in which they are influential with the snarling warriors...’’ Peterson (1998, p. 44). tiger emblem of the party. Statues and portraits of a In the RSS and BJP offices, it is common to see muscular Shivaji holding a bow and arrow are found India depicted as a beautiful woman. Not only do in their party offices. In all Shiv Sena-sponsored masculine Hindus—the citizen warriors referred to religious processions, the young male participants above—protect the nation as woman, but they are carry tridents. Their icons—the warrior Shivaji, forever on guard defending the honor of Hindu women weapons, the tiger—all represent aggressive milita- who are in danger of being defiled by the enemy of the rism. The tiger symbol of the Sena presents a Hindu nation: the Muslims. V.D. Savarkar—discussed provocative cultural reading in terms of masculine in the historical section and one of the early articulators Hinduism. Bhavani, the traditional patron goddess of of masculine Hinduism —clearly linked nation as Shivaji, is usually associated with tiger. Notice how, woman, honor, and rape: ‘‘The souls of...millions of in the Sena’s symbolic configuration, the goddess (a aggrieved women might have perhaps said, ‘‘Do not female representation of martial prowess) has dis- forget...Shivaji Maharaj (author’s note: the role of appeared and the tiger stands alone. Finally, the Shiv Shivaji as a symbol of masculine Hinduism has been Sena activists refer to themselves as sainiks or discussed above)...the unutterable atrocities commit- warriors. The word sena means army. The facades ted on us by...Muslim noblemen and thousands of local Shiv Sena offices imitate historic Hindu others, big and small. ...Once they (i.e., the Muslim forts. The saffron flag of Hindu warriors flies from noblemen) are haunted with this dreadful apprehen- the painted spires proclaiming war on the enemies of sion that Muslim women, too, stand in the same Hinduism. The VHP’s headquarters in Delhi also predicament in case the Hindus win, the future Muslim flies the saffron flag of Hinduism and its activists conquerors will never dare think of such molestation of speak passionately about the need to protect Hindu Hindu women.... It was the suicidal Hindu idea of religion. During the 1992/1993 Hindu–Muslim riots chivalry to women which saved the Muslim wom- in India as well as in the recent (2002) riot in en.... Their womanhood became their shield...’’ Gujarat, young VHP activists were armed, angry, (Savarkar quoted in Agarwal, 1995, pp. 51–52). and aggressively projected themselves as warriors By adopting the voice of dishonored Indian fighting for the Hindu nation. women, Savarkar is implicitly rebuking Hindu men Gender and Nation in India 175

for not being manly enough to protect their women rather their moves were stylized, almost a dance, and hence their national honor. A rather chilly impli- symbolizing the Samiti’s emphasis on the need for cation of this rebuke is the notion of the ‘‘suicidal Hindu women to cultivate their ability to protect Hindu idea of chivalry,’’ it seems Savarkar wants themselves and their nation. masculine Hindu men to rape Muslim women in The immediate reason given for a woman’s need order to vindicate the dishonor of Hindu womanhood. to protect herself is the fear of rape. The Samiti’s Indeed, during the 1992/1993 Hindu–Muslim riots, official publications (Rai, 1996, p. 23) emphasize rape of Muslim women by a few militant proponents this rationale by retelling a well-known story about of Hindu nationalists was justified using this lan- founder Lakshmibai Kelkar. It seems that just after guage of vindication and dishonor (Agarwal, 1995), the founding of the Samiti, she was horrified to hear and ‘‘rape’’ has also been used as a rhetorical device of a Hindu woman who was raped in public while to call Hindu warriors to the defense of their nation. her husband and other men stood by. Given the For example, the rape of Hindu women during the Samiti’s link to the narrative of Hindu nationalism periods of Islamic rule in India and Hindu–Muslim and their depiction of nation as woman, I assumed riots in the wake of the Indian sub-continent’s parti- that the rapists were to be demonized as ‘‘the other,’’ tion into Pakistan and India are repeatedly used by the enemy of the Hindu nation, i.e. Muslims who the BJP and RSS in their speeches to urge masculine dared to pollute Indian womanhood (and hence Hindu warriors to protect their motherland and their nation as woman) while cowardly Hindu men looked women (Basu, 1995; Butalia, 1995). on. The publication does not