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A multiple and pluralistic reading of history Commission on History of the conflict and their victims Eduardo Pizarro Leongomez Trials1 1 in the appointments of footer along the rapporteurship we will limit ourselves to mentioning the name of the author of the aforementioned essay and the page that shows the comment or the phrase we have used. 1. Gustavo Duncan, Exclusion, insurgency and crime 2. Jairo Estrada, capitalist accumulation, class domination and subversion. Elements for a historical interpretation of the social and armed conflict 3. Dario Fajardo, Study on the origins of the social conflict armed, reasons for its persistence and its most profound effects in Colombian society 4. Javier Giraldo, contributions on the origin of the armed conflict in Colombia, its persistence and its impacts 5. Jorge Giraldo, politics and war without compassion 6. Francisco Gutiérrez, does a simple story? 7. Alfredo Molano, fragments of the history of armed conflict (1920-2010) 8. Daniel Pecaut, a armed conflict at the service of the social status quo and po litical 9. Vicente Torrijos, Cartography of the conflict: interpretive guidelines on the evolution of the Colombian conflict irregular 10. Renan Vega, interference of the United States, insurgency and terrorism of State 11. Mary Emma Wills, The three knots of the Colombian war 12. Sergio de Zubiria, "cultural and political dimensions in the Colombian confl ict" Summary Introduction I. The origins and the multiple causes of internal armed conflict 1. Temporary Origin (A) long time, average time (b) continuities and ruptures (c) The modern armed conflict (d) The National Front or the appeasement of the blood feuds (e) of the appeasement to the widespread violence 2. Specification 3 . Actors in the conflict 4. Factors, actors, joints, and dynamics of the conflict II. Major factors and conditions that have facilitated or contributed to the per sistence of conflict 1. The drug trafficking 2. Patterns of violence against civilians: the role of the kidnapping and extort ion 3. Institutional Precariousness 4. The private provision of coercion/security 5. Weapons and ballot box 6. Political System ingratiating-parochial 7. Inequity, property rights and agricultural issue 8. The vicious circle of violence III. The effects and impacts of the most notorious conflict on population 1. Definition of victim 2. Typology of victimization, number of victims and agents responsible 3. The impacts of violence in the economy, equity, politics and culture Conclusions Introduction In May of 1958, the Military Junta Government convened the National Commission investigating the causes and current situations of violence in the National Terr itory in order to carry out a diagnosis of the causes of the violence and to propose measures to overcome it through plans of pacification, social assistance and rehabilitation. The researcher , as it was known in his time, led by the former minister and liberal writer, Otto Morales Benitez, had a very short life, from May 1958 to January 1959, that is to say, mere nine months, and its results were not sati sfactory . According to the analysis provided by the professor Jefferson Jaramillo, a very knowledgeable of the subject, since then it has been at least twelve similar commissions2 designed as tools to help overcome the chronic violence the country has endured , including the National Commission on Violence3 and the National Center for Mem ory Historica4. 2 Jefferson Jaramillo, past and present of the violence in Colombia. Study on th e commissions of inquiry (1958-2011), Bogota, Editorial Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, 2014, p. 34 ET seq. 3 Commission of Studies on Violence, Colombia: violence and democracy, Bogotá, Nat ional University of Colombia, 1987. 4 National Center of Historical Memory, Enough is Enough! Colombia: memory of wa r and dignity, Bogotá, National Printing Press, 2013. 5 The CHCV is not and should not be confused with a Truth Commission. The CHCV w as not itself a channel of expression of the victims. However, these tests, as says the agreemen t signed between the government and the FARC, you must serve the future Commission of Truth as a useful input an d indispensable . The vast majority of Colombians expected, however, that we are dealing with now will be the last commission of these characteristics, before the closure of the symbolic already long armed conflict, through a Truth Commission, which we can encourage in some appropriate time in the futuro5. The Commission on History of the conflict and their victims (CHCV), installed in Havana on 21 August 2014, was created by the peace table in the framework of the general agreement fo r the completion of the conflict and the construction of a stable and lasting peace, signed by the national government and the FARC on 26 August 2012. This Commission has, however , a special feature when compared with those of the past: its members were not app ointed by the national government, but, through an agreement between the two parties involved in the peace negotiations in Cuba6, with the objective to contribute to the understanding of the complexity of the historical context of the internal conflict7 and for providing inputs for the delegations in the discussion of different points of general agreement that are pending , in particular the point 5 of the agenda, the issue of the victims. 