A multiple and pluralistic reading of history

Commission on History of the conflict and their victims

Eduardo Pizarro Leongomez

Trials1 1 in the appointments of footer along the rapporteurship we will limit ourselves to mentioning the name of the author of the aforementioned essay and the page that shows the comment or the phrase we have used.

1. Gustavo Duncan, Exclusion, insurgency and crime

2. Jairo Estrada, capitalist accumulation, class domination and subversion. Elements for a historical interpretation of the social and armed conflict

3. Dario Fajardo, Study on the origins of the social conflict armed, reasons for its persistence and its most profound effects in Colombian society

4. Javier Giraldo, contributions on the origin of the armed conflict in , its persistence and its impacts

5. Jorge Giraldo, politics and war without compassion

6. Francisco Gutiérrez, does a simple story?

7. Alfredo Molano, fragments of the history of armed conflict (1920-2010) 8. Daniel Pecaut, a armed conflict at the service of the social status quo and po litical

9. Vicente Torrijos, Cartography of the conflict: interpretive guidelines on the evolution of the irregular

10. Renan Vega, interference of the , insurgency and terrorism of State

11. Mary Emma Wills, The three knots of the Colombian war

12. Sergio de Zubiria, "cultural and political dimensions in the Colombian confl ict" Summary

Introduction

I. The origins and the multiple causes of internal armed conflict

1. Temporary Origin

(A) long time, average time (b) continuities and ruptures (c) The modern armed conflict (d) The National Front or the appeasement of the blood feuds (e) of the appeasement to the widespread violence

2. Specification 3 . Actors in the conflict 4. Factors, actors, joints, and dynamics of the conflict

II. Major factors and conditions that have facilitated or contributed to the per sistence of conflict

1. The drug trafficking 2. Patterns of violence against civilians: the role of the kidnapping and extort ion 3. Institutional Precariousness 4. The private provision of coercion/security 5. Weapons and ballot box 6. Political System ingratiating-parochial 7. Inequity, property rights and agricultural issue 8. The vicious circle of violence

III. The effects and impacts of the most notorious conflict on population 1. Definition of victim 2. Typology of victimization, number of victims and agents responsible 3. The impacts of violence in the economy, equity, politics and culture

Conclusions Introduction In May of 1958, the Military Junta Government convened the National Commission investigating the causes and current situations of violence in the National Terr itory in order to carry out a diagnosis of the causes of the violence and to propose measures to overcome it through plans of pacification, social assistance and rehabilitation. The researcher , as it was known in his time, led by the former minister and liberal writer, Otto Morales Benitez, had a very short life, from May 1958 to January 1959, that is to say, mere nine months, and its results were not sati sfactory .

According to the analysis provided by the professor Jefferson Jaramillo, a very knowledgeable of the subject, since then it has been at least twelve similar commissions2 designed as tools to help overcome the chronic violence the country has endured , including the National Commission on Violence3 and the National Center for Mem ory Historica4. 2 Jefferson Jaramillo, past and present of the violence in Colombia. Study on th e commissions of inquiry (1958-2011), Bogota, Editorial Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, 2014, p. 34 ET seq. 3 Commission of Studies on Violence, Colombia: violence and democracy, Bogotá, Nat ional University of Colombia, 1987. 4 National Center of Historical Memory, Enough is Enough! Colombia: memory of wa r and dignity, Bogotá, National Printing Press, 2013. 5 The CHCV is not and should not be confused with a Truth Commission. The CHCV w as not itself a channel of expression of the victims. However, these tests, as says the agreemen t signed between the government and the FARC, you must serve the future Commission of Truth as a useful input an d indispensable .

The vast majority of Colombians expected, however, that we are dealing with now will be the last commission of these characteristics, before the closure of the symbolic already long armed conflict, through a Truth Commission, which we can encourage in some appropriate time in the futuro5.

The Commission on History of the conflict and their victims (CHCV), installed in Havana on 21 August 2014, was created by the peace table in the framework of the general agreement fo r the completion of the conflict and the construction of a stable and lasting peace, signed by the national government and the FARC on 26 August 2012. This Commission has, however , a special feature when compared with those of the past: its members were not app ointed by the national government, but, through an agreement between the two parties involved in the peace negotiations in Cuba6, with the objective to contribute to the understanding of the complexity of the historical context of the internal conflict7 and for providing inputs for the delegations in the discussion of different points of general agreement that are pending , in particular the point 5 of the agenda, the issue of the victims. 6 Jefferson Jaramillo, The Historical Commission of Havana: background and challe nges, in Public Reason http://www.razonpublica.com/index.php/conflicto-drogas-y-paz-temas-30.html.. 7 Given the enormous diversity of terms used by the various essayists to charact erize the armed confrontation, which the country has suffered since the inception of the N ational Front (war, armed conflict social, asymmetric warfare, among others), along the rapporteursh ip we are going to use the more generic notion of internal armed conflict , that is to say, which is used in the documents themselve s to the peace table in Havana .

The Commission was composed of twelve experts, each of which should develop with total autonomy and intellectual rigor, a report in relation to three key po ints defined by the Bureau of Peace: (a) The origins and the multiple causes of the c onflict; (b) major factors and conditions that have facilitated or contributed to the persist ence of the conflict and (c) the effects and impacts more notorious of the conflict on the population . On the basis of these reports from the twelve experts, the two rapporteurs were required to prepare a synthesis report, reflecting with greater objectivity consensus-building, and th e disagreements and the plurality of views of the experts. Finally, as we explained in a joint introduction, we have decided to give two rapporteurs to deepen the spirit plural which has gu ided the work of the CHCV.

According to the communiqué No. 40 Of the peace table in which it was announced th e creation of CHCV, the final report (which includes the twelve tests and two rapp orteurships), must be a vital input for the understanding of the complexity of the conflict and the responsibilities of those who have participated in or had an effect on the s ame, and to determine the truth. But, in any case, the CHCV had the power to determine individual responsibilities nor of prosecuting those responsible. The text of Daniel Pecaut begins by stating that even when it comes to events that are considered historical ruptures on the scale of the great revolut ions or the great wars, that oblige us to consider without a shadow of doubt that the re is a before and after a , the debate on the origins or on the multiplicity of causes never closes8. This same conviction mood to the peace table from Havana to ask twelve scholars an individual trial, not looking for a unique vision - which is impossible, at least in the field of history and the social sciences-, but a multiplicity of viewpoints. The outcome of this exercise demonstrated the existence of consensus , but , equally, of dissension on the three themes chosen: origin, factors of persistence and victims and the impact of the conflict. These dissents can spark a debate much more productive, to delve into a democratic culture founded in the recognition of the other and in the right to dissent and difference, that a so-c alled unanimous narrative. 8 Daniel Pecaut, p. 1. We could add an additional fact that it is virtually impo ssible to have a single story: the absence of sufficient historical perspective, therefore, to a large extent we are referring to a histo ry of the present , given that there is still the political violence in the country. If you are sti ll vivid discussions on the significance, for example, of the wars of independence, how to think that there might be consensus on total historical processes in course? 9 For the sake of integrating under a common name the many terms used in the tes ts to refer to the factors (Molano, p. 1), knots (Wills, p. 1), trigger factor (Fajardo, p. 3), multiplicity of causes (Zubiria, p. 4) Or others who have contributed to the viole nce that has hit the country,

The Rapporteurship has as main objective to carry out a map and more balanced an d rigorous as possible of the thesis and the arguments contained in the twelve tests; and, through a br eakdown of the three thematic topics, highlight both consensus and disagreements multiagency of these readings. We are far short of a impossible and undesirable o fficial history or an equally impossible and undesirable single truth. On the contrary, these tests should serve to the peace table and Colombians in general open a wide-ranging di scussion about what happened to us, why we are step and as overcome it. That is to say that the Rapporteurship is an invitation to the pluralistic and democratic dialog and, we must emphasize this point, it is only a tight synthesis of the thesis contained in the twelve tests. His reading does not replace nor is it intended to replace the great wealth that analytical contain the vario us texts presented by the commissioners. It is therefore a general guide for your reading.

On the other hand, it is interesting to note that, despite the profound differen ces of approach in the tests, many agree highlight certain 9 geological faults in the construction of we have chosen the metaphor more neutral of the geological faults (ECLAC-UNDP-IDB- FLACSO, Latin America and the crisis, Santiago de Chile, 1999) or geological fractures (Raul Urzúa and Fe lipe Aguero (eds. ), fractures of democratic governance, Santiago de Chile, 1998). In no way this metaphor can lead us to think in objective causes permanent and unchangeable. In fact, one of the main factors of violence in the fifties, the sectarian culture bipartisan, disappeared under t he National Front . 10 The nation of presence traumatic State was coined by Professor Pierre Gilhodes, throughout his prolific intellectual work. 11 Sergio de Zubiria, speaks of the failure or indefinite postponement of social reforms, p. 17, As one of the evils of the Colombian society. the Colombian nation that, in certain circumstances and under various strategies from different political and armed actors, have served as a substrate for the unleashing of acts of violence. For example: the agrarian question, the institutional weakness , the Honda income inequality, the trend to the simultaneous use of the weapons and the poll s or the presence precarious or, in some occasions, traumatic of the State in many region s of the Congress.10 territory. The history of Colombia is, from this perspective the his tory of the indefinite postponement of necessary changes, both in state institutions and soc ial structures , such as in the conduct of the actores11.

The emphasis in these tasks always postponed, these trials may contribute to the design of a post-conflict in peace, solid and durable. That is to say, the analysis presente d by the Commissioners can have not only a analytical value, but that could contribut e to the design of public policies necessary and urgent in order to consolidate th e peace.

Given the great diversity of perspectives on tests, it is important that both th e peace table as the readers of the special rapporteur and the twelve tests know in advance wh ich have been the thematic axs object greater controversy and, in the same way, in t hat land there has been consensus and in which dissent. As you can see the reader, these themes have been precisely the framework on which has been structured is rapporteurship : - The determination of historical time - the continuities and ruptures between the period of the violence and the curre nt conflict - the characterization of the internal armed conflict - the determination of the responsible agents - the factors that have influenced the emergence of the guerrilla in the sixties and the paramilitaries in the eighties - The evaluation of the National Front - The explanatory factors of the new wave of violence from the eighties - The factors that have an effect on the continuation of the armed conflict in C olombia to contrast with the rest of Latin America - The universe of victims, the suffering and the responsibilities of the various actors - Impacts Violence in the culture, democracy, equity, and citizen protest - the characterization of the armed rebellion in Colombia, either is characteriz ed as legitimate or, on the contrary, as an unjust war.

Enrique Santos Calderón has pointed out with regard to the motives that led him to assume an important role in the early stages of the current peace negotiations, which felt a combination of political duty, personal obligation, moral commitment12. These are also my own motivations. A political responsibility, as I am aware of the need to contribute to overcoming the armed conflict that affects our country. A personal and intellectual responsibility, given that I've been li nked most of my professional life chores to the university, to research and teaching. AND a moral responsibility, because I agree with the majority of Colom bians the urgency to build a peace process by taking as a vertex the values of respect for human life, democracy and social justice. 12 Enrique Santos Calderón, how it all began. The first face-to-face between the F ARC and the government in Havana , Bogotá, Intermediate Publishers, 2014, p. 35.

I. The origins and the multiple causes of internal armed conflict

1. Temporary Origin

In general, to discuss the origins of the armed conflict the various essayists a re in turn raise their hypotheses about the reasons that influenced their outbreak. For thi s reason , the discussion that follows is not only temporary but entails differing positions about causal factors or triggers, in which we find both convergences as substantive differences. (A) long time, half time

In the essays submitted there are those who consider necessary to go back to the remote past to clarify the factors that have influenced the various periods of violence that has hit the country, including, the reciente13. Others believe that, while the current violence reflects distant echoes of the past, its actors and their dynamics can be studie d only by taking into consideration a historical period more restricted. This was the case of Francisco Gutiérrez, Gustavo Duncan, Jorge Giraldo and Vicente Torrijos who, without ignoring the value of a wide historical look -which references to menudoprefirie ron focus their interpretations in the period subsequent to the National Front. Dani el Pecaut chose a middle path, as you begin your analysis through the study of the factors that, in his view, impacted during the Liberal Republic in the violence of the fifties and its subsequent impact on the contemporary history of the coun try. Dario Fajardo, Alfredo Molano, Sergio de Zubiria and Javier Giraldo begin their storie s with the emergence of the agrarian conflicts in the twenties. 13 This is the case of Renan Vega, whose essay primarily focuses on the relation s between Colombia and the United States. Vega from the early nineteenth century and divides his essay in five major periods: Phase I: from the birth of the Republic (1821) until the end of conservative heg emony (1930); Phase II: the Liberal Republic (1930-1946); Phase III: from the Inter-american Treaty of R eciprocal Assistance (RIO TREATY ) from 1947 until the US military mission of William P. Yarborough in 1962; Phas e IV: from the beginnings of the modern counterinsurgency (1962) until the (1999); and, Phase V: Pl an Colombia - 2014. This essayist, one of the factors that could explain the violence in Colom bia is chronic the subordination of the elites in Washington. 14 Mary Emma Wills, p. 4. 15 The only exception was, according to the author, Uruguay (p. 4, Appointment, 11), a country which was affected both or more than Colombia by harsh civil wars between whites and the colorados in the nineteenth century, but that, after the last confrontation in 1904, was opened to a bipartisan model Civilist, secular, under the baton of José Batlle y Ordóñez .

Mary Emma Wills followed, as Renan Vega, the first approach and I believe that i t is essential a gaze of long duration to understand in depth the present, studying the particu larities of the formation of the nation state (which can be distinguished from other count ries of the continent by its sequence and articulationhistorical 14. From their point of view, the particularity of Colombia arises from a key fact: the Liberal and Conservati ve parties were forged prior to the consolidation of the State and became central actors in the process of imagination and inculcation of a nacional15 community, with its multi-sector networks type of clientele, its role of articulating angles between the regions and the center, and their mobilization based both on the ballot as arms.

This political model- was given in a country characterized by multiple r egions relatively autonomous, a little integrated domestic market, a peasantry in the margins of the agricultural frontier weakly represented and a very fragile state construction. According to Maria Emma Wills, the State had very li mited fiscal resources, a precarious army and a non-professional bureaucracy, which renewed kept pace with the changes in partidista16 hegemony. In this context, the armed clashes were recurrent. In fact, throughout the nineteenth century there were eight civil war s of national character and fourteen in the regional level. 16 Mary Emma Wills, p. 7. 17 Steven Pinker, the better angels of our nature. Why violence has declined, Ne w York, Viking Penguin, 2011, pp. 86-87.

According to several tests, probably the most characteristic feature of Colombia during the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century, was the confrontation between a rel igious vision and a liberal vision of the world, without that other aspects have a significanc e in determining the political division. This could explain the weight of the ideol ogies in Colombian politics and the ease with which they have been given a sacred character to the end, allowing the use of questionable means.

However, after the last civil war traditional, the so-called war of a Thousand D ays (1899-1902), the country experienced an extended period of relative calm, almost half a century, dotted here and there by episodic acts of violence (such as the massacre of the banana plantations or victims of sectarian violence following the end of conservative hegemony). In open contrast with almost all the rest of Latin America, Colombia is succeeding elect ions and civil governments. It is more. In the thirties of the last century homicide rates in Colombia, between 5 and 8 homicides per hundred thousand population per year, were similar and, in some cases, lower than those of some nations europeas17. However, in the late forties Colombia expiring immersed in a new period of violence, the violence (in uppercase). According to data from the Police and the Ministry of Justice, one can say with some certainty that in 1946 the homicide rate had risen in the country to ten per hundred thousand habitantes18. 18 Mario Chacon and Fabio Sánchez, violence and political polarization during the v iolence, 1948-1965 , Documents CEDE, Universidad de Los Andes, 2004. 19 Daniel Pecaut, p. 3. 20 On the meaning and implications of this sectarian culture , it is interesting t o read the now classic work of Malcolm deas and its exciting compared with Northern Ireland: violent exchanges. Reflections on the political violence in Colombia, Bogota, Taurus, 1999.