mention the religion of the assailants but the Samiti members, in response to Women as Active Participants in Political my question, claimed that they were actually Hindu. Identity Struggles So the Samiti claims that women must also embody traits of hegemonic masculinity—martial prowess But the passive role of nation as woman is not the and physical hardiness—not only to protect Mother only model of the intersection of female identity and India but also to prevent the Hindu sons of Mother masculine Hinduism within the Hindu nationalist India from attacking her daughters. If Samiti mem- narrative. Women themselves can become citizen bers are then questioned as to whether this means warriors by adopting the traits of masculine Hindu- women occupy a rather ambiguous position within a ism, but they must do so cautiously by constantly masculinized Hindu nationalism, they provide eva- emphasizing that such an action will not challenge the sive answers, not willing to address this potentially present gendered structure of society. The Rashtriya contentious issue. This, it seems to me, is an Sevika Samiti (literally ‘‘Organization of Women in indication of the tensions that may arise when Service to the Nation’’ and hereafter Samiti) was women claim to take on ‘‘masculine’’ traits within founded in 1936 by Lakshmibai Kelkar as the wom- the context of a militaristic and aggressive Hindu en’s wing of the RSS. According to an official nationalism. publication of the Samiti, Kelkar persuaded Dr. While the Samiti encourages young women to Hedgewar, the founder of the RSS, that women perform martial arts, the Mahila Agadhi and Mahila needed to be a part of nation building because Morcha show their reverence for the feminine ‘‘Men and women are both wings of the society. representation of martial prowess by valorizing Unless both were strong, the society will not progress divine figures such as Durga and historical icons properly’’ (Rai, 1996, p. 24). such as the Rani (Queen) of Jhansi who rode to In April 1998, I attended a large meeting of the battle against the British as role models for female Samiti in Mumbai (formerly Bombay) India. The behavior, performing rituals celebrating warrior god- Mumbai meeting took place in a local school. At desses, and prominently displaying statues and por- the back of the room where we met, a large poster traits of these female figures in their offices. But depicted a beautiful woman embodying India, the does this celebration of feminine warriorhood lion by the woman’s side marked her as the goddess actually lead to women taking up arms or partic- Durga. For an hour I watched young girls brandish ipating in violence? The 1992/1993 Hindu–Muslim wooden daggers and practice wrestling moves. The riots, which followed in the wake of the demolition juxtaposition of India imagined as a warrior goddess of a Muslim religious structure, provide a response and young Indian women performing martial moves, to this query. eloquently illustrated the female representation of the The BJP, claiming to represent the voices of citizen warrior. It must be noted that these young Hindu nationalism, demanded that a mosque built women were not really practiced in martial arts, on the ruins of an ancient temple celebrating the 176 Sikata Banerjee

birthplace of Lord Ram and occupying sacred Hindu of attack...’’ (Kakar, 1995, p. 207). It is interesting to ground should be torn down to make way for a new note that even though she does not use a nation-as- Hindu temple. It had been agitating around this issue woman metaphor to explicitly describe India, she throughout the 1980s and in December 1992, its very clearly embodies the nation by invoking ideas political agitation culminated in the destruction of of mutilation as she refers to the partition of India by this building. This event unleashed a wave of vio- the British (supposedly in response to Muslim lence that swept throughout the country, as Hindus demands). Embodying the nation enables masculine clashed with Muslims. The politics of Hindu nation- Hindu warriors to more effectively imagine a defense alism—i.e., the need to protect the Hindu nation from of the Hindu nation as ‘‘what’’ they are protecting is attack by the ‘‘the other,’’—provided the context of no longer abstract or lifeless but rather becomes alive. this riots. The city of Mumbai—a stronghold of the She warns the Muslims, ‘‘Live among us like the son Shiv Sena—was one of the most violent conflict of a human being and we will respectfully call you zones. During this period of turmoil, a feminist ‘‘uncle.’’ But if you want to behave like the son of activist commented in a daily newspaper on the Babar (author’s note: the founder of the Mughal feminization of violence, ‘‘A very, very disturbing empire in India. The Mughals were Muslim) then aspect of these killings was that women were some of the Hindu youth will deal with as Rana Pratap and the most aggressive participants in the riots...’’ Chatrapati Shivaji did with your forefathers (author’s (Telegraph, April 5, 1993). Other scholars agreed note: Rana Pratap, like Shivaji, is a Hindu warrior with this assessment, ‘‘...large numbers of women celebrated by Hindu nationalists as a popular symbol have been extremely active and visible, not only in of Hindu resistance)’’ (Kakar, 1995, p. 205). Her the rallies and campaigns but even in the actual speeches continue in this vein skillfully invoking episodes of violent attacks against Muslims’’ (Sarkar, Ram, Shivaji, ideas of a glorious Hindu nation, cas 1995, pp. 189–191). Given the nature of such par- ting Muslim/Islam as the ‘‘other’’ of this nation, and ticipation, it becomes reasonable to conjecture that calling upon masculine Hindu warriors to defend certain women, in a specific situation, have indeed their nation. taken on traits of masculine Hinduism to enter into Sadhavi Rithambhara, along with two other im- the fray as citizen warriors protecting the Hindu portant female participants of the Hindu nationalist nation. But this feminization of violence is of course movement—Uma Bharati3 and Vijayraje Scindia4— only one model of active female participation. offer an interesting interpretation of the intersection Sadhavi Rithambhara,2 who is a prominent female of masculine Hinduism and female identity. All three proponent of Hindu nationalism, provides another of these women are celibate. Scindia is a widow, and model of female participation, not a foot soldier in Uma Bharati, like Rithambhara, is a sadhavi, a female direct combat, but an eloquent speaker, celebrating renunciate (Basu, 1995, p. 161). Widowhood implies the idea of masculine Hinduism. Although she does celibacy because in certain interpretations of Hindu- not take up arms or embody martial prowess, she can ism, women who are widowed cannot marry again by no means be dismissed as a ‘‘cheerleader’’ for the and since sexual relations are allowed only within the ‘‘real’’ male warriors. The power of the sadhavi’s confines of matrimony; a widow is, by definition, words equals that of a Hindu warrior’s weapons. The celibate. All three women also wear plain clothing prefix ‘‘sadhavi’’ refers to the female counterpart of with a minimum of make-up and jewelry. the male sadhu, who, in the Hindu world’s view, has Malathi de Alwis (1998, p. 266) describes women renounced a worldly life to search for personal warriors fighting for the liberation of the Tamil nation salvation and enlightenment. The sadhavi’s message with the Liberation Tigers for Tamil Elam (or LTTE) to Hindus is not one of tolerance and non-violence. as ‘‘masculinized virgin warriors,’’ wherein ‘‘...the Rather, it focuses on lamenting that Hindu passivity LTTE woman’s internal body is expected to be ‘pure,’ has enabled Muslims to enjoy special privileges at the ‘chaste,’ and ‘virginal,’’’ while ‘‘her outer body is expense of Hindus and eloquently arguing that the marked as masculine; her hair is cut short and she time has now come for Hindu warriors to demand wears a beret, combat fatigues, boots...but no their rights and protect their nation: ‘‘I mean to say makeup or jewelry....’’ Now one should not push that the long-suffering Hindu is being called a reli- this parallel too far. Obviously, none of the afore- gious zealot today.... The Muslims got their Paki- mentioned Indian women participants are actually stan. Even in a mutilated India, they have special involved in armed combat but a case can be made rights.... What do we have? An India with its arms that they are indeed a part of a metaphorical battle for cut off. An India where restrictions are placed on our the Hindu nation. It seems to me that given the festivals, where our processions are always in danger masculinization of the Hindu nationalist narrative Gender and Nation in India 177

