THE BOMBING of Mcgurk's BAR, BELFAST on 4 DECEMBER 1971
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The Troubles in Northern Ireland and Theories of Social Movements
11 PROTEST AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Bosi & De Fazio (eds) Bosi Fazio & De and Theories of of Theories and in Northern Ireland The Troubles Social Movements Social Edited by Lorenzo Bosi and Gianluca De Fazio The Troubles in Northern Ireland and Theories of Social Movements The Troubles in Northern Ireland and Theories of Social Movements Protest and Social Movements Recent years have seen an explosion of protest movements around the world, and academic theories are racing to catch up with them. This series aims to further our understanding of the origins, dealings, decisions, and outcomes of social movements by fostering dialogue among many traditions of thought, across European nations and across continents. All theoretical perspectives are welcome. Books in the series typically combine theory with empirical research, dealing with various types of mobilization, from neighborhood groups to revolutions. We especially welcome work that synthesizes or compares different approaches to social movements, such as cultural and structural traditions, micro- and macro-social, economic and ideal, or qualitative and quantitative. Books in the series will be published in English. One goal is to encourage non- native speakers to introduce their work to Anglophone audiences. Another is to maximize accessibility: all books will be available in open access within a year after printed publication. Series Editors Jan Willem Duyvendak is professor of Sociology at the University of Amsterdam. James M. Jasper teaches at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. The Troubles in Northern Ireland and Theories of Social Movements Edited by Lorenzo Bosi and Gianluca De Fazio Amsterdam University Press Cover illustration: Two rows of RUC Land Rovers keeping warring factions, the Nationalists (near the camera) and Loyalists, apart on Irish Street, Downpatrick. -
Dziadok Mikalai 1'St Year Student
EUROPEAN HUMANITIES UNIVERSITY Program «World Politics and economics» Dziadok Mikalai 1'st year student Essay Written assignment Course «International relations and governances» Course instructor Andrey Stiapanau Vilnius, 2016 The Troubles (Northern Ireland conflict 1969-1998) Plan Introduction 1. General outline of a conflict. 2. Approach, theory, level of analysis (providing framework). Providing the hypothesis 3. Major actors involved, definition of their priorities, preferences and interests. 4. Origins of the conflict (historical perspective), major actions timeline 5. Models of conflicts, explanations of its reasons 6. Proving the hypothesis 7. Conclusion Bibliography Introduction Northern Ireland conflict, called “the Troubles” was the most durable conflict in the Europe since WW2. Before War in Donbass (2014-present), which lead to 9,371 death up to June 3, 20161 it also can be called the bloodiest conflict, but unfortunately The Donbass War snatched from The Troubles “the victory palm” of this dreadful competition. The importance of this issue, however, is still essential and vital because of challenges Europe experience now. Both proxy war on Donbass and recent terrorist attacks had strained significantly the political atmosphere in Europe, showing that Europe is not safe anymore. In this conditions, it is necessary for us to try to assume, how far this insecurity and tensions might go and will the circumstances and the challenges of a international relations ignite the conflict in Northern Ireland again. It also makes sense for us to recognize that the Troubles was also a proxy war to a certain degree 23 Sources, used in this essay are mostly mass-media articles, human rights observers’ and international organizations reports, and surveys made by political scientists on this issue. -
Murder of Innocents – the IRA Attack That Repulsed the World