What happened to make this happen?

Daniel Pecaut argues that, in the years prior to the violence, two specific trai ts that distinguish the history of Colombia of the other nations in Latin America still stood out with clarity. On the one hand, the tyrannic regime, i.e. the predo minance of the civilian elite on the military institution; and, on the other hand, the precariousness of the s ymbologynational 19. But in those same years two new features to be added: on the one hand, a widenin g of the accession of the population to the two traditional parties which, more than simple machines politico-electoral, shape as two genuine warring political subcultures and, on the other hand, the adoption by the elites of a liberal model of develop ment in open contrast with the mobilizations national-populist or nacionalautoritaria s that dominated the latin american outlook of the time.

That is to say, while in Colombia were dominated by a model of joint political-p artisan of the population based on a sectarian culture 20, exclusive, in many other countr ies of the continent are articulated to the emerging urban classes through a speech of national integration. The two sharp changes in the political hegemony that occur red in 1930 and 1946 are going to accentuate the deep commitment that partisan, in fact, rep lace the references to a common citizenship. On both dates a division of the dominant par ty provided the electoral triumph of the opposite party and, equally, on the same d ates were unleashed interpartidistas episodes of violence. In 1930, the division of the ruling party between two candidates, Guillermo Valencia and Alfredo Vasquez Cobo, you facilit ated to Enrique Olaya Herrera access to power with meager 369,934 votes, that is to say, being a minority force. In this change of the political hegemony there were many acts of sectarian violence against the followers of the defeated party, especially in th e departments of Boyacá, Santander and Norte de Santander. According to some historians, the memory of these events will serve as an incentive for the acts of violence that will live the country two decades more tarde21. Something similar to what happened in 1930 took place in 1946 with the division of the Liberal Party between Gabriel Turbay and Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, which opened the doors of the presidency to Mariano Ospina Perez with a 40.5 % of the votes. From that year they returned to live episodes of sectarian violence, in particular in the same departments of 1930 (Boyaca and the two¡ and Santanderes destination routes), which, after the assassination of Gaitan, were aggravated and spread to other regions of the country. 21 Cf., Javier Guerrero, the years of oblivion. Boyacá and the origins of violence , in Third World Editors/IEPRI, 1991. 22 Daniel Pecaut, p. 7.

A fact that facilitated the gestation of a climate of bipolar confrontation in t hese years was the weakness (PCC) and, in some cases, the failure of the third parties (such as, bread, and the UNITE), since the bipartisanship had no strong challenges. The Communist Par ty, whose birth coincided with the change of political hegemony in 1930, after a sho rt time by applying the ultra radical theses of the of class aga inst class , joined the spirit of the popular fronts approved in the VII Congress of the Comi ntern (Moscow, 1935) and ended up being an appendix to the Liberal Party for more than a decada22. With few exceptions (Honduras, Paraguay and Uruguay), the bipartisanship in Colo mbia remained intact, while in the majority of nations in Latin America arose other parties at the beginning of the twentieth century that defied with success that bipolar model: parties communists, socialists, radicals or other that reflected the interests o f the emerging urban classes. In Colombia, the Liberal Party became in the thirties in the spokesperson of the middle classes and, above all, of the nascent working class.

During these years, an external event had a profound impact in the country: the (1936-1939). For Daniel Pecaut, Mary Emma Wills, Renan Vega and Alfredo Molano the echoes of this civil war gave the traditional sectarianism pa rtisan ideological connotation a more pronounced and, infinitely more polarizing. Pecau t emphasizes that, in this respect, the mixture of the old partisan cultures, those that have nourished the violence ( ), with the modern ideological content is revealed explosives 23. The liberalism ended up being assimilated, in certain speeches of the time, communism and one and one contrary to the values of Occidente24. It was th e same speech that was used by the opponents of the Second Spanish Republic (1931- 1939). Probably the abstention of the Conservative Party, citing a lack of guarantees, in the presidential elections of 1934, 1938 and 1942 was the most un settling expression of this climate of disqualification of the adversary liberal25. In 19 34, the liberal candidate triumphant, Alfonso Lopez Pumarejo, had only a symbolic opponent, the indigenous leader and candidate of the Communist Party, Timote Eutiquio, who obtained 3,401 votes. In 1938 only is presented Eduardo Santos and in 1942 there were two liberal cand idates, Alfonso Lopez, as official candidate and Carlos Arango Velez, as dissident candi date. The other expression of this alarming climate full of tension was the predominan ce of a current illiberal pronounced in the Catholic Church, which, according to Fernán Go nzález, contributed to the political polarization and paved the way for the violence26. 23 Daniel Pecaut, p. 5. 24 Renan Vega, p. 8. 25 Alfredo Molano, pp. 7 and 8. 26 Quoted by Alfredo Molano, p. 12.

This climate of pugnacity would have to combine with the consolidation of a libe ral model of development that obstructed the potentialities of the reformist Revolution Underway of Alfonso Lopez Pumarejo. These had been not a few, according to Daniel Pecaut and Mary Emma Wills : removed the reference to God in the preamble of the Constitution, established the universal male suffrage, were introduced innovative educational reforms, recogni zed important trade union rights, established property rights and access to higher education of women, and there were some measures of agrarian reform. The latter sought to make more transparent and clear capitalist relations through, on the one hand, the safety of the titles of the major nuclear-weapon S tates land if used properly (by eliminating the requirement to prove the original title of assignment of the State, the so-called devil's test) and, on the other hand, by st imulating the wage labor , through the abolition of sharecropping. The reaction to these measures led by factions of both parties did not wait long . In fact, many of the measures of the reformist timidly revolution underway were arrested, and even reversed. The large landowners liberals and conservative s , organised around the Union of Agricultural owners and entrepreneurs that later led to the patriotic action National Economic (Appendix), were the sp earhead of a counter agrarian that it would be particularly damaging for the future of the country and it would be in using the Law 100 of 194427. As a prominent colombianista, Albert Berry: Colombia has been characterized by extreme inequality in the distribution of access to agricultural land and a serious ambiguity around t he rights of property. These problems have contributed to many other economic and social ills , among them the waves of violence that regularly toured the country during the twentieth century and part of the nineteenth century28. Da rio Fajardo, whose analysis focuses on the agrarian question as trigger factor of social conflict and assemble pais29, poses that had existed since the early decades of the twentieth century a variety of tensions in the agro, potentially explosive: an excessive concentration of rural property , a hondo disorder in the forms of appropriation of badlands, a weak legitimacy of titles and persistence of archaic forms of authority within the property without any attachment to the sta ndards laborales30. 27 Dario Fajardo, pp. 20-21. It is important to emphasize that this law was issu ed under a climate of fear due to the food crisis, the fall in production and the rise in agricultural prices as a result of the Se cond World War and the low internal productivity. 28 Albert Berry, does Colombia finally found an agrarian reform that works? , in i nstitutional economics, V. 4, No. 6, Bogotá, 2002, p. 33, Quoted by Dario Fajardo, p. 6. 29 Dario Fajardo, p. 3. 30 Dario Fajardo, p. 8.

This reverse reformist, in a climate of acute confrontation political-ideologica l, combined with the persistence of a weak State and military institutions with some very precarious, which had not been able to achieve a real autonomy vis-à-vis the parti san bickering and that were not able to guarantee a real control of the territory and even the monopoly of legitimate violence. Added to this is the partisan high politicization of the National Police, which both reflected and re produced in his inside the sectarian struggles of the two traditional political parties. In this environment, the triumph of the Conservative Party in 1946 sparked anew the blind sectarianism in many rural areas. Between 1946 and 1948 there were already thousands of victims. But it was after the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán that violence ov erflowed and state institutions suffered what Paul Oquist termed a partial collapse of the State31. Since then, the death of Gaitan has been perceived in the collective ima ginary national radical as a watershed, a before and an despues32. 31 Paul Oquist, violence, conflict and policy in Colombia, Bogota, Banco Popular Library, 1978, quoted by Sergio de Zubiria, p. 4. 32 Cf., Jorge Orlando Melo, Gaitan: the impact and the syndrome of the April 9, Cr edential History, Bogotá, No. April 96 1988. 33 Dario Fajardo calculates that the displacement of the rural population reache d in these years 10% of the population of the country (p. 26), which sum both forced displacement product o f violence, such as the voluntary mobility of many families in the quest for better living conditions. 34 DAMAGE, permanent Seminar of colombian problems, agriculture in Colombia 1950- 1970 1950-1970 1950-1970 1950-1970 , Bogotá , 1978. Cited by Javier Giraldo, p. 11. 35 Gonzalo Sánchez, Rehabilitation and violence under the National Front, in Politic al Analysis, No. 4, Mayoagosto 1988, p. 21. Various essayists reconstructed in its analysis this complex historical period t hat left deep scars in the country. On the one hand, the massive displacement of the popu lation in rural areas had increased the concentration of the earth and created immense misery belts in the ciudades33. Colombia went in a few decades of being a predominantly rural country to become an urban country. In the census of 1938, the rural population stood at 70.9 % of the total population; in the census of 1951 had risen to 61.1 % and in 1964 was already minority: a 47.2 %34. On the other hand, Violence had destabi lized the property in some areas, had been paralyzed production in other and had upset the marketing channels in many, i.e. had altered in various ways the economic and social order. The task, the challenge of the National Front, in bot h political project of pacification, was to create the conditions for reset35.

However, several essayists agree that the measures taken to tackle the most harm ful effects of the violence were very insufficient. The government of Alberto Lleras created the Special Commission of Rehabilitation that placed the emphasis on construction of schools and good roads, attention to displaced persons and distribution of waste lands, but that was extinguished quickly by absence of support indicators36. In fact had on ly a life of two years, between September 1958 and december 1960. 36 Alfredo Molano, p. 32. 37 The National Association of Peasant Farmers was driven by Carlos Lleras Restr epo in 1967 through a group of promoters linked to the Ministry of Agriculture and the INCORA. In th e three years following reached nearly a million members and 450 associations. Cf., Alfredo Mo lano, pp. 34 et seq. 38 Alfredo Molano, p. 33. 39 Dario Fajardo, p. 28.

In turn, the National Commission investigating the causes and current situations of violence in the national territory, created in May of 1958, also had, as we saw, a short existence: was dissolved nine months later. And the Law 135 of 1961 of agrarian reform, inspired by the Alliance for Progress and supported internally by reformist sectors of the Liberal Party (rather than by a peasant movement existe nt and it will take a decade to be organized around the ANUC)37, did not have great er results . This law, whose aim it was to expropriate the properties improperly exploited, did not have the resources to carry out the task and almost everything that could be retrieved was extinction through the domain of the latifundios not exploi ted. Which was, however, a significant impact on the formation of a sector of rural entrepreneurs who sought promote a development model based on the great modern property: sugar, cotton, soybeans, bananas, etc. However, according to th e perspective of Alfredo Molano, the balance sheet of the agrarian reform was very poor. The conce ntration of land intensified; the medium properties are not strengthened; the sharecroppers and t enant farmers declined; advanced the colonization of the piedemonte amazon, Magdalena Medio, Uraba, Catatumbo and Pacific Coast. Ultimately, the agrarian reform only benefit to the 8% of the families without tierra38. This failure was, in la rge part, the result of the hostility of conservative sectors, especially in the current laureanista, to the reformist policies of the two Lleras (Alberto and Carlos). Opposition th at with the backing of intellectual Lauchlin Currie and the so-called Operation Colombia, that thought it best that the peasants will be moved into cities, where they could be more productive and live in better condiciones39. That is to say, the same ar gument that would welcome Misael Pastrana Borrero a decade later, in 1971. (B) continuities and ruptures

In addition to the diversity in the management of the times (long or medium) tha t the essayists considered necessary to find the key explanatory of the current armed conflict, the tests are another important difference. On the one hand, between those who advocate the continuities between periods (for example, between the violence and the curr ent conflict) and those who, without ignoring the continuities, also highlights the ruptures betwe en the various historical periods .

In fact, one of the more complex topics of the Colombian historiography and that has been reflected clearly in the various essays for CHCV, has been to determine when he began as the armed conflict that the country has endured in the last few decades. Do in 1930? Do in 1946? Do in 1948? Do in 1958? In the eighties of the twentieth century?

In this regard there are, among the commissioners, two main glances. On the one hand, those who believe that the current armed conflict broke out in the period of violence, as is the case of Alfredo Molano who begins his essay with a lapidary phrase: arm ed conflict begins with violence40, or even before that is41; and those who consider that, while there was continuity between this period and the modern armed conflict , the differences in both historical moments are so profound that one and another should be clearly differentiated. In trials such as those of Dario Fajar do, Sergio de Zubiria and Javier Giraldo argues that there is a line of basic contin uity from the twenties of the last century up to today - in particular, due to the agraria n conflicts would have been the source of the causal violence both current and those of the past, while other authors, such as Daniel Pecaut and Francisco Gutiérrez, for example, prefer to show both the continuities and the discontinuities and ruptures. Accor ding to the latter , one thing is that there is continuity in the historical factors and it is quit e another 40 Alfredo Molano, p. 1. 41 For others, such as Javier Giraldo, Dario Fajardo and other even more back in the twenties of the last century , with the first social conflicts in rural areas, given that the substrate of th e historic national conflict has been, according to these essayists, the agrarian question . the determination of a date on which can be analytically fix the beginning of th e contemporary conflict are two different exercises. Nothing prevents a conflict started in the sixties, after the impact of the in Latin Americ a and Colombia and the birth of the guerrillas in the region as a whole, may have root s or processes initiated long time ago.

Therefore, the diversity in the management of the times (long or medium) is one of the keys to understand the different approaches: those who argue the thesis of the continuity, chose the long-term; on the contrary, those who opted for a more foc used analysis temporarily, they felt that a thing was the violence and quite another confrontation between the insurgency and counterinsurgency. The only thing that moved away from these two approaches was Daniel Pecaut, who analyzed what happened from the thirties to put in evidence that there were two historic moments with their own characteristics.

Continuity

The shaft of Dario Fajardo to explain the middle weight of the land issue in the violence that the country has experienced in recent decades is based, according to their perspective, in the antagonism between two tracks of agricultural development in the formatio n of capitalism, which have been confronted in Colombia since the twenties: on the one hand, the Prussian track, founded in the large property, and, on the other hand, the track of the small property, which were both t hey were theorized by Karl Kaustsky42. According to Fajardo, these two tr acks were the expression of two society projects that have confronted since the last century shaping a common thread, a basic continuity, between violence and the contempora ry conflict. Similar arguments can be found in the testing of Javier Giraldo, who believes that the main detonating for armed conflicts in the country throughout th e twentieth century and until today have been recurrent struggles to access the tierra43. In that same line, Mary Emma Wills argues that the policy of settlement and exploitation of the barren land gave rise to a independent peasantry that was not prepared to 42 Karl Kaustsky, the agrarian question. Study of the trends of modern agricultu re and the agricultural policy of the social-democracy , Mexico, twenty-first century Publishers, 2002. 43 Javier Giraldo, p. 10. The public scene disappear reconverted in farm worker or displaced urbano44. This is also the shaft's storyline Alfredo Molano, who argues that Law 200 (1936) - which in reality was an extension of the advanced Law 83 of 1931- is the axis around which revolve since then the agrarian conflicts on the miss roots armed struggle45. 44 Mary Emma Wills, p. 37. 45 Alfredo Molano, p. 9. 46 Charles Bergquist, work in Latin America: Comparative Essays on Chile, Argent ina, Venezuela, and Colombia, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986, p. 11. The deep concentrati on of the earth today in Colombia is linked, first and foremost, with the processes of dispossession and displacem ent of the peasant population to live the country in successive waves from the fifties, the agrarian counter-r eform through the covenant of Rural Areas of Misael Pastrana Borrero in 1971 and to the models of large farms linked to export that will be promoted by Alfonso Lopez Michelsen and Alvaro Gomez Hurtado in the seventies of the last century.