and the fact that these three prominent icons are train the children to shoulder any responsibility in celibate, do not have flowing locks, have eschewed life. Hence, she herself had to be an able adminis- traditional outer Hindu markings of the married trator as she is the commander of her home.... woman (vermilion, bangles), and are reaching for ‘Motherhood’ has vast dimensions, it extends beyond prominence in a masculine political landscape, de the family to town, society, country, nation...’’ (Rai, Alwis’ model does become pertinent. 1996, p. 45). Here, the role of women as both cultural This image of virgin warrior becomes even more and biological reproducers is emphasized as is their potentwiththefoundingin1998ofawomen’s ability to transfer skills learned in the private sphere organization affiliated with the VHP: the Sadhavi as mothers to the public sphere of nation building. Shakti Parishad or the Organization of Sadhavi Power The BJP draws on a similar policy, ‘‘We can begin (hereafter Parishad). All active members are celibate to see the extent to which the traditional discourse of female renunciates with short hair, no jewelry, and women as matri shakti (author’s note: maternal dressed in saffron robes. Their activities include power) infuses the BJP’s policies’’ (Kapur & Coss- speaking in public about the need to protect the man, 1995, p. 100). Evidence for the Shiv Sena Hindu nation (many use the fiery speeches of Sadhavi women’s use of ideas of maternal power is found Rithambhara as a model), organizing gatherings not so much in written texts but rather in the fact that where young women are trained in martial arts and many of the publicly performed rituals of the Shiv taught about the ideals of Indian womanhood, and Sena women’s wing celebrate female strength in the coordinating the worship of Hindu mother goddesses nation as deriving from women’s role as mothers. In in public spaces. In order to enter the masculinized the narrative of Hindu nationalism, mothers of his- reality of Hindu nationalism, many women are sym- toric warriors are as celebrated as their sons. For bolically and practically shedding outer markers of example, Jijabai, Shivaji’s mother, who encouraged their femininity. her son to resist the injustice of Muslim rule and protect the Hindu nation provides a powerful model Women as Mother of Hindu motherhood as does Lakshmibai, Rani of Jhansi, who fell in battle defending her infant son’s In a nationalist narrative constructed with ideas of kingdom. The Parishad is also eloquent in its defense masculine Hinduism, women do not necessarily have of the power of motherhood. In Matrimahashakti to take on masculine traits or erase tangible signs of (2000) or ‘‘Great Maternal Power,’’ a published the femininity to become political actors, they can collection of essays by sadhavis and other women play complementary roles which draw on their who support the Parishad, most authors celebrate socially constructed gender roles based on ideas of women’s role as mothers who nurture proper citizens hegemonic femininity, motherhood for example. This and warriors. For example, in an essay titled ‘‘Moth- focus on ‘‘woman as mother’’ also circumvents any ers are Divine,’’ Sadhavi Nayasargika Giri (2000) potential criticism of their perceived violation of argues that although the great Hindu warrior hero societally prescribed gender roles as they enter Pratap Singh’s father was a coward who lost his fort nationalist politics. The ideals of motherhood and and hid in the surrounding Aravalli mountains, his women’s role as mother intersect with the nation- mother—a great and learned lady—taught her son the building process in three ways. One, women have the value of nationalism, martial prowess, and courage physical ability to bear children, especially sons, who thus enabling Pratap Singh to become one of the will become the citizen soldiers ready to defend the greatest heroes of the Hindu nation. nation as woman. Two, as primary caregivers of However, the Parishad’s relationship to mother- children they socialize future warriors by passing hood is rather ambiguous. It should be noted that even on culture, rituals, and nationalist myths to the next though the Parishad emphasizes that women’s greatest generation. Finally, the concept of ‘‘motherhood’’ contribution to the nation is her ability to nurture assumes that women are able to play multiple roles citizens and warriors, the sadhavis, because of their and this can prove useful in shaping political rhetoric celibacy have denied themselves this power. Conse- aimed at bringing women into the nationalist conflict. quently, through their persons and actions, sadhavis An official publication of the Samiti uses all three are declaring that female strength in a nation can come methods to legitimize the nationalist work of the in forms other than mother. The model of virgin Samiti: ‘‘Even though the Sevikas (author’s note: warrior is central to this ambiguity; women can fight members of the Samiti) were not after power, if the within the masculinized landscape as long as their occasion demanded they must have the capacity to ‘‘femininity’’ is erased (this erasure represented, for become able administrators. It is mother who can example, by the image of sadhavi), however, if 178 Sikata Banerjee