Newshound: Daily Northern Ireland news catalog - Irish News article Murder of innocents – the IRA attack that HOME repulsed the world This article appears thanks to the Irish History (Diana Rusk, Irish News) News. Subscribe to the Irish News NewsoftheIrish The IRA bombing at a Remembrance Day commemoration in the Co Fermanagh town of Enniskillen 20 years ago this week killed 11 people, injured 63 and repulsed the world. Book Reviews & Book Forum Amateur video footage of the aftermath of the explosion on November 8 1987 was broadcast internationally, vividly Search / Archive portraying the suffering of innocent victims. Back to 10/96 Half were Presbyterians who had inadvertently stood the closest Papers to the hidden 40lb device so that they could be convenient to their place of worship. Reference There were three married couples – Wesley Armstrong (62) and wife Bertha (55), Billy Mullan (74) and wife Agnes (73), Kit About Johnston (71) and wife Jessie (62). The others who died were Sammy Gault (49), Ted Armstrong Contact (52), Johnny Megaw (67), Alberta Quinton (72) and the youngest victim, Marie Wilson (20). A 12th person, Ronnie Hill, who slipped into a coma days after the explosion, never woke up and died almost 14 years later. For the first time in the Troubles, the IRA admitted it had made a mistake, planting the device in a building owned by the Catholic church to, they said, target security forces patrolling the parade. The bombing is believed to be one of the watershed incidents of the Troubles largely because of the international outcry against the violence. -
Kindynis, T and Garrett, BL. 2015. Entering the Maze: Space, Time and Exclusion in an Aban- Doned Northern Ireland Prison
Kindynis, T and Garrett, BL. 2015. Entering the Maze: Space, Time and Exclusion in an Aban- doned Northern Ireland Prison. Crime, Media, Culture, 11(1), pp. 5-20. ISSN 1741-6590 [Article] https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/eprint/23441/ The version presented here may differ from the published, performed or presented work. Please go to the persistent GRO record above for more information. If you believe that any material held in the repository infringes copyright law, please contact the Repository Team at Goldsmiths, University of London via the following email address: [email protected]. The item will be removed from the repository while any claim is being investigated. For more information, please contact the GRO team: [email protected] Entering the Maze: Space, Time and Exclusion in an Abandoned Northern Ireland Prison [O]ur deepest thoughts and feelings pass to us through perplexed combinations of concrete objects… in compound experiences incapable of being disentangled (De Quincey, 1998: 104). Figure 1 1. Introduction Our hotel room, a cheap, smelly affair with 1970s puke-coloured wallpaper and a psychedelic flower-patterned rug, just outside of Belfast in Northern Ireland, is littered with ropes, harnesses, camera gear, beer bottles, makeup, computer equipment, sleeping bags, academic journal articles and 30 meters of rope. We’re trying to make the rope climbable, stretching it down the hotel corridor, testing variations, debating feasibility. We settle on doubling the rope over and tying fat knots to step into, and go to sleep. The alarm clock goes off at 2am. We crawl out of bed, bleary- eyed, grab our bags, and trudge down to the car. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
UK Data Archive Study Number 66039 - Survey of Councillors in Belfast, 1966
UK Data Archive Study Number 66039 - Survey of Councillors in Belfast, 1966 SSRC C001-25 66039 QUEENS UNIVERSITY OF BELFAST LOCAL COMMUNITY PROJECT II COUNCILLOR INTERVIEW INTERVIEWER'S NAME COVER SHEET NUMBER TIME STARTED DATE 1. WHEN DID YOU FIRST SERVE AS A MEMBER OF THE CORPORATION? (IF MORE THAN ONE TERM) 2. HAS YOUR SERVICE BEEN CONTINUOUS? YES NO IF YES GO TO Q.3 (IF NO) 2A WOULD YOU TELL ME ABOUT THAT? (YOU ARE NOW (RESPONDENT'S OFFICE)) 3. HAVE YOU HELD ANY (OTHER) OFFICES ON THE COUNCIL? YES NO IF NO GO TO Q.4 (IF YES) 3A WHAT IS THAT? WHEN WAS THAT? (GET OFFICES AND DATES) 4. HAVE YOU HELD ANY OFFICES IN THE PARTY GROUP ON COUNCIL? YES NO IF NO GO TO Q.5 (IF YES) 4A WHAT IS THAT? WHEN WAS THAT? (FIND IF RESPONDENT HOLDS OFFICE NOW) 5. WERE YOU ELECTED TO THE COUNCIL THE FIRST TIME YOU STOOD? YES NO IF YES GO TO Q.6 (IF NO) 5A COULD YOU TELL ME ABOUT THAT? 6. THINKING BACK TO THE FIRST TIME YOU STOOD FOR THE COUNCIL, WHAT CONSIDERATIONS LED YOU TO STAND? (IF RESPONDENT HAS SERVED MORE THAN ONE TERM) 7. WHAT HAS LED YOU TO CONTINUE STANDING FOR RE-ELECTION? 8. BEFORE YOU ACCEPTED NOMINATION AS A COUNCILLOR, WERE YOU ACTIVE IN PARTY WORK? YES NO IF NO GO TO Q.9 (IF YES) 8A WHAT DID YOU DO? (IF NECESSARY) (GET OFFICES AND DATES) DID YOU HOLD OFFICE IN ANY WARD ORGANIZATION? DID YOU HOLD OFFICE IN THE CITY ORGANIZATION? 8B WHEN DID YOU FIRST BECOME ACTIVE IN PARTY WORK? 8C WHAT CONSIDERATIONS FIRST LED YOU TO BECOME ACTIVE? 9. -
History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints in Ireland Since 1840