Reading around the interrelationship between the agrarian conflict and violence is the subject of many controversies within the CHCV. Before the Act 83 of 1931 was enacted Law 74 of 1926 which ordered partition the estates of more than 500 hectares that have tenants. This law, accompanied by the judgment of the Supreme Court of Justice o f the same year, which put the burden of proof of property titles in the landowners - demanding the original title colonial, that is to say, the so-called diabolical p roof -, added to the mobilization of the agrarian leagues - which had been legalized by the law itself 83-, may explain the active agitation in the field between 1931 and 1934. Charles Ber gquist argues that in Colombia there was no agrarian revolution because in the decade o f the twenties and thirties of the last century, the farmers achieved fragment the property and cre ate a country, unlike Peru, Brazil, Venezuela or Argentina, where the majority of the farmers were small or mid propietarios46. The central argument of Bergquist is that, as in Colombia, the great wealth was the coffee and had many peasants, there was no actual agricultural movement, because farmers had resources and expanded strongl y with the allotment arising from the Act 83. This absence of peasant organization provided that they were dragged into the political conflicts of policlasista bas e that led to violence . That is to say, there was violence because there was not a real peasant moveme nt, not the other way around . Break Other essayists, on the contrary, they believe that if there were continuities, but, equally, pronounced changes in the actors, in the contexts and the dynamics that compel u s to differentiate the period of the violence of the armed conflict later. Jorge Gira ldo, for example , locates the germs of the current armed conflict at the beginning of the Nation al Front, with the emergence of the so-called Cuban guerrillas postrevolucion. This is also the position of Vicente Torrijos, who says that this conflict has its origin in 1964 , when the commanders of the FARC and the ELN take the decision to defy the State.47 47 Vicente Torrijos, pp. 1 and 2. 48 Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 1.

Daniel Pecaut and Francisco Gutierrez, who also share the need to differentiate between these two periods, consider that the violence that shook the country in the late forties a nd the following decade, had traits, actors, dynamics and motivations of the profoundly different that there was after the birth, a few years later, t he marxist guerrillas carriers of a revolutionary agenda. In this regard, said Gutierrez, although both waves are organically connected (that is to say, the violence and the period of the war against-insurgent) and show many continuities ( ), are different in their actors, main motives and underlying logical48.

Daniel Pecaut, likewise, recognizes that there are some continuities (and, there fore, that it is essential to consider the period of violence as a necessary antecedent to understand what would have to happen later); but, at the same time, maintains that there are particular features in this new stage in our history. One was the time of the so -called Violence, which more than a civil war bipartisan -as there were numerous in the nineteenth century and during the War of a Thousand Days - there was a war of a thousand faces where the culture sectarian liberal and conservative, after the change of political hegemony , unleashed a local confrontation in the rural areas and led to the emergence of all sorts of violence overlapping (policies, obviously, but, equally, violence linked by the dispossession of land, the theft of the coffee, etc. ). And something very diff erent is the insurgent violence and insurgency, whose germs are found in the early attempts to create and consolidate guerrilla groups in the beginnings of the National Front. It was no l onger organizations struggling for limited objectives, as was the case in the bipartisan conflict, but by absolute targets (the overthrow and the replacement of the dominant political elites), having a organizational strategy and a coherent disc ourse designed for that purpose.

For the essayists argue that the thesis of the differentiation of the two histor ical periods there was a multiplicity of factors that, in certain circumstances both national and international and under the impetus of old or new players, equipped with different interests and different strategies for access to power, will generate more or less lengthy periods of violence. If we stick to their analysis, since the end of the war of a Thousa nd Days, we had basically two periods of violence: from 1946 to 1964 and from 1964 until today. In general the historians agree distinguish three distinct phases during the per iod 1946 -196449. Initially, from 1946 the outbreak of the sectarian violence following t he change of political hegemony, especially in regions that had also undergone a similar violence after the start of the Liberal Republic in 1930 (Boyaca and¡ and Santanderes destination routes). A second phase, after the murder of Jorge Eliecer Gaitan on April 9, 1948, in wh ich mixed sectarian confrontations and the social and political banditry. This phase and the last , whose intermediate deadlines are difficult to establish, are closed during the so-called late violence with the dismantling of the decomposed remnants of banditry in the mid-years sesenta50. 49 Sven Schuster, Colombia: country without memory? Past and present of a war wit hout name, in Journal of Colombian Studies, v. 36, 2010, p. 31. Although in general the historians secure the date of 1946 as the start of the violence, in reality still in that year, and in the following year, homicide rat es are relatively low , 8 homicides per 100 thousand inhabitants. The widespread violence began itself from 1948 but, first and foremost, from the following year. 50 See the classic work of Gonzalo Sánchez and Donny Meertens, bandits, "whitened and peasants, Bogotá, Salva Liarte Publishers, 1983. However, according to the arguments put forward by these essayists in the contem porary period of violence (1964-65 until today) can be distinguished in its turn two distinct phases . On the one hand, a germinal stage in which emerge, as in all of Latin America , guerrilla groups inspired by various revolutionary projects

Social51 change. On the other hand, a second phase that, after a sharp decline i n homicide rates and a weakening of the guerrilla groups of first generation , you will live a true climbing from the eighties up to today, with the slow recomposition of the FARC, the ELN and the EPL, the emergence of the guerrillas of second generation (M-19, Quintín Lame and PRT), the expansion of drug trafficking and the birth of t he paramilitary groups. 51 According to the preliminary inventory of Jorge Giraldo there was in the cont inent around 102 guerrilla groups frustrated or consolidated from 1956 (p. 7, Event No. 8). 52 Gabriel Silva, The origin of the National Front and the government of the Mili tary Junta, New History of Colombia, v. II, Bogotá, Editorial Planeta, 1989. In the differentiation of the periods of violence the country has experienced in recent decades (1946-1964 and 1964 until today), these essayists consider that it is necessary to mention two basic facts: the bipartisan escalation of sectarianism and the impact of the Cuban Revolution. In relation to the first factor, argue that the National Front was a successful institutional design in this crucial aspect: ach ieving the cooling of the sectarianism polarizing, whose overflow had played a central role in previous cycles of violence. For this it was necessary to overcome the mere exclusive hegemony, although scattered in moments of acute crisis of fragil e bipartisan coalitions, to ensure a prolonged coexistence without bipartisan background in the history nacional52. In relation to the second factor, they argue that during the National Front emer ged, as in the rest of Latin America, the guerrillas postrevolucion cuban and, theref ore, the logic of the new armed confrontation would have a new symbolism: the struggle between two models of society perceived as antagonistic, in the framework of the bipolar world order own of the (1947-1991), which has bought all its force after the arrival of the 26th of July Movement to power in Havana and its subsequent breakdown in relatio ns with Washington. Without doubt, the cold war will impact so deep in the forms, ideolog ies and motivations for political action in the world, in Latin America and in Colom bia itself , during these four decades. The term cold war was first used by the adviser to the President Harry Truman, Bernard Baruch, the April 16 1947, in a speech in the Congress, in which raised: Let us not deceive ourselves: we are immersed in a cold war53. The end of this period is generally placed around three historical events: the start of perestroika (1985), the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) and the dissolution of the USSR (1991)54. 53 The term, however, was popularized by the columnist Walter Lippmann in a book published the same year and precisely titled Cold War. Some authors argue, however, that this new world order was itself defined in the famous speech of Wilson Churchill at the U niversity of Missouri (Fulton County), on 5 March 1946, in which said that from Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic , has fallen on the continent (European) an iron curtain, cf., Rafael Pardo, betw een two powers. How the cold war molding to Latin America, Editorial Taurus, Bogotá, 2014. 54 John Lewis Gaddis, new history of the cold war, Fondo de Cultura Economica, M exico, 2011. 55 The only exception in Latin America was Costa Rica. See, in this regard, the classic work by Richard Gott, guerrilla movements in Latin America, New York, Doubleday & Company, 1971. 56 Cf., Jeff Goodwin, no other way out. States and revolutionary movements, 1945 -1991, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press , 2001. 57 On 1 January 1959, in the wee hours of the night, had already entered Havana the troops commanded by commander Eloy Gutierrez Menoyo of the Second National Front of Escambray, an d, hours later , enter two of the top commanders of the 26th of July Movement, Camilo Cienfuego s and Ernesto Guevara. At the other end of the island, the same day, had entered victorious to Santiago de , had declared the town such as the provisional capital of Cuba and appointed ju dge Manuel Urrutia Lleó as president of the country. For these reasons, this is consid ered the date date (c) The modern armed conflict

Jorge Giraldo illustrates the emergency in these years of guerrilla groups in La tin America 55 and emphasizes that this spread of cores guerrillas on the continent was due m ainly to revolutionary voluntarism, powered by the revolutionary wave that awoke the triumph of the 26th of July Movement, to see that it was possible to a ccess the power through armed even a few miles from Miami. Latin America, from those years, he has lived two great waves of guerrilla movem ents . A, in 1959, with the triumph of the Cuban revolution and another, less extensi ve but probably more intense, after the triumph of the twenty years later , in 197956. As we shall see later, in the two phases of contemporary violence that some analysts have considered the impact of these two revolutions (1959 and 1979) is critical to understanding the evolution of the guerrilla move ment in the country. On 7 January 1959 makes its triumphal arrival in Havana on maximum commander of the 26th of July Movement, Fidel Castro57. That same day in Bogota various organizat ions of the symbolic start of the Cuban revolution. But, in fact, it is not until Jan uary 7 that Fidel Castro makes its arrival in Havana, after traveling all over the island, more than a thousand kil ometers away, in a triumphant parade. 58 Cf., the thesis for a master's degree in history at the National University o f José Abelardo Diaz Jaramillo, the Workers' Movement Student January 7 peasant and the origins of the new left in Colombia 1959-1969 . 59 The own Diaz Jaramillo suggests that the date chosen by the ELN to announce p ublicly the start of their military actions, on 7 January 1965 by the decision of Simacota (Santander ), would have been in tribute to the pioneer group, the MOEC January 7. See, also, José Abelardo Diaz, t he Workers' Movement Peasant Student January 7 and the origins of the new left in Colombia 1959-1969, doctoral thesis , Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2010, p. 130 Et seq. 60 Even when all the communist parties of guidance pro- in the sixties in L atin America adopted the thesis of the protracted people's war , very few gave you that step. O ne of the few was the PCML of Colombia to impetus the EPL. Cf., Marisela Connelly, Influence of the tho ught of Mao in Latin America, in studies in Asia and Africa, V. 18, No. April 2 - June 1983: pol icies and social, including the student movement, is throwing to the streets of Bogota to protest the rise of urban transport approved by the first agent of the National Front, Alberto Lleras Camargo. Relate these two events is not arbitrary if we know that the first political movement in Colombia to be attempting to rep licate the experience in triumphantly in Cuba would be initially the Workers' Movement and Student January 7, in homage to this day of social protest s, the largest since the August 7 1958 when it ranked Lleras Camargo58. You will later add the peasantry to the initial name. The MOEC is not only historically important for having been the first group that sought replicate the experience of the Cuban revolution (create a Sierra Mae stra in the Andes ), but because of that, in one way or another, had an impact on the origin of ot her guerrilla experiences frustrated at the same time (Fuar, the FUL-FAL) and even in two of the guerrilla groups that succeeded take root and survive: the EPL and ELN59. With the single exception of the FARC, whose origins date back to the peasant self-defense force s and guerrillas of the communist mobile years fifties, the rest had a predominantly urban composition and a leadership from middle layers student and professional . This revolutionary effervescence not only would take place in Colombia. In all o f Latin America , as we have said, emerge in this time armed groups under the impact of the events in Cuba and, in some few cases, as a result of the rupture sino-soviet60 or, on the initiative of the communist parties pro-sovieti cos61. 61 Few communist parties guidance of pro-soviet took the option of the weapons i n these years, given that the XX Congress of the CPSU had adopted the policy of peaceful coexistence. The only ones who took up arms in the sixties were the Party of Labor of Guatemala, the PC of Venezuela and the Colombian PC, even when in the latter case only as a strategic reserve in case of a military coup and not as the dominant form of struggle. 62 Francisco Gutiérrez, pp. 6-7. Initially under the modality of guerrillas located in rural areas, especially in Central America and the Andean region and, later, after the death of in Bolivia , in the modality of urban guerrillas in the Southern Cone and Brazil. For Francisco Gutiérrez, one of the factors that explains the prolongation of the armed conflict in Colombia has been the assimilation of skills or the recruitment of experience d individuals from the previous cycles of violence, by new or renewed armed actors. At the beginning of the National Front, these were people or rural communities that had been acquired skill in war or organizational capacity for the resistanc e against armed adversaries, thanks to experiences in the field and not through ma nuals from the , China or Vietnam62. This dynamic took place both in the sixties when the guerrillas emerged first generation , as in the eighties when years have been reassembled the FARC, EPL and the ELN guerrillas and were born of second generation . Later, when we look at the reasons that can explain the prolonged the conflict, the assimilation of ski lls acquired by men in arms at different times, it will be decisive to unravel as the violence produces own dynamics that perpetuate it. Even, as we shall see , leaders of criminal gangs as the Clan Úsuga acquired their skills before being members of the guerrilla groups. In fact, one of the specificities of the history of the guerrillas in Colombia w as its early emergence, in the modality of liberal guerrillas and, to a lesser extent, of communist guerrillas many years before the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. Due to this fact , all the guerrillas without exception, that emerged in the sixties were support ed by experiences, characters, codes of violence and regions of the previous years . As Alfredo Molano reminds us, the initial nucleus of the ELN, i.e. , the group o f Colombian students who received military training in Cuba and formed the Brigade Jose Antonio trouser, led by the former leader of the youth of the MRL, Fabio Va squez Chestnut, took the decision to start their preparatory actions in August of 1964 in the Middle Magdalena, in where he had risen up in arms, after the April 9, 1948, Rafael Rangel63. To do this, with the support of former members of the guerrilla libera l as Heliodorus Ochoa and Nicolas Rodriguez, the father of the current military co mmander of the ELN64, as well as Hernán Moreno Sanchez65. Reading 63 a more nuanced view of the origins of the ELN, above all in relation to the role played by radical currents of the MRLS and, above all, the youth of the Movimiento Revolucionario Liberal ( JMRL), is located in Marco Palacios, op. cit. , p. 78 ET seq. 64 Alfredo Molano, pp. 42-45. The takes of Simacota (Santander) took place on 7 January 1965, which constitutes the foundation date of the ELN. 65 Jorge Giraldo, p. 9. 66 Alfredo Molano, p. 53. In documents of the EPL, is taken as the foundation da te of December 17 1967, when it creates the first guerrilla detachment led by Pedro Vasquez Rendon and Francisco Caraballo (cf., http://www.cedema. org/view.php?id= 2449). 67 Alfredo Molano, pp. 35-41. In turn, Javier Giraldo, pick up a phrase of Jacob o Arenas who believes that if they had not happened the military sieges against the evil calls independent r epublics, perhaps not would be born the FARC (p. 16). 68 Alvaro Delgado, The experiment of the Colombian communist party, in Mauritius A rchila and others, an unfinished story : left-wing political and social in Colombia, Bogota, CINEP, 2009, p. 97. Quoted by Jorge Giraldo, p. 10. The EPL was born, under the impulse of the marxist-leninist Communist Party -a d issent of Maoist orientation of the PCC-, in December 1967 in the south of the department of Cordoba, in the regions of the Alto Sinu and the High San Jorge, where took advantage of the leadership and descent in the population of old guerrilla liberal, July Guerra66 . With regard to the FARC, Alfredo Molano makes an extensive historical overview f rom the eruption of the first cores of defense and guerilla animated mobile by the Communist Party i n the Tolima, cradle of the FARC, until the military sieges against in Marquetalia in 1964 and the birth of this armed group, two years later, in 19 6667. Already in IX Congress of the Colombian Communist Party, held in 1960, had been approved the thesis of combining all forms of struggle, as the track to access the power, which had been ratified in the X Congress, shortly before fence in Marquetalia, and in which the PCC believed that the armed struggle is unavoida ble and necessary as a factor of the colombian revolution68. In the case of the FARC, is no doubt t he continuity between the Communist guerrillas, their leaders and their areas of in fluence between the years 50 and the next decade. (D) The National Front or the appeasement of the blood feuds