6 Jefferson Jaramillo, The Historical Commission of Havana: background and challe nges, in Public Reason http://www.razonpublica.com/index.php/conflicto-drogas-y-paz-temas-30.html.. 7 Given the enormous diversity of terms used by the various essayists to charact erize the armed confrontation, which the country has suffered since the inception of the N ational Front (war, armed conflict social, asymmetric warfare, among others), along the rapporteursh ip we are going to use the more generic notion of internal armed conflict , that is to say, which is used in the documents themselve s to the peace table in Havana . The Commission was composed of twelve experts, each of which should develop with total autonomy and intellectual rigor, a report in relation to three key po ints defined by the Bureau of Peace: (a) The origins and the multiple causes of the c onflict; (b) major factors and conditions that have facilitated or contributed to the persist ence of the conflict and (c) the effects and impacts more notorious of the conflict on the population . On the basis of these reports from the twelve experts, the two rapporteurs were required to prepare a synthesis report, reflecting with greater objectivity consensus-building, and th e disagreements and the plurality of views of the experts. Finally, as we explained in a joint introduction, we have decided to give two rapporteurs to deepen the spirit plural which has gu ided the work of the CHCV. According to the communiqué No. 40 Of the peace table in which it was announced th e creation of CHCV, the final report (which includes the twelve tests and two rapp orteurships), must be a vital input for the understanding of the complexity of the conflict and the responsibilities of those who have participated in or had an effect on the s ame, and to determine the truth. But, in any case, the CHCV had the power to determine individual responsibilities nor of prosecuting those responsible. The text of Daniel Pecaut begins by stating that even when it comes to events that are considered historical ruptures on the scale of the great revolut ions or the great wars, that oblige us to consider without a shadow of doubt that the re is a before and after a , the debate on the origins or on the multiplicity of causes never closes8. This same conviction mood to the peace table from Havana to ask twelve scholars an individual trial, not looking for a unique vision - which is impossible, at least in the field of history and the social sciences-, but a multiplicity of viewpoints. The outcome of this exercise demonstrated the existence of consensus , but , equally, of dissension on the three themes chosen: origin, factors of persistence and victims and the impact of the conflict. These dissents can spark a debate much more productive, to delve into a democratic culture founded in the recognition of the other and in the right to dissent and difference, that a so-c alled unanimous narrative. 8 Daniel Pecaut, p. 1. We could add an additional fact that it is virtually impo ssible to have a single story: the absence of sufficient historical perspective, therefore, to a large extent we are referring to a histo ry of the present , given that there is still the political violence in the country. If you are sti ll vivid discussions on the significance, for example, of the wars of independence, how to think that there might be consensus on total historical processes in course? 9 For the sake of integrating under a common name the many terms used in the tes ts to refer to the factors (Molano, p. 1), knots (Wills, p. 1), trigger factor (Fajardo, p. 3), multiplicity of causes (Zubiria, p. 4) Or others who have contributed to the viole nce that has hit the country, The Rapporteurship has as main objective to carry out a map and more balanced an d rigorous as possible of the thesis and the arguments contained in the twelve tests; and, through a br eakdown of the three thematic topics, highlight both consensus and disagreements multiagency of these readings. We are far short of a impossible and undesirable o fficial history or an equally impossible and undesirable single truth. On the contrary, these tests should serve to the peace table and Colombians in general open a wide-ranging di scussion about what happened to us, why we are step and as overcome it.
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