Brigham Young University BYU ScholarsArchive Theses and Dissertations 1968 History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints in Ireland Since 1840 Brent A. Barlow Brigham Young University - Provo Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, History of Christianity Commons, and the Mormon Studies Commons BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Barlow, Brent A., "History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints in Ireland Since 1840" (1968). Theses and Dissertations. 4503. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4503 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. 4119 HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF JESUS CHRIST OF UTTERUTTERDAYLATTERDAYLATTER DAY SAINTS IN IRELANDD SINCE 18101840 A thesis presented to the department of graduate studies in religious instruction brigham young university provo utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree master of arts by brent aaAa& barlow may 1968 acknowledgments I1 would like to express ravmyraysincere appreciation to the following people for thetheirir valuable assistance and help dr richard 0 cofanocowanocowan chairman of the advisory colitcomitcommitteetee fforroror his many timely suggestions and genuine interest in this research pro- ject dr rodney turner member of the advisory committee -
Annual Report Sometimes Brutally
“Human rights defenders have played an irreplaceable role in protecting victims and denouncing abuses. Their commitment Steadfast in Protest has exposed them to the hostility of dictatorships and the most repressive governments. […] This action, which is not only legitimate but essential, is too often hindered or repressed - Annual Report sometimes brutally. […] Much remains to be done, as shown in the 2006 Report [of the Observatory], which, unfortunately, continues to present grave violations aimed at criminalising Observatory for the Protection and imposing abusive restrictions on the activities of human 2006 of Human Rights Defenders rights defenders. […] I congratulate the Observatory and its two founding organisations for this remarkable work […]”. Mr. Kofi Annan Former Secretary General of the United Nations (1997 - 2006) The 2006 Annual Report of the Observatory for the Protection Steadfast in Protest of Human Rights Defenders (OMCT-FIDH) documents acts of Foreword by Kofi Annan repression faced by more than 1,300 defenders and obstacles to - FIDH OMCT freedom of association, in nearly 90 countries around the world. This new edition, which coincides with the tenth anniversary of the Observatory, pays tribute to these women and men who, every day, and often risking their lives, fi ght for law to triumph over arbitrariness. The Observatory is a programme of alert, protection and mobilisation, established by the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) in 1997. It aims to establish -
Ulster Loyalist Perspectives on the IRA and Irish Republicanism James
University of Huddersfield Repository McAuley, James W. and Ferguson, Neil ‘Us’ and ‘Them’: Ulster Loyalist Perspectives on the IRA and Irish Republicanism Original Citation McAuley, James W. and Ferguson, Neil (2016) ‘Us’ and ‘Them’: Ulster Loyalist Perspectives on the IRA and Irish Republicanism. Terrorism and Political Violence, 28 (3). pp. 561-575. ISSN 0954- 6553 This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/27270/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ Us & Them Running Heading: US & THEM ‘Us’ and ‘Them’: Ulster Loyalist Perspectives on the IRA and Irish Republicanism James W McAuley (University of Huddersfield) Neil Ferguson (Liverpool Hope University) Correspondence concerning this article should be sent to James W. McAuley, Institute for Research in Citizenship and Applied Human Sciences, School of Health and Human Sciences, University of Huddersfield, England, UK. -
Reconsidering the Troubles: an Examination of Paramilitary and State Violence in Northern Ireland
Reconsidering the Troubles: An examination of paramilitary and state violence in Northern Ireland Erica Donaghy 2017 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of International and Global Studies (Honours) in History, University of Sydney. 1 Abstract In the bitter sectarian conflict of the Northern Ireland Troubles, which spanned the years 1966- 1998, culpability has usually been firmly placed in the actions of the Irish Republican Army, a group seeking reunification with the Republic of Ireland. This thesis argues that the roles of Protestant loyalist paramilitaries and state forces such as the British Army and Royal Ulster Constabulary were equally as important. That this importance is not demonstrated in dominant literature remains to be to the detriment of efforts towards reconciliation and the acceptance of shared responsibility, and perpetuates the sectarian divide between Protestant and Catholic communities. 