Now well, for Francisco Gutiérrez, Daniel Pecaut, Jorge Giraldo and Vicente Torrij os, the contemporary armed conflict, though she had their initial germs in the sixties, suffered soon and quickly a deep decline, before returning to take flight in the eighties in its current phase. One of the roots of this sharp decline in violence in general, and of the politi cal violence in particular was, according to Jorge Giraldo, the relative success of the Natio nal Front to carry out a double transition: from dictatorship to democracy and the war to paz69. In regard to the first, the transition from dictatorship to democracy, Giraldo a rgues that is filled to fully aware of how many years after, the theories of democratic tra nsition, they would have to devote as the virtuous path for this purpose: the appeasement of the political confrontation, the opening of a more open competition and plural and t he access of minorities to the political bodies of political representation. For Mary Emma Wi lls, even in the Congress there were heated debates on crucial issues such as raised by th e agrarian reform; and demonstrate how, in spite of the millimetre-sharing in the bodies of political representation and in the bureaucracy in general, and the alternation in power , the National Front did not close the discussions or erased completely ideologi cal borders between the two traditional parties. Further, he argues, the public sphere becam e more plural, lived an educational revolution unprecedented dissident newspapers were founded and social mobilization (student, worker and peasant) reached very high levels . 69 Gustavo Duncan, it also feels that the covenant consocionalista the National Front, in which elites are divided control of the government to pacify the political competition that, in the case of Colombia, had gotten out of control during the violence of mid-century ( ), was a considerable success. And he adds that this is a historical evidence that the violence of the late twentieth century di d not respond properly to the enclosure of the political system, but to reasons and circumstanc es different (p. 1, Note 1).

Other essayists, on the contrary, they emphasize the negative aspects of this political experience. Renan Vega, for example, has a totally different valuation of the National Front.

He claims that during the National Front pact establishes a bipartisan exclusionary and undemocratic that to fend off the popular dissidence resorts to the repression, the State of siege and the counterinsurgency70. Sergio de Zubiria , in turn, argues that by track and constitutional plebiscite, the privileges given to bipartisanship van becoming the State in mediator and representative of the part icular interests and associations. At this stage the consolidation of a State captured, or particula rist privatized 71. 70 Renan Vega, p. 22. 71 Sergio de Zubiria, p. 29. 72 Daniel Pecaut, Colombia: violence and democracy, in Political Analysis, No. 13, 1991, p. 37.

Without a doubt, the assessment of the National Front is one of the points of controversy more acute in the CHCV.

It is difficult to question that there were significant limitations for the poli tical participation of the different parties to the National Front between 1958 and 1974, due to the pinpoi nt sharing in the bodies of political representation, the civil service and in the high cou rts and the presidential towers. But, in spite of these limitations, it was not itself, according to Daniel Pecaut, of a closed system . Pecaut believes that from a comp arative perspective with the rest of the continent, where they dominated the military governments, t he Colombian regime was one of the most open and participativos72. Several facts indicate, such as maintain individual commissioners.

First, the Communist Party regained the legality loss. In fact, on 10 June 1954 the Council of Ministers of the government civil-military of Rojas Pinilla had taken the decision to outlaw the Communist Party, for which sent a request to th e National Constituent Assembly. By a majority of votes, this entity adopted at the beginning of the month of September of that year a text whose first artic le said: is prohibited political activity of international communism. The plebiscite of 1 December 1957, which gave rise to the institutions of the National Front, annulled all th e decisions taken by the National Constituent Assembly, including the banning of t he CCP. Secondly, in spite of limitations for the participation of third parties in the charges of popular representation, members of the left were elected during this period in public corporations in partisan coalition opposing fractions with the National Front ; they were also integrated in the public or the judicial institutions , including the high courts. The most notable example was the case of the leader of the agricultural region of the Sumapaz, Juan de la Cruz Varela, first elected to the Departmental Assembly of Cundinamarca in 1958 and two years later, the House of Representatives for the same department, as an alternate of the leader of the MRLS and future president Alfonso Lopez Michelsen73. 73 Mary Emma Wills, p. 12. 74 Mary Emma Wills, p. 21 ET seq. 75 A data enough. Women were allowed to vote for the first time in the plebiscit e of December 1 of 1957 reaching in the country, finally, the universal suffrage. Although the female vo te was approved by the National Constituent Assembly during the period of Rojas Pinilla -a move typical of a conservative authoritarian regime that wants to expand your audience, as was the case in other countries of Latin America-, there were no elections.

Thirdly, the National Front was very far from being homogeneous. Fractions such as the MRL or the ANAPO played a prominent role in the channelling of social discon tent and scored a major political representation. This diversity of fractions in partisan game broke the get annoyed that could contain the seeds of the bureaucratic frentenacionalista coexistence. As the shows Mary Emma Wills, there were debates treble, for example with regard to the agricultural issues in 1961 and 196874.

Fourthly, during these years there was an extension of the civiles75 freedoms, a s well as in the right to organization and to social mobilization, as can be seen in the Graph 1. In fact, after a vertical drop of the strikes and work stoppages during the conservative government, the government civilian-military Rojas Pinil la and the Military Junta Government (1946-1958), there was a rise of the worker mobilization on the domes tic front, period that presents the highest levels of participation in the last seven decades.

Figure 1: strikes and stoppages in Colombia (1946-2013) Source: The data for the years 1946 to 1958 were taken from Mauritius Archila, So cial Protest in Colombia, 1946-1958 , in Critical History magazine, No. 11, 1995, p. 72; From 1958 to 1990 of Mauritius Archila, comings and goings, twists and turns. Social Protest in Colombia 1958-1 990, Bogota, ICANH/CINEP, 2003, p. 202; From 1991 to 2009 of Archila et al. , research projec t. Incidence of violence against the unionized workers and evolution of their prote st. Bogota, CINEP, 2010, pp. 30-31; and, finally, those of the years 2010 to 2013, the system of labor and union Information, SISLAB reports, 29 October 2014. Finally, in these years there were also notable social and cultural transformati ons . The country experienced a process of accelerated urbanization, an educational revolution and profound cultural change thanks to an explosion of dissidence and contestatory cultural currents and avant-garde, between them, the Nadaismo76. Th e press is diversified, and even the Communist Party, which was banned a few years back, wa s able to publish with a license from the Ministry of Justice his weekly Voice of Democracy, his m agazine political documents and, later, his magazine Marxistas77 theoretical studies. In addition, as has been shown Mary Emma Wills, is produced in these years a educational revol ution , at least in quantitative terms, with the entrance of thousands and thousands of students the school system of primary and secondary universitario78 and the syst em. 0 50 100 150 200

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76 Alvaro Tirado Mejia, the sixties. A revolution in culture, Bogotá, Penguin Rand om House Publishing Group, 2014. 77 Jorge Giraldo, p. 5. 78 Mary Emma Wills, p. 15. But not only at the level of political participation, social mobilization, cultu re and education there was relevant results. In the field of the transition from war to peace it also achieved significant successes.

First, as can be seen in the Chart No. 2 On homicide rates (1958-2013), Colombia had succeeded in reducing violence notoria79 manner. One o f the factors that explain the drop in homicide rates was the dismantling of the last vestiges of banditry in the mid sixties. Giraldo according the achievements in this plane were so damning that the historian James Henderson was able to say, thinking obviously in violence that in 1966, the confl ict had indeed finished80. As you can see in the graphic, the years 1969 and 1970 remain the two years with lower rates of homicide from 1947 until today . 0 5000000 10000000

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1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003 2006 2009 2012 homicide rate per 100,000 inhabitants total population 79 The broad historical series that carries out the historian, Jorge Orlando Mel o, in its article fifty years of homicides: trends and prospects, is key to differentiate a stage in which rate s drop sharply homicide (between 1958 and 1980 approximately), another stage in the nex t decade in which there is an exponential increase in those fees, up to that in this new century the trend Begins to descend again (http://www.razonpublica.com/index.php/conflicto-drogas-y-paz-t emas-30/217- fifty-ade-homicides-trends-and-prospects.html). 80 James D. Henderson, victim of globalization: the story of how the drug traffi cking destroyed the peace in Colombia , Bogota, the century of Man Publishers, 2012, p. 35.

Figure 2: homicide rate per 100,000 inhabitants in Colombia (1958-2013)

Source: Data for 1958-1961 were taken from the work of Paul Oquist, violence, co nflict and Policy in Colombia ; the data for 1962-2006 are from the National Police, Central Directorate Judic ial Police; the population data come from the DANE. The figures were calculated for interannual periods each year by applying to the geometric mean rate between censuses. Another factor explaining the decline of violence was the notorious weakening of the guerrilla groups. Although, as we have mentioned, during the initial years of th e National Front both guerrilla groups emerged as other frustrated that, after deep setbacks, they would have to be consolidated years later (FARC, ELN and EPL), al l were, however , relatively marginal, with a number of very small member and with little national presence. As it was able to verify Maria Alejandra Vélez, the guerrillas in these years had its main radio station in action in remote regions and sparse ly populated , already were the areas of armed colonization81 of the FARC, the southeastern Antioquia in terms of the EPL, or the municipalities of Santander in which attem pt to root the ELN82, up to the point that the biographer of Camilo Torres, Joe Bro derick, dared to qualify the armed conflict in the sixties, as a fantasy war 83. Without going any further, the three guerrilla groups were near collapse. 81 William Ramirez, rural guerrilla in Colombia: a path to the colonization? armed in rural Latin American Studies, Vol. 4, No. 2, Bogota, May-August 1981. According to Ramirez, colonization the navy is a historical concept to interpret, from a certain kind of displacement o f the population, the genesis and development of the FARC ( armed Colonization, local power and private territorialisation, in Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies, V. 7, No. 2, 2001). 82 Maria Alejandra Vélez, FARC and ELN. Evolution and territorial expansion, degre e thesis at the Faculty of Economics , University of the Andes, 1999. 83 Quoted by Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 5. 84 Milton Hernández, Red and Black: An approach to the history of the ELN, 1998.

With respect to the ELN, after the tragic operation Anorí (1973) only survived in the ranks of the organization from that historic guerrilla column thirteen members, of which only one remained in the organization for some time. It was a doctor, who, after returning to the urban networks, are also excluded, according to Milton Hernández. And he adds that, at the urban level remai ned for several networks in Bogota , Medellin and Barranquilla, Bucaramanga, isolated from one another, without bet ter knowledge of what was happening at the national level, without resources and plans or guidelines84. Many years required the ELN to replenish their ranks. The EPL, for its part, according to the story of his old commander, general Erne sto Rojas, after the three military sieges that suffered their armed cores in the Alto Sinu and t he High San Jorge between 1968 and 1970, he came out completely weakened and only could not restart your slow reconstruction in the late years setenta85. 85 Ernesto Rojas, on the history of the EPL, http://www.pcdecml.org/ 86 Alfredo Molano, p. 40. 87 , ceasefire. A political history of the FARC, Bogotá, Editorial Th e Black Sheep, 1985, p. 90. The same thing happened to the FARC when second-in-command of the guerrilla, Cir o Trujillo, took a wrong decision to concentrate in 1966 almost all the detachment s in Quindio to act on the coffee area and the Valle del Cauca, but it was miserably defeated86. According to Jacobo Arenas, we lost many men and 70% of the weapons. It is recalled that up to the Fifth Conference could say : finally we have spare of evil that almost annihilates us87. In summary , the process of Colombia guerrilla was not very different in this period of the rest of Latin America . In the seventies the latin american guerrillas as a whole had virtually disapp eared , except for some isolated and marginal cores, without further incident. In Colombia, even after the dismantling of National Front since 1974 for the Pre sidency of the Republic and the bodies of popular representation (Senate and House of Representatives , Departmental Assemblies and Municipal Councils), the different political parti es to the two traditional parties enjoyed legal guarantees for its electoral partic ipation . In 1974, the National Opposition Union (UNO), formed by the PCC , the Moir and factions anapistas, launched the candidacy of Hernando Echeverry Mejia. In 1978 there were three nominations from left: Julio Cesar Pernia (ONE), Jaime Piedrahita Cardona (MOIR) and relief Ramirez (PST). Even in the difficult situation of pub lic order in the early eighties, firm and one had supported the candidacy of Gerardo Molina. Using the broad base of comparative data of Freedom in the world (Figure No. 3), Jorge Giraldo shows that between the sixties and the seventies, the democratic p erformance of Colombia was better than most of the rest of countries in Latin America (wehe re military governments), but would be plummeting later, in the nineties , with the escalation of violence and corruption that would suffer the situation .88 In this graph, as in all that we have submitted or are we going to include along the Special Ra pporteur, it is shocking that the worsening negative of all the indicators from eighties and, in particular, of the nineties. Without doubt, it is not possible equate th e National Front period and, in general, the seventies with what would have to happen later , in the next three decades. C: \Users\username\Documents\Commission\Data\freedomhouse2.png 88 Jorge Giraldo, p. 6. Chart 3. Indicator of democracy, Colombia, Central America, South America 1972- 2013

Source: Freedom in the World, 2014.