women wish to enter this space without shedding & Urvashi Butalia (Eds.), Women and the Hindu right cultural symbols that mark them as female, then they (pp. 29–57). New Delhi: Kali for Women. Alderson, David (1998). Mansex fine: Religion, manliness must do so in socially prescribed roles such as mother. and imperialism in nineteenth century British culture. However, as the Parishad and the Samiti highlight, Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press. even within such gendered limits, women can become Alter, Joseph (1994). Celibacy, sexuality, and the transfor- visible and effective in the Hindu nationalist struggle. mation of gender into nationalism in North India. Jour- nal of Asian Studies 53, 45–63. To sum up, gender is politically salient in Hin- Anderson, Benedict (1991). Imagined communities. Lon- dutva. As warriors and mothers women have entered don: Verso. its masculinist political landscape; the nation is imag- Basu, Amrita (1995). inverted: The gendered im- ined as a woman and national honor is located in agery and real women of Hindu nationalism. In Tanika women’s bodies. Sarkar, & Urvashi Butalia (Eds.), Women and the Hin- du Right (pp. 158–180). New Delhi: Kali for Women. Blom, Ida, Hall, Catherine, & Hagemann, Karen (2000). Gen- dered nation: Nationalism and gender order in the nine- CONCLUSION teenth century. New York, NY: New York Univ. Press. Butalia, Urvashi (1995). Muslims and Hindus, men and A series of gendered historical and social factors women: Communal stereotypes and the partition of In- influenced the reconfiguration of Hinduism with dia. In Tanika Sarkar, & Urvashi Butalia (Eds.), Women ideas of hegemonic masculinity and, as a result of and the Hindu Right (pp. 58–81). New Delhi: Kali for this process, the image of a physically hardy warrior Women. became central to some visions of the modern Hindu Chowdhury, Indira (2001). The fragile hero and virile his- tory: Gender and the politics of culture in colonial Ben- nation. This paper interrogates the manner in which gal. New Delhi: Oxford Univ. Press. women and ideas of femininity intersect this process Connell, Robert W. (1995). Masculinities. Berkeley, CA: of masculinization. Indian women have created a Univ. of California Press. space for themselves within this masculinist narrative de Alwis, Malathi (1998). Moral mothers and stalwart sons: Reading binaries in a time of war. In Lois Ann Lorentzen, by casting themselves as warriors, utilizing ideas of & Jennifer Turpin (Eds.), The woman and war reader nation as woman, and focusing on women’s role as (pp. 217–254). New York, NY: New York Univ. Press. mother as well as culturally endorsed ideals of Duff, Alexander (1840). India and India missions including motherhood. Indian women have been forced to sketches of the gigantic system of Hinduism both in negotiate a delicate balance between seizing a space theory and practice. Edinburgh: John Johnstone. Enloe, Cynthia (1983). Does khaki become you: The milita- for themselves and reassuring the male elite that risation of women’s lives. London: Pluto. activities playing out in this area will not radically Enloe, Cynthia (2000). Maneuvers: The international poli- retool culturally dominant ideas of masculinity and tics of militarizing women’s lives. Berkeley, CA: Univ. of femininity in Indian society. This is demonstrated by California Press. Gilmore, David (1996). Manhood in the making: Cultural the Samiti’s unwillingness to pursue the implications concepts of masculinity. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press. of their view that Indian women face violence from Giri, Sadhavi Nayasargika (2000). ‘Mothers are Divine’ in all men (Hindu and Muslim), the sadhavis erasure of Matrimahashakti. New Delhi: Vishwa Hindu Parishad. all outer markers of their femininity to gain access to Golwalkar, Madhav Sadashiv (1981). Bunch of thoughts. a masculine political landscape, and the womens’ Bangalore: Jagarana Prakashan. Green, Martin (1980). Dreams of adventure and deeds of organizations celebration of motherhood. empire. London: Routledge. Gupta, Charu (2001). Sexuality, obscenity, community: Women, Muslims, and the Hindu public in colonial India. ENDNOTES New Delhi: Permanent Black. Hall, Donald (Ed.) (1994). Muscular Christianity: Embody- 1. All interviewees have requested anonymity. These inter- ing the Victorian age. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. views were conducted during various research trips to Press. India in the last decade. Hingle, G. S. (1999). Hindutva reawakened. New Delhi: 2. Sadhavi Rithambhara is prominent as a spokesperson for Vikas. the Vishwa Hindu Parishad. Inden, Ronald (1990). Imagining India. Cambridge, MA: 3. Uma Bharati is presently a BJP member of parliament Basil Blackwell. and a member of the cabinet. Jeffery, Patricia, & Basu, Amrita (Eds.) (1998). Appropriat- 4. Vijayraje Scindia died in 2001 after a long career in ing gender: Women’s activism and politicized religion in politics, most recently as a BJP member of parliament. south Asia (pp. 3–14). New York, NY: Routledge. Jeffords, Susan (1989). The remasculization of America: Gender and the Vietnam war. Bloomington, IN: Univ. REFERENCES of Indiana Press. Jyotirmayananda (1986). Vivekananda: His gospel of man- Agarwal, Purshottam (1995). Surat, Savarkar and Draupadi: making with a Garland of tributes and a chronicle of his Legitimising rape as a political weapon. In Tanika Sarkar, life and times with pictures. Pondicherry: All India Press. Gender and Nation in India 179

Kakar, Sudhir (1978). Inner-world: Psycho-analytic study of Rai, Rajani (1996). Life sketch of Vandaniya Mausiji. Nag- childhood and society in India. New Delhi: Oxford pur: Sevika Prakashan. Univ. Press. Ramsay, B. D. W. (1871). General Havelock or the Chris- Kakar, Sudhir (1995). The colours of violence. New Delhi: tian soldier. London: Halchards. Viking. Religious Tract Society (1866). Christian manliness: A book Kapur, Anuradha (1993). Deity to crusader: The changing of examples and principles for young men. London: Re- iconography of Ram. In Gyanendra Pandey (Ed.), Hin- ligious Tract Society. dus and others: The question of identity in India today Roper, Michael, & Tosh, John (Eds.) (1991). Manful asser- (pp. 74–109). New Delhi: Oxford. tions: Masculinities in Britain since 1800. New York, Kapur, Ratna, & Cossman, Brenda (1995). Communalising NY: Routledge. gender, engendering community: Women, legal dis- Roy, Parama (1998). Indian traffic: Identities in question in course and the saffron agenda. In Tanika Sarkar, & colonial and post-colonial India. Berkeley, CA: Univ. of Urvashi Butalia (Eds.), Women and the Hindu right California Press. (pp. 82–120). New Delhi: Kali for Women. Said, Edward (1978). Orientalism. New York, NY: Pan- Lord, John (Ed.) (1931). Macaulay’s essays on Lord Clive theon. and Warren Hastings (pp. 10–18). London: Ginn and Sarkar, Tanika (1995). Heroic women, mother goddesses: Company. Family and organisation in Hindutva politics. In Tanika MacMunn, George (1933). The martial races of India. Lon- Sarkar, & Urvashi Butalia (Eds.), Women and the Hindu don: Sampson, Low, Marston & Co. right (pp. 181–215). New Delhi: Kali for Women. Matrimahashakti (2002). New Delhi: Vishwa Hindu Par- Sarkar, Tanika, & Butalia, Urvashi (1995). Women and the ishad. Hindu right. New Delhi: Kali for Women. Mayar, Tamar (1999). Gender ironies of nationalism: Sexing Sinha, Mrinalini (1995). Colonial masculinity: The ‘manly’ the nation. New York, NY: Routledge. Englishman and the ‘effeminate Bengali’ in the late McClintock, Anne (1995). Imperial leather: Race, gender, nineteenth century. Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press. and sexuality in the colonial context. New York, NY: Tone, William Henry (1818). Illustrations of some institu- Routledge. tions of the Mahratta people. Calcutta: D Lankheet McClintock, Anne, Mufti, Amir, & Shohat, Ella (1997). Times Press. Dangerous liaisons: Gender, nation, and post colonial Vance, Norman (1985). The sinews of the spirit: The ideal of perspectives. Minneapolis, MN: Univ. of Minnesota Christian manliness in Victorian literature and religious Press. thought. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. Peterson, V. Spike (1998). Gendered nationalism: Reproduc- Waring, Edward Scott (1810). A history of the Mahrattas. ing ‘‘Us’’ versus ‘‘Them’’. In Lois Ann Lorentzen, & London: John Richardson. Jennifer Turpin (Eds.), The woman and war reader Williams, Frederick S. (1858). General Havelock and Chris- (pp. 41–49). New York, NY: New York Univ. Press. tian soldiership. London: Judd & Glass. Rahbar, Hansraj (1995). Vivekananda: The warrior saint. Yuval-Davis, Nira, & Anthias, Floya (Eds.) (1989). Woman– New Delhi: Farsight. Nation–State. London: Macmillan Press.