2 Contents Introduction 4 Chapter One: Republicanism and the IRA 11 Chapter Two: Unionism, loyalism and pro-state violence 31 Chapter Three: State Security Forces: the RUC and the British Army 54 Conclusion 71 Bibliography 75 3 Introduction Throughout the Northern Ireland Troubles, and especially in recent historical scholarship on the events of the conflict, primary culpability and the majority of focus has been given to the actions of republican groups and in particular the Irish Republican Army (in Gaelic Óglaigh na hÉireann). In popular memory and collective understanding outside of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland this group exists as a singular entity, responsible for some of Western Europe’s most bloody, destructive and expensive acts of sectarian terrorism. -
Patchwork Para-Militarism? Social and Economic Organization in the Ulster Volunteer Force Before 1918’
‘Patchwork Para-militarism? Social and Economic Organization in the Ulster Volunteer Force before 1918’ Timothy Bowman (University of Kent) And Graham Brownlow (Queen’s University Management School) Historically violence has often required as much organization as commerce or peaceful political activity. Unsurprisingly collective action problems have long been identified by scholars concerned with violent political rebellions. More recently the connection between violence and social order has been to the forefront of institutional research. The Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), which was established in January 1913 as a militant expression of Ulster Unionist opposition to the Third Home Rule Bill, provides such a case study of violence in a social order that had both open and limited access characteristics. Drawing on the collective action and contemporary organizational and institutional economics literatures, empirical evidence, previously neglected and newly opened archival sources, this paper offers a new perspective on the economic and social organization of the UVF as well as the economic organization of political violence more generally. While the role of business in overcoming collective action problems is highlighted, it is equally demonstrated empirically that the UVF was not as well funded as some historians have argued. There are elements of the UVF that indicate that selective incentives were at work as well as features that suggest that public good aspects were also important. Paper for ISNIE Conference 2011 Submitted Wednesday -
The Impact of British Counterterrorist Strategies on Political Violence in Northern Ireland: Comparing Deterrence and Backlash Models*
\\server05\productn\C\CRY\47-1\CRY105.txt unknown Seq: 1 16-JAN-09 13:10 THE IMPACT OF BRITISH COUNTERTERRORIST STRATEGIES ON POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN NORTHERN IRELAND: COMPARING DETERRENCE AND BACKLASH MODELS* GARY LAFREE LAURA DUGAN RAVEN KORTE Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice University of Maryland KEYWORDS: terrorism, deterrence, backlash, Northern Ireland, legitimacy, hazard models, Operation Motorman Since philosophers Beccaria and Bentham, criminologists have been concerned with predicting how governmental attempts to maintain law- ful behavior affect subsequent rates of criminal violence. In this article, we build on prior research to argue that governmental responses to a specific form of criminal violence—terrorism—may produce both a positive deterrence effect (i.e., reducing future incidence of prohibited behavior) and a negative backlash effect (i.e., increasing future inci- dence of prohibited behavior). Deterrence-based models have long dominated both criminal justice and counterterrorist policies on * Support for this research was provided by Grant N00140510629 from the Department of Homeland Security through the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START). Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Homeland Security. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Stockholm Criminology Symposium, Stockholm, Sweden, in June 2006. We would like to thank Karen Heimer, Clark McCauley, Brendan O’Leary, Jean McGloin, Peter R. Neumann, Allison Smith, Bert Useem, Robert W. White, and several anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier drafts, as well as Hugh Barber, Susan Fahey, and Erin Miller for their assistance with the database.