What happened then? Why is it that if Colombia appeared to be diverted toward a more democratic and pluralistic society term again wrapped in a cycle of violence that, in many respects, even surpassed the worst years of the period of violence? Why in Latin America were completed and the armed conflict in Colombia would last until today? Why we were the only exception? For some essayists, in spite of the positive legacy that leaves the National Fro nt in different levels, as well himself has left it without solution and many other is sues resolved in a way other inadequate or insufficient. Of the three tasks that the National Front had been proposed, according to Francisco Gutiérrez, agree peace, promote the democratic transition a nd promote programs are concerned.89 there were satisfactory results in the first t wo but many shortcomings in the last. In the words of Marco Palacios, bipartisan the experiment had been worn; had failed the initiative of promised re forms (the agrarian, administrative, tax, labor) who were halfway 90. 89 Francisco Gutiérrez, what the wind? The political parties and democracy in Colo mbia, 1958- 2002, Bogota, Editorial Norma, 2007. Framework 90 palaces, public violence in Colombia, 1958-2010, Bogota, Fondo de C ultura Economica, 2012, p. 69. Without doubt, in relation to the principal motivation for the National Front, i .e. the overcoming of sectarian clashes and the culture of the blood feuds, this instituti onal arrangement was a great success. But, in turn, some essayists argue that this positive development also had many limitations. Perhaps the most notable was the increasing depoliticization and detachment not only toward the parties, but toward the organs of popular representation. In effect, the electoral abstention , which has been a constant in the political history of the country, was aggravated. It is likely that this cooling toward the parties and the electoral system is related to a palpable disappointm ent toward the results of the National Front, whose high expectations in the social field w ere not fully satisfied. In effect, while the National Front was able to attain peace and keep the democr atic system , was unable to move forward with a solid program of social reforms, by which he lost the support of broad popular sectors sprinted to the abstention or toward the populist vote, and the political system derived toward the patronage as a mechanism of political co-optation. According to Jorge Orlando Melo, reformism failure pri marily in relation to the changes in land ownership and the decrease in inequality of income, although he had some success when the resources came from the state budget: education, public management and services. If you look at the Tabl e No. 1 We can see the important social progress that has been in Colombia in recent decadas91. This view is shared by Mary Emma Wills, who shows that there was in these years significant increases in social spending and the expansion of the sc hool places on all levels (primary, secondary and university) 92. 91 Jorge Orlando Melo, half a century of changes in Colombia, shows how a slow eco nomic growth but stable, helped increase public spending (http://www.jorgeorlandomelo.com/med io_siglo.htm) 92 Mary Emma Wills, p. 15. 93 Alfredo Molano, pp. 34-35. Box No. 1. Changes in social indicators Colombia 1951-2004 1951 2004 children per woman 7.0 2.6 (2000) birth rate 4.7 2.6 Mortality Rate 1.7 0.5 Infant mortality rate 12.3 2.5 (2000) life expectancy 40.0 (1945) 71.6 (2000) Height of the population of 21 to 25 years 164.7 (1950) 169.7 (2000) houses with electric power

houses with 25.8 94.0 28.8 aqueduct 94 houses with sewerage >25.0 73 health services coverage >20.0 54 (1999) primary education coverage 40 94 Coverage of secondary education 30 76 Coverage of higher education 2 18 inhabitants (thousands) 12,961 44,584 (2003) z 29.2 70.7 (1995)

Source: Jorge Orlando Melo, half a century of changes in Colombia Probably the greatest frustration of the National Front came from the failed att empt to transform the field. As well as had already happened in the thirties, the effort s to promote an agrarian reform encountered the resistance of the sectors landowners, who imposed a genuine reformation: the so-called Pact 93 rural areas. This failure resulted in a strengthening of the waves of colonization, which is described fro m crude way by Alfredo Molano: The settler is a worker stripped of all resource; faces a jungle very powerful in very adverse conditions. In reality, it is a estate with basis in debts acquired with the merchants. Sooner or later their improvemen ts will hand it over to the creditors, the concentrated as haciendas. Colonization is a process of enlarging landowner of the agricultural frontier. The settlers a re converted to professionals of the opening of improvements each time more distant94. It will be serious, such as adds the own Molano, cocalizacion of colonization areas and the impact that these illegal crops will have in these regions, probably the ones that will suff er most acutely the intersection of multiple violence in the dispute over control of the resourc es from the cultivation, processing and marketing of the coca leaf and cocaine. 94 Alfredo Molano, p. 46. 95 Alfredo Molano, p. 33. 96 Mary Emma Wills, pp. 24 and 25. 97 Alfredo Molano, p. 34. In fact, before the shipwreck of the reforms and the pressure on land derived of the increase in population, this attempt be channelled through the expansion of the agricultural frontier . This policy of colonization without a real accompaniment of the State, the onl y thing that was led to the configuration of regions with very weak institutional presen ce and, later , to the rise of illicit crops due to its high profitability along with a very h igh environmental cost. During these years was deforested the Caquetá and the Magdalen a Medio, areas that were planned for the agrarian reform, generating what describes Alfre do Molano: earth is assigned to the peasant, dismount or by distribution, but it allows the sale to those who are able to build large haciendas95.

It is important to emphasize that, for Mary Emma Wills, the failure of attempts to agrarian reform not only came from the reaction landowner, supported by the Congress, and the persecution they suffered leaders of the peasant movement. It was also the produ ct of struggles, of intransigence and sectarian strife between the various left-wing m ovements, which went bankrupt campesino96 internally to the movement. According to Alfredo Molan o, the peasant movement, very influenced by different and irreconcilable groups from le ft , was divided into two trends whose slogans summing up their programs: the land to the tiller and land without97 patterns, which made a irreconcilable and another.

Another factor of frustration with the National Front was the persistence, in sp ite of many advances in the social field, from the deep income inequality and poverty. Gustavo Duncan shows how, according to the 1973 census, the poverty as measured by the unmet basic needs, was 70.5 %; while the GINI coefficient was higher than the 0.598 . Colombia continued to occupy, in this latter indicator, one of the most painful posts in the world. 98 Gustavo Duncan, p. 4. See, also, it provides data which Javier Giraldo, p. 14 ET seq. 99 Colombia appeared in the famous The Failed States Index of failed States) tha t publishes the magazine Foreign Policy in the red zone (failed States), in the October 2005 issue. Vicente Torri jos questioned, however, that Colombia has been a precarious state (prefuncional), fa iled, or collapsed (nonfunctional) , recognizing if that has been a State subject to constant challe nges that have tested their institutional architecture (p. 19). 100 Along this rapporteurship we have raised, according to several essayists, th at one of the geological cracks of the national construction of Colombia has been the state weak ness. A weak State can be defined, according to Jorge Giraldo, the one who possesses a limited ability to bring the institutional decisions, related to their basic functions, are met in their terr itory (p. 2, 2). 101 This reaffirmation of the futility of electoral participation for access to power is going to be one of the sources of the new wave guerrilla warfare in Latin America. Even in Chile, with little background in the field of armed struggle, the Communist Party decided to create their own armed wing, the Manuel Rodriguez Patriotic Front, which began operations on 14 December 1983.

In addition to these pronounced gaps in the social field, it is equally importan t to note the continuity of the trend, dominant throughout the twentieth century, to maint ain very low the resources of the Armed Forces and Police, which, once again unleash the dynamics of the armed confrontation will be to Colombia in the map of the failed States99 and, what is even more serious, will open the doors for a privatization of security as an alternative to the shortcomings of the publica100 security.

In this way, in spite of successful policies in different scenarios, the breedin g ground for the conflict remained alive and various factors, both internal and international , contributed to this conflict, own and normal in any democratic system, to be tra nsformed into a new wave of violence that we still suffer from.

(A) of the appeasement to the widespread violence three external events were crucial. On the one hand, the overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile. The military coup against the government of the Unidad Popular in 1973 was read out in the field of the left as a continental new confirmation of the unfeasibility of access and retain power by tracks democraticas101. On the other hand, the triump hant revolution in Nicaragua, which would have to awaken a new revolutionary wave in Latin America, in particular in Guatemala, El Salvador, Co lombia, Ecuador and Peru. And, finally, the new military doctrine of the United States, and that went from the old doctrine of containment to the doctrine of the renewed roll back, i.e. , the attempt to revert to the western camp the countries that had fallen, according to the perce ption of Washington, in the orbit sovietica102. The government of Ronald Reagan ended the era of peaceful coexistence and détente and gave way to an era of international confrontation that would culminate with the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the cold war. 102 In particular, Angola, Mozambique, Afghanistan, Nicaragua, where armed group s were formed to destabilize their governments, such as the Nicaraguan Contras. 103 Sergio de Zubiria, p. 41. 104 Dario Fajardo, p. 35 ET seq. 105 Juan Guillermo Ferro and Gabriela Uribe, the order of the war: the FARC/EP b etween the organization and policy, Bogotá Xaverian Publishing Center, 2002, p. 29.

In Colombia is not only revived guerrilleros103 movements, but, that was the intense irruption of the powerful drug cartels and, at the same time, the emerge nce of self-defense groups and paramilitares104.

One of the most striking features of this period was the reconstruction of the g uerrilla groups in the first generation . A few years after the operation, a small group of activists led by a Spanish priest, Manuel Perez Martinez, momentum the call National Meeting of 1983, which was in fact the starting point for the refoundation of the guerrilla group. In 1980, the Communist Party Marxist- Leninist (PCML) at its 11th National Congress, was able to overcome its many fra ctures and internal dissent and promote the reorganization of the EPL. The FARC, for its pa rt, had been moved from the purely vegetative stage, as a strategic reserve of the PCC to the case in which a military coup, offensive to a stage that was reflected in their new acronyms, COLOMBIA-EJÉRCITO (FARC-People's Army). If in 1974 the FARC had only four guerrilla fronts and in 1978 had eight, in 1982, using the tactics of the format ion of fronts, had reached the figure of 24 fronts and about a thousand men in armas105. Without doubt, the climate relatively peaceful country in the years after the Na tional Front had changed radical106 manner. Perhaps the clearest expression of this transformation was th e national strike on 14 September 1977, the president of the time, Alfonso Lopez Michelsen, described as a small April 9. This strike was an express ion of deep disenchantment with the frustrated expectations of the National Front. Among the elections that gave rise to the covenant frentenacionalista -that coun ted with greater political participation in the history of the country - and the Civic Strike two decades later, you can measure the degree of disillusionment that lived the country during this period. 106 Relatively calm in terms of violence and armed conflict, because in these ye ars there were significant social protests. It was one of the periods of greater student mobilization, a pe asant and worker throughout the history of Colombia, showing how political violence and social mobilization occur in a para llel manner and without that there are many communicating vessels between one and another. See t he essay by Daniel Pecaut, in this regard. 107 Jorge Giraldo, p. 18. 108 Mary Emma Wills, p. 28. 109 Medofilo Medina says, in an interview with Juanita León ( "Think that tested t he peasants was a revolution would be very wrong", the empty chair, 15 September 2013), that the immediate consequences of this strike were satisfactory for workers: the minimum wage, which was stalled, rose three times in the eight months following ( ); the wages in the industry in creased in 16 % .

As said Jorge Giraldo, is surprising lack of foresight on the ruling elites arou nd the dark clouds that already appeared on the horizon. An example was the percept ion that the economy of the drug was not a greater risk, but that, you could even use in a pragmatic way to obtain the currency required by the country. The sinister window was an expression of the lack of understanding of the risks in ciernes107. Anoth er expression of wrong decisions was the approval, under the rules of the State of Siege, the Security Status in 1978, which led to a greater autonomy in the management o f public order by part of the Military Forces and, therefore, to a very negative militarization of conflicts sociales108. This fact was the key for the resurgenc e of the guerrilla groups: the repressive response caused a shift in perception of th e guerrillas, especially of the M-19, which acquired the image of a handful of rom antic being persecuted by a repressive State and torturer. The National Civic Strike of 14 September 1977 he had, according to Medofilo Med ina, positive effects109 but, equally, two very negative consequences. On one hand, t he guerrilla movement read the strike as a prelude to revolution and this reading wrong deeply affected in the new wave guerrilla. On the other hand, the government and the Military Forces interpreted this social mobilization and association as a prelude to an urban in surrection . Therefore, during the first few days of work stoppage, Alfonso Lopez Michelsen received a draft of the measures intensity of public order from the military hig h command that, a few months to complete its mandate, did not take into consideration. How ever, the new government of Julio Cesar Turbay Ayala if the took into account and ordered the security regulations .

In the decade of the eighties many of the positive trends that were observed in the previous years began to revert and violence once again reared its terrible face. In fact , if you look at the graph again No. 2 Can be seen as the homicide rate begins to grow and grow in these years to make Colombia the most violent country in Latin America and one of the most violent of the world at the end of the twen tieth century However, homicide rates is not the only indicator of the exponential increase in the violence. On the one hand, if we consider the graphic that includes Jorge Girald o in his essay, based on the studies carried out by the National Observatory of memory and confl ict of the CNMH and the Program of the Uppsala University on armed conflicts in the world (Figure No. 4) There was a marked increase of members of the armed organiz ations, both legal and illegal, killed in combat, as well as the civilian population caught in the cross-fire, beginning in the eighties and, above all, in the nineties pasado110. 110 Jorge Giraldo, p. 28.

Figure No. 4. Deaths in combat and civilian casualties 1958-2012 Source: National Observatory of memory and conflict of the CNMH and Uppsala Conf lict Data Program

On the other hand, it is shocking observe in Table No. 2 As beginning in the eig hties are triggered the murders of members of all political parties. In the first term , members of the Patriotic Union, founded in 1985, killed by networks of drug traf ficking and paramilitary groups emerging with support, in many occasions, state agents. Seco ndly , members of the Liberal and Conservative parties, killed by guerrilla groups in their desire to seek the local political control or by local leaders of the traditional parties themselves, their factions or dissent with the aim of elimin ating their opponents in the political field-election (i.e. , what will be known as the parapolitics later). And, finally, in the next decade, activists of the politic al movement, Hope, Peace and Freedom, in the region of Uraba111. 111 Gustavo Duncan, p. 22. We have simplified the table presented by Gustavo Dun can, to mention only members and representatives of political parties.

Box No. 2. Political assassinations 1986-2002.

Political activity without party affiliation registered

UP Liberal Conservative Party

Other affiliation

Hope, Peace and Freedom M-19 Mayor 100 31 8 16 4 0 0

Councillors 277 208 50 120

22 7 5

20 militants and 6 159 3 77

114 13 activists local political leaders

144 87 53 38 9 4 2

Police Inspector

258 19 1 4 3 0 0 other officials of the State 199 11 4 6 2

0 0

Council candidates to 52 18 5 9 6 0

2 political leaders departmental 32 34

10 10

3 0

1 mayoral

38 14 5 11 7 0 1 Members, councillors 7 19 8 8

4 0 0 1 8 7 Congressmen

7 0 0 0

national political leaders

2 6 6 6

0 0

1 Other 5 8 1 2 0 0 0

Total 1135 469 317 240 137 125 25 percentages 38.0 % 15.7 % 10.5 % 8.0 % 4.5 % 4.1 % 0.8 %

Source: Rodolfo Escobedo, Office of Peace of the Presidency of the Republic, 201 4.

How can you explain that violence had declined significantly during the period of validity of the restrictive institutions of the National Fr ont and, on the other hand, it would have slowly increased after their dismount and be triggered after the democratic open ing that generated the new Constitution of 1991? That is to say, all the opposite o f what should have happened if the political violence is associated with the enclosure of a political system ; and, its absence, with the opening of possibilities for the opposition politica1 12. 112 Cf., Sergio de Zubiria and the use of the concept of closed society (Mario La torre) to characterize the National Front and explain the reasons for their levels of conflict and viol ence (p. 31). A plausible explanation is the existence of two sources of violence that do not depend on the democratic sy stem: the drug trafficking, whose surge is linked to the global demand for cocaine and its high profitability, and the guerrillas, founded in a political decision to achieve power by force of arms.

The lack of synchrony between political violence and closing or opening of a pol itical system is not strange, in accordance with the international experience. In Peru, the wa r did not begin under the military governments of Juan Velasco Alvarado and Francisco Morales Be rmudez in the so-called military docenio (1968-1980), but during the democratic transitio n . The symbolic date of birth of Shining Path is on 17 May 1980 , when a unit of this nascent group burned the ballot boxes Chuschi (province of Ayacucho). A similar situation can be seen in Spain. The rise of t he terrorist organization ETA did not take place under the Franco dictatorship but under the democratic institutions that are created after the death of Francisco Franco on 20 November 1975 . In Colombia it was the same: the worst of the war, it is not given under the National Front, which was defined as a closed system by sectors of the left-, but from his dismount progressive from 1974 and, above all, after the advanced institutions created in the National Constituent Assembly of 1991113. 113 Daniel Pecaut, pp. 26 and 27. 114 IEPRI, our war without name. Transformations of the conflict in Colombia, Bo gota, Editorial Norma /Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2005. 115 Dario Fajardo, p. 3, Jairo Estrada, p. 1, Javier Giraldo, p. 13, Sergio de Z ubiria, p. 50, Renan Vega, p. 1, The discussion regarding the degree of occlusion or opening of the political system and its impact on the violence that we have suffered is one of the central axs of the debate betwe en the members of the CHCV. 2. Characterization

The characterization of the armed conflict that Colombia has lived in the last f ew decades has been the subject of a lengthy debate in the country, both in the law and in the academic and not there is still a minimum consensus in this regard. To the exten t that a book that has a well-deserved intellectual prestige was entitled, not without a certa in irony, our war without nombre114.

Sergio de Zubiria, the same as Dario Fajardo, Alfredo Molano, Javier Giraldo, Re nan Vega and Jairo Estrada115, used in its text the notion of social conflict armed , to refer to armed clashes that have occurred since the forties until today. The underlying idea of these commissioners is that there is an inti mate interrelationship between social conflict, first and foremost, in the rural areas and the political violen ce.

Francisco Gutierrez uses the concept of civil war, but in their case difference two great waves : that of the actual violence and that starts in the sixties and continues until today (which it calls counterinsurgency war ), which has in turn two times: one, initial in which the guerrillas were fairly marginal ; and the cur rent , which begins at the end of the years setenta116. 116 Francisco Gutiérrez, pp. 1-2. 117 Jorge Giraldo, p. 1. 118 Mary Emma Wills, p. 1. 119 Vicente Torrijos, p. 4. 120 Concern about the war has been driven in large part by the magnitudes of huma n victims produced but have also received attention around the confrontations of the society projects associated with the conflict, they are involved in deep disagre ements on access and land use , said Darius Fajardo, and adds: is a subject on which there is consensus among those who have investigated the process, as trigger factor of social conflict and armed (p. 3). 121 Daniel Pecaut, p. 2.

Jorge Giraldo defines it briefly as a war 117. According to their argument, we are not in the presence of a phenomenon of criminal violence widespread (as occurs, for example , currently in Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador), nor of a unilateral violence of the State (a vertical violence itself sustaining a regime in the terrorism of State). Mary Emma Wills uses the same expresion118. Vicente Torrijos, for its part, would prefer characterize our internal conflict as an irregular conflict, i.e. a confrontation that is not present in conventional mode between several States but that occurs in an asymmetrical manner between actors (the Col ombian State and the guerrilla groups) 119, which jostle for access to the control of the resource s related to political power. In these definitions is one of the more serious differences in the essays submit ted . While, for example, Dario Fajardo considers the subject of the earth as trigger factor of social conflict and armed, arguing that there is an intimate rel ationship between both variables120, other authors such as Daniel Pecaut pose that this as sociation is not so clear. According to him, it is necessary not assimilate input the actors actual political guidance to the social actors. The guerrillas claimed without p lace to doubts of the social movements. Although sometimes there is a relationship be tween the two , not missing elements of tension between the two phenomena. Otherwise, the phas es in which the armed conflict has a greater resonance, barely if it matches with thos e in which social movements become a foreground121. In turn, for Mary Emma Wills , the guerrillas, more that represent and unite the social movements, were a maj or factor in internal ruptures and their sectarian clashes. Reading about the relationships between the peasant movement and the guerrilla g roups , constitutes another of the points of divergence in the pronounced CHCV. Given the diversity of notions used in this report we chose, as we had already s aid , the most common in literature and in the documents of the own Peace Table in Havana, internal armed conflict122, whose main characteristics are, according to Jorge Giraldo, the following: 122 even, the ELN defines the conflict in Colombia as a armed conflict of politic al nature. Central Command, acclimate to Colombia Peace, Editorial, Magazine insurrection, 8 December 2014. 123 Cf., special issue of the magazine New Routes (No. 4, V. 5, 2010) dedicated to the prolonged conflict in the world and, in particular, the article by Marcus Nilsson and Joakim Kreutz , Protracted conflicts: Issues or dynamics at stake? . 124 Vicente Torrijos, p. 1. 125 Daniel Pecaut, p. 41. First is a protracted conflict, either to boot from the violence (or before), since the emergence of the guerrillas post-revolution cuba n or from the eighties of the last century. In any of the three cases, the armed confronta tion in Colombia is one of the oldest in the mundo123.

Secondly, it is a complex conflict, due to the number of actors involved : the State, not always lumped around the same policies and in many occasions fractured between institutions and their central, regional and lo cal levels; guerrilla groups with different orientation political-strategic; and paramilitary gangs. Vicente Torrijos adds that the armed conflict is not complex irregular exclusive ly on the basis of the number of actors involved, but also by its multidimensional nature and multifactorial124, i.e. , due to the overlap and the articulation of conflict s of different nature. In turn, Daniel Pecaut adds that one of the main features of t he armed conflict in Colombia has been a tremendous territorial dispersion and the extreme fragmentation of the own conflicting groups. Paramilitary groups have not ever been truly unified and BACRIM, much less125. In the case of the guerrilla groups there were never any nor a true unity. The Guerrilla Coordinati ng National Coordinator or the Simon Bolivar Guerilla were more a source of releases that a real nucleus of articulation with a guerrilla joint chiefs , as was the case of Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala126. Even, in the interior of some guerrilla groups, as is the case of the ELN-, has primacy over the regional autonomy that centralizing political-military. Pecaut believed necessar y to take into consideration , in addition, called as opportunistic actors127, which we are going to define with greater precision later. 126 The Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) achievement merged at the he ight of the war against the Somoza regime, through the articulation of their historical thre e fractions: the FSLN protracted People's War , the FSLN and the FSLN proletarian insurrection. The Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) was established on 10 October 1980 by five politico-military organization s: the Popular Liberation Forces "Farabundo Martí" (FPL), the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), the National Resistance (RN), the Revolutionary Workers' Party Central Am erican (PRTC) and the Salvadoran Communist Party (PCS). Finally, the Guatemalan Nation al Revolutionary Unity (URNG) founded on 7 February 1982, through the coordination of the four guerrill a groups more important: the Guerrilla Army of the Poor (EGP), the Organization of the Pe ople in Arms (ORPA), the rebel armed forces (FAR), and Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo (TMP) . 127 Daniel Pecaut, p. 41. An example of this was, without doubt, the organizatio n's emergency Death to Kidnappers created by the main leaders of the drug trafficking after the abductio n of Blanca Nieves Ochoa by part of the M-19 or the assassination of the Minister of Justice, Rodrigo Lar a Bonilla. Third, it has been in essence a conflict discontinuous, because even though the calls of guerrillas first generation declined, beginning in the eighties but not only were rekindled that coincided with an overflow of the armed groups on the extreme right .

Fourthly, it has been a conflict with huge regional differences. As have shown different investigations, the heterogeneous forms of settlement and occupation o f the land, relationship of the local population with the national authorities, in addition to other factors, have generated a multiplicity of dynamics in the armed conflict. They are not equal, for example, the modalities of confrontation in the former areas of armed colonization of the Communist Party and the FARC, the conflict in the regio n coffee maker. This regional diversity is intimately linked, in addition, the eno rmous complexity of geographical Colombia, one of the five largest in the world. This variable is crucial for understanding the prolongation of the armed conflict in our country. As says Santiago Montenegro, since its foundation in the sixties, the FARC and the E LN, and then the M-19 and the paramilitaries, were exceptionally fortunate because Colom bia has one of the complexity of geographical indicators highest in the world. As argument Mancur Olson, the geographical complexity not only favors the persisten ce of illegal armed groups, but in general more expensive the provision of public good s, such as defense and security128. 128 Santiago Montenegro, Lessons of the past, in the spectator, 6 July 2008. 129 Daniel Pecaut, War against society, Bogotá, Editorial Planeta, 2001. 130 Jorge Giraldo, p. 30. 131 Mary Emma Wills, p. 1.

Fifthly, it has been a dreadful conflict, because the civilian population has be en that result in the most affected confrontacion129. According to the calculations of J orge Giraldo, the relationship between the deaths as a result of confrontations between the various armed groups and the civilian victims was about 80 civilian casualties by each member of an a rmed group killed in fighting between 1985 and 2000, and 380 civilian casualties by each one of the killed in battle in the years siguientes130.

And, finally, it is a conflict with political roots, in the measure that involve s projects of society which the actors were perceived as antagonistic, and, theref ore, based on a absolute enmity . Mary Emma Wills doesn't hesitate to call the Colombian conflict as national dimensions and nature politica131. Other essayists prefer to enter a hue, given that the armed conflict has involved both players c learly political, such as guerrilla groups (in spite of the use of resources criminals as a means of financing, such as a kidnapping and trafficking of illic it drugs); other countries in which the varnish is more superficial political and criminal dimension more pronounced , as the paramilitary groups; and other openly criminals but that have contribut ed to the weakening of the State, such as organized crime groups. If we observe today the situation living national as Mexico, Guatemala, El Salva dor or Honduras, is evidence that criminal organizations motivated by private intere sts can have a profound political impact, by undermining the legitimacy of public in stitutions through the control of local authorities, the entrenched corruption networks and the implementation of acts of terror paralyzing. The sam e thing has happened in Colombia in the last few decades. Hence the expression conflict with political ro ots enjoyment of greater consensus. Some of these traits, but in particular the regional fragmentation and diversity itself and segmentation of the actors, allow you to conclude that Pecaut leads nowhere (thin king about) the political opposition between two fields faced. We have not been nor are we currently in the presence of a bipolar conflict with two fields clearly defined, but, compared to a multipolar conflict and highly fragmented, whether taken in consideration the organizations involved and the affected regions. Pecaut believes that the current conflict has been worse, in terms of the suffering of the population, which at the time of the violence, not only because the effects of the latter were located in certain specific regions (for example, the Coast, not lived the violence with the same intensity as the coffee areas) or due to the dynamic of t he sectarianism partisan was also quite focused. In contrast, the current conflict certainly has regional dynamics but accompanied by strategic projects, whether political or economic, nacional132 order. Even a department particularly Pacific in the recent past, today occupies the first flat: Nariño. 132 Daniel Pecaut, p. 41. Dario Fajardo and Sergio de Zubiria think, on the cont rary, that if it is clear the antagonism, either between two projects the first society (p. 3), or between the dominant bloc and the popular sectors and opposition, the second (p. 29). 133 Renan Vega, in his essay, believes that should be added another actor in the conflict: the United States. When analyzing the causes of the social and armed conflict, as well as the variables which have prolonged and the impact on the civilian population, the United States is not a mere external influence, but a direct participant of the conflict , due to prolonged involvement during much of the twentieth century (p. 1). Oth er authors, like Darius Fajardo, support this vision. 3. Actors in the conflict in the internal armed conflict that has plagued the country since the inception of the National Front have involved two main actors involved in the first phase (1964-1980) and three major players in the second phase (1980-2015)133. Obviously behind these principal actors - that is to say, on which rests the shaft of the armed confrontation-, there ar e other social or political actors that play different roles in the context of the conflict. 1964-1980 Phase As we pointed out earlier, in Latin America there were two waves of revolution clearly differentiated: one after the Cuban revolution and other after the Nicar aguan revolution , in 1959 and 1979 respectively. In the initial phase of the armed conflict in Colombia, whose dimensions were ve ry small - if a conflict of very low-intensity confrontation had two key players : on the one hand, the guerrillas first-generation and the Military Forces , not to mention the banditry semi-social and semi-political, such as a lag of t he violence, affected the rural life until mid-year sesenta134. 134 Daniel Pecaut, p. 11. 135 Dario Fajardo, p. 44. This first phase was characterized by the weakening of the guerrilla groups at t he end of the 60s and beginning of the next decade, during which Colombia had homicide rates lowest in the last 70 years.

The 1980-2014 phase current phase and its deep aggravation are intimately relate d to the emergence of a new actor, the paramilitaries and the presence of some financial resources wit hout background from drug trafficking, kidnapping and extortion. As a result, Colombia became a confrontation between insurgent movements and the state apparatus of counterinsurgency, toward a conflict more complex due to the eruption of the paramilitary groups and the opportunistic third that w ere introduced in the political game affecting their course and their dynamics. Daniel Pecaut called opportunistic third to those criminal organizations or political actors that have participated in the dynamics of conflict for their pa rticular benefit . For example, local political leaders who made alliances with the paramilitary groups to obtain political support and, in many occasions, to accumulate land and prope rty of the displaced population. Also, fit this category national or multinational c ompanies who allied themselves with paramilitary fronts in order to generate a population displacement, occupying their lands illegally or buy below its value comercial135. In terms of the paramilitary groups have these disparate sources, depending on the objectives of its promoters, their level of organization, their modes of act ion and its internal discipline . In spite of the attempts to create a national organization from 1996, through the so-called Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC), it is certain that the predominance of a regional logic and the AUC, rather than a unified applianc e, was an unstable coalition whose internal confrontations you generated problems of collective action and political support and social136. The mixture of a political discourse about counterinsurgency and criminal actions in particular made benefit of param ilitary groups a strange mixture of political actor and actor criminal, with probable predominanc e of the latter connotation. 136 Francisco Gutiérrez, pp. 20-23. 137 Mary Emma Wills takes as the primary reference for his criticism of the stru ctural causes of starring Theda Skocpol, bringing the State Back (p. 3, Note 10).

4. Factors, actors, joints, and dynamics of the conflict

The discussion of the factors that have influenced the violence that has suffere d the country has been subjected , since many years ago, a great deal of debate. While some analysts defend the existence of objective causes , other considered to have greater releva nce the subjective causes , i.e. the political decision of some political and social actor s taking up arms. Several essayists argue, however, that a debate in these terms leads to a blind alley . As sustained by Mary Emma Wills, the structural approach ( ) has serious difficulties to explain the outcome between countries that share similar economic structures and the dynamism and complexity of the political wor ld 137. The explanations subjective paradigms attempt to explain the social practice s as determined by the social structure. The subjects do not play a role because they are a passive expression. The subjective explanations on the other hand, tend to expla in the social actions as simply the sum of individual actions. What is true is that no provides a satisfactory answer. The first cannot explain why in similar conditio ns the social actors develop strategies for action. The latter cannot explain why there are social regularities.

It is not, of course, ignore the structural factors or the motivations and strat egies of the actors. Both the objective dimension of the socio-political problems or socio-economic are relevant. Equally, are relevant the subjective decisions of the social and political actors. It is a question of finding an explanation based on how, why and when these factors are converted into efficient causes of the violencia138. 138 An interesting discussion about this can be found in the article by Paul Cha mbers, in search of the causes of the Colombian armed conflict: analyzing the beginning of a trend social-scientific, i n philosophical discussions, No. 23, 2013.

The explanatory model is, if you like, simple: there are factors that help creat e opportunities to the armed actors to obtain support and recruit members. These are the so-called o bjective causes , such as income inequality and heritage, the high rural unemployment , the absence of employment opportunities for young people, the persecution agai nst union leaders or popular, the criminalisation of peasants linked to illicit crop s , etc. ; all of which generates a availability in some sectors of society to ente r the armed groups. Likewise, there are subjective causes , such as the political theories that justify the use of violence to achieve social progress ( or to prevent them), the influence of the revolutionary examples (as was the case o f Cuba and Nicaragua), an apologia for the armed struggle on the part of urban intellectual s of right or left, the characterization of the system as undemocratic or the promotion of non -participation in the institutions through, for example, the voter turnout, etc. Some and other causes must be present in a given historical context, for they arise and, above all, for that is to consolidate and expand the armed groups. The complex d ebate in the social sciences is to determine which of these factors are really signifi cant and, in the case of Colombia in particular, which have demonstrated relevance an d why.

In any case, this multiplicity of objective and subjective factors demonstrates the inadequacy of the into monocausal explanations.

In this regard, for example, Francisco Gutierrez said that may be given to the ne oliberalism the connotation and meaning that you want, but with each one of them is one that there were a lot of countries that suffered radical neoliberal transformations w ithout falling or persist in the war139. The same can be said of the military interference of the U nited States , of the inequality and social exclusion, of the limitations on political partic ipation or of the agrarian question. 139 Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 3. 140 Vicente Torrijos, p. 13. As we have mentioned before, the center of the argu ment of Renan Vega was the role that it has complied with the United States interference in Colombia, both in the def inition of the counterinsurgency model as to the configuration of a state terrorism (pp. 39 and 40). 141 Gustavo Duncan, p. 1.

With regard to the military intervention of the United States, Vicente Torrijos argues that the armed conflict in Colombia cannot be qualified as a war of national liberation because there is no colonial domination, no foreign occupation ( ), nor the popu lation has appealed to the right to self-determination140. Without doubt, have existed i n Colombia sectors opposed to the military missions: syndication feeds by the Unit ed States, but has not been in the country a national mobilization against a foreign occupi er as happened in the war, and even in the Cuban and Nicaraguan revolutions. T he anti-imperialism in Colombia has been a discourse of political minorities and not a factor in massive social mobilization, as if it happened in the liberation movements of th e war.

The same can be argued with respect to poverty or social inequality. Gustavo Duncan, for example, doubts that social exclusion per se can be considered a sufficient cause to explain the emergence of armed groups. Without doubt, both income inequality and inequality in land tenure are very high in Colombia , as evidenced by all the studies in this regard. Even at the level of income in equality, the rates of Colombia are some of the highest in the world. However , inequality does not necessarily cause insubordination, much less a violent insubordination. There is no need to go to look for other cases of count ries where there is great inequality and there is no greater social conflict ( ) 141. Brazil is a clear example of dee p social differences and, in turn, high levels of pipeline and plural democratic s ocial conflicts . Another of the so-called objective factors of the conflict would come from, for e ssayists as Renan Vega, of the existence of a State terrorism . Daniel Pecaut doubt the relev ance of this characterization to define the Colombian political system. Pecaut asserts that, without doubt, many agents of the State, government officials, mem bers of the Armed Forces or elected officials through the popular vote have been engaged in heinous crimes, as evidenced by false positives or the parapolitics. But the Colombian regime was far from be likened to the military dictatorships of the co ne Sur142. As it drew Mary Emma Wills, even during the period in which governed the status of security, there was political currents that were expressed in against this legislation in the Congress and then, in the eighties, the Procuraduría General de la Nación ruled and carried out i nvestigations against the paramilitary groups. In turn, many judges and politicians gave his life to defend the rule of law and democratic institutions. It is enough to mention Rodrigo Lara Bonilla, and Luis Carlos Galan. 142 Daniel Pecaut, p. 37. 143 Daniel Pecaut, p. 34.

Finally, the agrarian question is recognized by almost all of the Commissioners as a key variable to explain the social conflict in our country. However , some question that tensions may explain agricultural per se, the violence of a political nature or the complexity of the violence in the country and their joints. Without doubt, income inequality and the huge rural poverty are a breeding ground for on which underlie the armed actors, for example, to carry out the recruitment in their ranks. One of the paradoxes of the armed conflict in Colomb ia, as drew Daniel Pecaut, is that the recruitment base of all armed groups ( guerrillas, paramilitaries, and even the regular army) are very similar in their social and racial composition, and come from different regions. In the vast majo rity are recruited in the most depressed sectors of the population campesina143. Howe ver, the peasantry is far from being a homogeneous social class. As maintains Pecaut, speak of the peasantry as a uniform sector is contrary to the evidence. You cann ot assimilate the peasantry smallholder of Boyacá, owners of small coffee farms in Quindio or Risaralda or workers of flower companies on the savannah of Bogota, to the farmers in the areas of colonization. Hence the need to take into consideration for the analysis of the huge regional diversity, fragmentation of the peasant po pulation in multiple forms of appropriation of the land and of the labor force, the numerous means of channelling their interests and, equally, the Honda stratification socio-economic. The peasantry was far from supporting the armed g roups and was, on the contrary, the main victim of the fighting and the crossfire for territorial control.

Thus, the approaches into monocausal, if we take a comparative perspective, are not robust to explain complex social phenomena as is the case of violence politica144. In particular it is difficult to explain why having similar situati ons in many nations of Latin America there are social dynamics so different. How do you explain , for example, the persistence of the internal armed conflict in Colombia, while began to disappear in the rest of the continent having objective causes common? The particularity of Colombia were neither poverty nor the income inequality, or the presence of the United States, all traits common to Latin America in the eighties . It was a combination of factors and actors with various interests and strategi es, in a certain situation, that would be to promote this new explosion of multiple vio lence . 144 A critical approach to these visions into monocausal is located in the synth esis of the labor group of Historical Memory , Basta ya!, in which they are studying a multiplicity of factors and their inte rrelationships to explain the armed conflict, such as, the persistence of the agrarian question, the spread of drug trafficking, the influence and pressure from the international context, the institutional fragmentation and territorial of Colombia (National Center of Historical Memory, "Enough is Enough already!, Colombia: mem ories of war and dignity. General Report , Bogotá, President of the Republic, 2013, p. 111).

II. Major factors and conditions that have facilitated or contributed to the per sistence of conflict

Given the endless debate that leads to the analysis around the factors and dynam ics that may explain the emergence of armed actors of a political nature, in my view have the greatest interest and relevance in the reflection on the factors that a llow us to understand its extension. First of all, because if we arrived at a basic consensus in the country around a few key factors and, above all, to the way how they interrelate and affect the persistence of armed conflict, their removal will be important and even crucial to achieving a durable and sustainable peace, i.e. a peaceful post-conflict.

Recapitulating the thesis that have proposed various essayists the main conditio ns that have contributed to the persistence of the conflict would be, in particular, the following:145 145 We must clarify that the order of factors does not alter the product. It is not proposing any hierarchy. It is, simply, to highlight the many factors considered by the variou s authors, which should be, in my view, in the heart of an agenda for peace for the post-co nflict period. 146 Daniel Pecaut considers, however, inappropriate to apply the thesis of Paul Collier, in the case of Colombia . According to Collier, in most of today's armed conflicts more prevalent greed ( greed) that the tort ( grievance ), i.e. that the private appropriation of resourc es would be been the key driver of the war more than the ideological motivations (p. 24). This vision is not, acc ording to Pecaut, compatible with the experience of Colombia, in which the motivations politico-id eological have been predominant, at least in terms of two key players: the guerrillas and the State. But, it is likely that if is the case of the paramilitary groups (which combined political and criminal motivations) and, above all, with the opportunistic third , whose participation in the conflict if was motivated almost exclusively by the private accumulation of capital. 147 Gustavo Duncan, p. 5. 148 Alfredo Molano, p. 47.

1. Drug trafficking and war economy

Daniel Pecaut believes that the major factor of the mutation was ( ) drug traffick ing 146, whose resources would have to have an affect on both the potentiation of the guerrilla movements , as the groups of organized crime and the paramilitaries from the eighties. Much more when, after the death of Pablo Escobar in 1993, the drug barons were progressively taking control of the groups paramilitares147. In turn, Alfredo Molano recognizes the impact that had the illegal drug economy , since the eighties, in the strengthening of the guerrilla groups : guerrillas benefited from the exceptional economic situation by the track of the extortion (drug traffickers). The armed movement, which until then was purely agricultural, was transformed into a huge military force148.

Even though the production, marketing and sale of marijuana had its heyday in th e seventies , the financial resources of this boom a marimba player only impacted regions producing and exporting, particularly along the Atlantic Coast. Another very different phenomenon was the emergence of mafia organizations and business dedicated to the production and trafficking of cocaine. The drug cartels produce d profound changes in the structure of the Colombian society to exert a profound i nfluence on the policy through a combination of threats, corruption and violence, that they have opened up a prominent place in the local governments and even, at the national level. The illegal drug economy also had an impact on the finances of the guerrilleros149 groups. As stresses Alfredo Molano, to principle the guerrillas d oggedly opposed on the grounds that it was a strategy to take away the insurgency its social bas e, but soon realized that he could participate in the new bonanza gaining taxes war 150. 149 Jorge Giraldo, pp. 20-22. 150 Alfredo Molano, p. 47. 151 Gustavo Duncan, p. 2.

It is interesting the approach of Gustavo Duncan for whom the massification of d rug trafficking and kidnapping largely determined the course of the modern armed conflict in Colombi a , especially in three aspects: first, because it had an impact on the war strate gies of both the guerrillas and the various modalities of counterinsurgency private, since both had adapt its action to dominate the resources criminals or prevent it from falling into the hands of their opponents. Second, the illegal e conomy influenced in the prolongation of the conflict, therefore, despite the pervasive dislocation p roduced in regional economies (for example, in the agricultural production or livestock due to absenteeism of local entrepreneurs before the kidnapping and extortion), in turn, gleaner did resources that enabled it to maintain alive the local economic life as well were these capitals of illegal origin. And third, these forms of criminality not only served to define the interactions between the actors insurgents and counterinsurgents private, but also to establish the linka ges between the national elites and the elites of the periphery, whose accumulation of economic resources allowed them to win a high autonomy vis-à-vis the central powers and allowed them to accumulate some resources of power that would impact the national political dynamics as a whole. The parapolitics was, without doubt, a cle ar expression of this fenomeno151. Since the eighties of the last century until today, the modalities for the finan cing of the armed groups were, in addition to the drug trafficking, kidnapping, extortio n, black markets parallel (gold, emeralds and the theft and the marketing of fuels), the money laundering and armed patronage152 on royalties, transfers and other resource s municipales153. These resources generated a opportunity structure for the exponential growth of the guerrilla and paramilitary groups in the eighties and nineties. The FARC, for example, rose from a thousand men under arms in 1982 to around 18,000 when it dissolved the area for relaxation in the Caguan. The demobilized paramilitary groups around 32,000 members in the framework of the La w 975 of Justice and Peace in the year 2005. 152 The concept of armed patronage was coined by Andrés Peñate The strategic path of t he ELN: the idealism the Guevarist armed patronage, in Malcolm deas and Maria Victoria Lloren te (eds. ), recognize the war to build peace, Bogotá, CEREC, Editions Uniandes, Editorial Norma, 1999. 153 United Nations Development Program, conflict, blind alley. National human de velopment report for Colombia -2013, Bogota, UNDP, 2003, p. 285. 154 Mauricio Uribe López, the nation vetoed. State, development and civil war in C olombia, Bogota, Universidad Externado de Colombia, 2013. 155 Jorge Giraldo, p. 34.

As has been shown Mauricio Uribe Lopez founded on comparative data at the intern ational level , when an armed group has significant and acts under certain social conditions such as income inequality, poverty or the high rural unemployment its recruitment capability is facilita154. To this must be added th at, in the war against illegal drugs the coca farmers faced with policies to eradicate ended up finding in armed groups a channel of resistance. As Jorge Giraldo, one of the political effects that have had the illicit crops on the war has been that, when the economic activity of the coca was buoyant, resour ces for the illegal armed groups grew; when the State attacked the coca-producing areas, the main alternative to the workers of coca was integrated into the illegal armed groups 155.

The control of drug lords on local and regional authorities deepened, according to Francisco Gutiérrez, the centrifugal tendencies of the partisan system. With the rise of the financial resources of the cocaine, the political leadership in these two levels were transferred from the national political directories for your financing. The narco-politics became , in this context, a shaft of the local and regional power. Weapons and polls be gan to supplement the two poles of the political spectrum: both to the left and right. The so-called parapolitics, that is to say, the marriage between the political eli te regional and paramilitary groups, constituted the clearest expression of this co mbination of weapons and polls in segments of the right-wing parties. As well as the thesis of the combining all forms of struggle, legal and illegal, the Communist Party, formed the greater expression in the left.

On the other hand, the Andean world, with high population density, was populatin g its periphery through a constant expansion of the agricultural frontier, but with limited access to State services and, therefore, minimal regulation and institutionalization. Unde r these conditions , the inhabitants of these territories, without major alternatives, entered eith er in governance schemes rebel, or either in local political dynamics of fractions of the government parties, but looking for distant evade the regulator y control of the central State.

This had both social consequences - as was the emergence of a illicit peasantry 156-, as consequences of war. The coca economy allowed the FARC not only militarily but develop, become the regulatory authority in some territorial spaces in which the State was absent and, by this track expand their capacity to representation and reclutamiento157. 156 William Ramirez, do a peasantry illicit? , in Political Analysis, No. 29, 1996 . According to Ramirez that qualification was the result of a mistaken policy aimed to the criminalisation of the small gr ower and processor of coca leaf. 157 Francisco Gutiérrez, pp. 15-18.

Duncan says that the drug trafficking generated a political economy that influen ced the peaking, but especially in the prolongation of the conflict. Both communities on the periphery as guerrillas and paramilitaries constructed orders and projects of government, the margin of the central State, which were founded on the surplus of the illega l activity. These projects of government [ ] were [ ] forms of government able to operate inde finitely and consistent with the possibilities of access to global markets given the cons traints of capital in the periphery158. 158 Gustavo Duncan, p. 34. 159 Kidnapping, without a doubt, is one of the most plausible explanations of the birth and proliferation of paramilitarism, Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 23. Probably the best desc ription of the impact of the kidnapping and extortion in the emergence of the paramilitary grou ps are found in the book of Carlos Medina Gallego, Self-defense forces, paramilitary and drug trafficking in Colombia. Origin, development and consolidation. The case of Puerto Boyaca, Bogotá, Editorial Newspaper Documents, 1990. 160 Francisco Gutiérrez, pp. 18-19.

2. Patterns of violence against civilians: the role of the kidnapping and extort ion

The exponential growth of the kidnapping and extortion in the eighties and ninet ies of the last century were, in a double sense, two other important fuels the armed conflict. On the one hand, served as a financial source for the rapid expa nsion of the guerrilla groups, which have increased their income, and therefore its ability to recruitment. But, on the other hand, unleashed the reaction of the victims, whic h stimulated the formation of the paramilitarismo159. As Francis says Gutiérrez, the sharp incr ease of kidnapping in these same years gave him a grating to the armed conflict to link the general reasons for the insurgency with the staff of the survival of the involved160. We must not forget that the creation, in 1981, the network, D eath to Kidnappers (more), was the first major operation of organized crime to deal with the abduction, in this case, one of the sisters of the clan Ochoa by part of the M-19.

Figure No. 5. Kidnapping ( (1970-2010) Source: The years from 1970 to 2010 were taken from the Center's database of His torical Memory and for the years 2011 to 2013 from the Victims Unit with cut-off date to October 1 of 2014.

For Gustavo Duncan, one of whose axs analytical is the effect of the use of kidn apping in the trajectory of the conflict, this criminal practice defined the political alliances between certain social sectors of the periphery against the guerrillas and the legal lef t that in one way or another was linked to the armed struggle161. The Patriotic Union was, according to Duncan , one of the main victims of this reaction, even if not the only one. Thousands of popular leaders and community were also slaughtered. 0 500

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161 Gustavo Duncan, pp. 16-17.

3. The precariousness of institutions

Jorge Giraldo argues that, in general, the States of Latin America fit into the definition of weak States -as well as with varying degrees of weakness-, being the case of Colo mbia particularly serious. This fact helps to explain, as Giraldo, the persistence of the guerrilla war in our country, as the trend toward the privatization of se curity and contrainsurgencia162. C: \Users\Eduardo\AppData\Local\Packages\microsoft.windowscommunicationsapps_8we kyb3d8bbwe\LocalState\LiveComm\ 4e94d5f42e9d296d\ 120712-0049Att\ 2000084 \to\ci nc_colvslatam (2) .png 162 equally, Francisco Gutierrez (pp. 15-18), Daniel Pecaut (p. 32) And Vicente Torrijos (p. 19), refer to the institutional weakness without, in any way, the Colombian State can be regarded as a failed state . 163 Jorge Giraldo, p. 11. According to the chart No. 6, Developed by the prestigious coadministration of W ar Project (COW) of the University of Michigan, Colombia always remained below Center and South America in the indicator of national capacities until the end o f the last century 163 and even during the eighties of the last century fell below the levels reach ed during the National Front. Figure No. 6. National capacities. Colombia, South America, Central America, 1960-2013. Jorge Giraldo asserts that the chronic weakness of the Colombian State has had t hree interrelated components that have limited their ability to comply with their legal and constitutional responsibilities at the level of the guarantees of publ ic order, the delivery of services and public safety: (a) the effectiveness to obtain the resources necessary for the proper functioning of public institutions; (b) the size and qu ality of the public force; and, (c) the effective integration of the territory through a adecuada164 infrastructure. 164 For other essayists, more than these variables, are the empty of the justice and the high levels of impunity in Colombia, which generate a perverse incentive for the private justice and con stitute the main factor of institutional weakness in our country. 165 Santiago Montenegro, op. cit. , while there are no major discrepancies in relation to the low capacity of the St ate in order to obtain resources and carry out their multiple responsibilities (education, health, just ice, etc. ), nor with the backwardness in the road infrastructure in the country, the issu e of military spending if is an important subject for discussions and disagreements. According to Jorge Giraldo, as can be seen in the Chart No. 7, The military spen ding in Colombia was far below the same expenditure in the rest of Latin America until recent yea rs, in which Colombia began to occupy the highest levels of the continent. According to Santiago Montenegro, since the beginning of the National Front and o f the Cuban revolution public policy was mainly defined by the speech of Alberto Lleras before the Armed Forces in the Theater Homeland, on 23 May 1958, in which , basically, it was determined that civilians are not getting into the defense a nd security issues and the military is not getting into government affairs. Such a policy maintained, i n practice , a budget for the Armed Forces ( ) well below what was required conditions of the country165. It is very likely, according to Giraldo, that this low level of military spendin g will serve to explain to a large extent the privatization of security and counter-insurgency by paramilitary groups allied to regional and local elites and, in many occasions, with the support of members of the Armed Forces. To which she would have to add the weak capacity of the judiciary in Colombia, which resulted in the blossoming of various forms of private justic e . C: \Users\Eduardo\Documents\CHCV\milex_colvslatam (2) .png Graph No. 7. Military spending from Colombia, South America and Central America (1960-

Despite the sharp increase in military spending and police in Colombia in the la st two decades and, therefore, of the State's ability to make presence in the national territor y , Mary Emma Wills argues that one of the main knots unresolved in Colombia , are the limitations to promote internal penalties in the Armed Forces with res pect to those responsible for actions that affect human rights. 4. The private provision of coercion and security and the paramilitary phenomeno n The chronic weakness of the Colombian State has been, particularly at critical j unctures, compensated with the private provision legal166 and, in many cases, illegal coerc ion and security. The 166 private security agencies that abound in both Colombia and the rest of L atin America are the best expression of this privatization of the public safety. Cf., Renan Vega, p. 3 1. 167 By Decree 1814 of June 13 1953, Rojas Pinilla renamed the General Command of the Military Forces by the current designation, General Command of the Armed For ces. The object was to incorporate the National Police on the Ministry of Defense (which is part sin ce then), next to the Army, Navy and Air Force, but with budget and organization of their own. Later, through the Law 193 of 30 December 1959, the nation took over the payment of the entire body of National Police, which completed the process of its nationalization. 168 Francisco Gutiérrez, pp. 11-12. 169 Renan Vega, p. 14 ET seq. Although the general Rojas Pinilla, through the Decree 1814 of June 13 of 1953 t ransferred the National Police to the Ministry of Defense starting your process of nationalizat ion167 and, therefore, ending with the figure of the subnational policemen who had acted as coordinators and legitimators of civic networks radicalised168 in many regions during the period of violence, such progress was hampered by the decrees issued during the governments of Valencia and Lleras which allowed the formation of self-defense groups composed of civiles169. Although there is little evidence that these armed netwo rks have been really formed, in the eighties, with the emergence of drug trafficking and param ilitarism, those decrees if would serve to justify its creation. This is one of the germs, according to Francisco Gutierrez, of the paramilitary expansion. In fact, in 1965, faced with the phenomenon of banditry and the formation of the cuban postrevolucion guerrillas, the national government enacted under the state of emergency, the Decree 3398 that stated in its article 25 that ( ) all Colombians, men and women, not included in the appeal to the compulsory military service, may be use d by the Government in activities and work with which will contribute to the restoration of normalcy. And, in the article. 33, Paragraph 2, the Decree added that the Ministry of National Defense, through the commands authorized, may cover, when it sees fit, such as private property, weapons that are considered for the exclusive use of the Armed Forces. This Decree was converted into perman ent legislation in 1968. The paramilitaries and the consequent privatization of the use of violence is, a ccording to Gutierrez , a key element in understanding the prolongation of the conflict in Colombia. T he rise of the paramilitary groups said thanks to the support of four types of agents: (a) the insubordination of legal rural elites, who felt they were unprotected by par t of the State vis-à-vis the kidnapping and extortion; (b) the role of elites illegal, in p articular the mafia of the illicit drugs; (c) the participation of broad sectors of the po litical class and (d) the participation of members of the security agencies of the State.

In the final months of the administration of César Gaviria was took a further step toward private provision of security with the signing of the Decree Law 356 of 1994, wh ich established the conditions to regulate new "special services private security" that operate in regions in which had disruption of public order. This Decree was issu ed in great measure due to the fact that the country was already living a overflow of private security groups, outside of the legal framework. On 19 April 1989 the Na tional Government , concerned about this growing importance of self-defense groups and paramilitar y, had issued the Decree 0815 through which was suspended the application of articles 25 and 33 (3) the Decree 3398 in order to prevent their being interpreted as a legal authorization to organize armed civilian groups outside of the Constitutio n and the laws. The goal of the new Decree Law 356 was, therefore, attempt to submit to th e already existing organizations to control and surveillance of the State, which turned out to be in this context an explosive naive optimism and in fact would have been to produce unintended consequences nor desired.

In effect, the 27 of April of 1995, already under the government of Ernesto Samp er, a resolution of the Superintendence of Surveillance and Private Security granted to such new ser vices on behalf of Convivir170. Many of these rural cooperatives were quickly opted by paramilitary commanders in boom, aggravating the privatization of secur ity rural171. 170 Javier Giraldo, p. 38. 171 Jorge Giraldo, p. 25. 5. Weapons and polls

In 1986, through a constitutional reform was approved the popular election of mayors and, five years later, through the Constitution of 1991, the popular elec tion of governors. These reforms were considered a step forward in the democratization o f the political system in Colombia, since the municipal and departmental decentralizat ion should produce a greater autonomy for these territorial entities, thanks to the local a nd regional participation in the election of their representatives. However, paradoxically, these local and regional elections in the midst of a deepening extreme of the armed co nfrontation , were also negative consequences in many regions because of the systematic murd er of political leaders identified to support the enemy" (whether pro or opposition) or become hindrance for the project of territorial control of a actor ilegal172 armed. The relationship between political and armed groups are made more complex because, also, to the fact that many regional leaders began to agre e pragmatic or ideological alliances with the armed actors, either for that would allow them to carry out political activities in a given region or whether to harass and eve n liquidate their adversaries politicos173. 172 Mary Emma Wills, pp. 31-32. 173 Francisco Gutiérrez, pp. 24-25. 174 Francisco Gutiérrez, pp. 24-25.

In this context, networks were created illegal that they combined to the right a nd left polls and votes, through which were harassed citizens that voted against the political and armed group dominant in a given region. This meant, in terms of persistence of the conflict, the war that was creating -track violence opportunist - incentives for its own perpetuation174. Probably the biggest impact of decentralization was the transfer of national resources to the municipalities . As the resources were not the result of local taxation, became a unexpected treasure that he arrived from the center. Local politics influenced in many regions by ne tworks of drug trafficking , paramilitary groups and, to a lesser scale, guerrillas, became an effort to control, such as a large booty, the municipal resources that grew without local effort. This produced new resources as fuel for the violence. In this context, the assassination of political leaders, government officials an d elected authorities such as local councillors, members of parliament, mayors and congressmen became a frequent occurrence . In this regard, Jorge Giraldo said that war also affected the democratic order not only by the dysfunctions generated in the institutions, but also by the violation of the life and freedom of the local representatives. Between 1 986 and March 2003 were killed 162 mayors, councillors and 420 529 staff members, 53% of whom were police inspectors; in addition, were killed 108 candidates for mayor and 94 candidates for municipal councils. In turn, between 1970 and 2010 w ere abducted 318 mayors, 332 councillors, 52 deputies and 54 congressmen, most of them at the top of the war between 1996 and 2002 175. 175 Jorge Giraldo, p. 33. 176 Alfredo Molano, p. 33.

6. Inequity, property rights and agrarian question in general, all the essayists agree on the negative effects it has had on the country the recurring failure in the various attempts to promote a strong agrari an reform. Both the Law 200 of 1936 on the status of land as the 1961 one on social reform agrarian suffered a similar fate: a strong reaction in favor of the status quo, and even various measures to liquidate the few achievements reformers achieved. As said Alfredo Molano in relation to the Law 135 of 1961, the balance sheet of the agrar ian reform was very poor. The concentration of land intensified; the medium properties are not strengthened; the sharecroppers and tenant farmers declined; advanced the coloni zation of the piedemonte amazon, Magdalena Medio, Uraba, Catatumbo and Pacific Coast176. This failure of the agrarian reform in the regions where the settlement has been more intense in Colombia, the Andean region and the Atlantic Coast, led to make colonization through the expansion of the agricultural frontier exhaust valve of the peasant population surplus, i.e. no land and no rural employment. Alfredo Molano the sintered in a phrase: in two words, the main action of INCORA colonization was the 177, even when it would be just add that there were signific ant investments in irrigation districts in various departments (Tolima, Valle del Cauca, Atlantic, and Bolívar). 177 Alfredo Molano, p. 34. Molano adds that the weakness of the agrarian reform w as coupled with the strengthening of the peasant organizations and armed movements (p. 34). Other authors, such as Daniel Pecaut, on the contrary, they view the "social mobilizations and armed st ruggles tend to evolve in the opposite direction" (p. 21). This is one of the issues that generated t he most controversy between the Commissioners. 178 The Gini coefficient to measure inequality in land tenure shows that Latin A merica has the highest rates in the world, 85% of the countries exceed the 0.6 and, in the case of Brazil and Argentina 0.7 , being the two most extreme cases of the continent (Organization of American St ates, land tenure: sharing information and experiences for the sustainability, in series of policies , No. April 10 2006). While Columbia has a million agricultural landowners, Argentina has only 300 thousand, in a territory two times greater in size. 179 Francisco Gutiérrez, pp. 7-9. In addition, it would be necessary to add the pr edominance of a model of development favorable to the cities and, therefore, largely indifferent toward the rural sec tor since the early seventies. 180 Organization of American States, op. cit. land inequality has had an impact on the conflict in Colombia not due both to th e inequality in itself178 but, according to Francisco Gutiérrez, for three main reas ons: (a) the political allocation of property rights to land not only on the part of large owners (concentration), but also by specialists of violence; (b) the ongoing expansion of the agricultural frontier , articulated with various type s of economy , which generates a quantum of violence due to the conflict over property rights through the occupation; (c) the articulation between the political power and the large property agraria179. Many of the problems that must be solved to achieve changes in the agrarian stru cture in Latin America, as evidenced by the studies of the Organization of States Americanos180, shares Colombia: a. High levels of insecurity of land tenure (b . Large number of informal owners. Lack of security for the property rights of women, indigenous peoples and popula tions of African descent . Land administration systems complex and not very accessible. Lack of information and/or disorder in the databases on property records . f. Over-centralization of political and administrative g. Absence of mechanisms for access to credit using the land as collateral. h. Land conflicts and lack of mechanisms for alternative dispute resolution . i. Resistance on the part of political and economic groups. j. Absence of a legal framework and compliance with standards.

This confluence of factors becomes very prone to serious social conflicts that, in a context of crossfire between armed organizations, ends up feeding the violence, as shown by the experience of our country. 7. Political System ingratiating/parochial

One of the greatest successes of the National Front was the reduction of the bipartisan sectarian culture. However, some essayists considered that this modal ity of sectarian mobilization with a deep emotional content was replaced by clientelist networks and parochial. This fracture between the national dimension and the local and regional dimension 181 was provided thanks to the irrigation of resources from the illegal drug tra fficking and the misappropriation of public property and had led to a growing autonomy of the political elites and local versus regional directories to national politicia ns. 181 In this regard, it is interesting to rescue the reflection of Philip Mauceri to compare the dynamics of violence in Peru and Colombia. In both cases, the weakening of the partisan mediation was cornered by armed organizations that sought dominate the local scope (Jo Marie Burt and Phil ip Mauceri (eds. ), Politics in the Andes, University of Pittsburgh, 2004). In a nutshell, the Honda fragmentation of parties and the total autonomy of the local and regional elites have affected the capacity of political representation and pipeline of social interests through institutional channels, which was seized by illegal armed actors to try - sometimes with some success - channel these frustrated expectations . An example, according to several tests, it was the case of coca farmers . 8. The vicious circle of violence the persistence of violent acts in protracted conflicts generated deep impacts a nd disruptions in the affected society. As stresses Jorge Giraldo, the unforeseen and unfortunate consequences of this accumulation of violence and vic timization, is the feedback of the war. The dynamic war creates the conditions for its own growth 182. In fact, one of the characteristics of the protracted conflicts is that worsen the socio-economic conditions of the population and, in turn, deepening t he institutional precariousness and weakening the citizen support to the ethics and the law. That is to say, the violence creates new conditions for more and more violence. 182 Jorge Giraldo, p. 32. 183 Jorge Giraldo, p. 34. 184 Gustavo Duncan also refers to this point (pp. 5, 8 and 9), when it refers to the existence of certain criminal subcultures among young people in urban areas. Several authors have evidence of this fact. Gustavo Duncan, for example, shows h ow the massification of the kidnapping and extortion on the part of the guerrillas was one of the main triggers for the paramilitary groups, a true Frankenstein whose crimes over nearly three decades fired all the levels of violence in the country. Jorge Giraldo, for its part, raised in its text as the armed groups closed the possibilities of development and democracy in the local scenario, the only chance of survival and recognition for the younger segments of the population was the link to the private armies183. One of the consequences of the breakdown o f local economies and the forced displacement of the population is the generation of both a reserve army for the urban business sectors, such as for the massive recruitment by illegal armed groups and criminal network s. Young people uprooted in the urban centers or living in the middle of the armed confrontation and disruption of social and economic networks in rural areas, have been the main basis of the recruitment of all armed groups ilegales184. And as shows Daniel Pecaut, there are few social and racial differences in the combatan ts from all the armed actors: Armed Forces, guerrillas and paramilitaries. III. The effects and impacts of the most notorious conflict on population

In the third section of this report we will focus on the most pronounced impacts of the conflict in the population, both from the perspective of the victims, suc h as in a broader sense , in the many aspects that have an impact on the lives of the citizens: social c apital , political participation, social mobilization, the economy and equity.

According to the National Register of victims, when you add the direct victims a nd indirectas185, these can achieve the impressive figure of 6.8 million people, th at is to say , around 8% of the total population of the country. 185 The first are those victims that have suffered directly the aggression (for example, a kidnapped), while the latter are primarily but not exclusively, the relatives who have been affected by this crime. 186 Jorge Giraldo, pp. 30-31. 187 Javier Giraldo, pp. 1-7.

In this regard, Jorge Giraldo, stresses that this quantification of horror gives sense to the assertion that the US has been a unjust war, due to the fact that hostilities have been conducted in a systematic way (violating) the precepts of humanitarian law and without any consideration toward the civilian population186.

Unlike Jorge Giraldo, Javier Giraldo, believes that because of the failure of th e State of their essential duties (under a legal duty to provide for the basic nee ds of the population and the ability to guarantee the civil and political rights elementary), guerril la struggle has been legitimate by that has been founded on the right to rebelion187. This i s another marked disagreements on the essays submitted.

Looking at the dimensions of the humanitarian catastrophe that has been lived Co lombia in the last three decades , it is worth asking whether the means used and the suffering caused were proportional to the desired ends and the results achieved.

In any case, as is the case of way growing in all armed conflicts in the world , the civilian non-combatant population has been the main victims in violent con frontations . According to a study conducted by CINEP, in the last decade of the twentieth century, there were 21,355 violent actions of which a 60.7 per cent wer e violations of international humanitarian law

, or actions against the civilian population188. And in this universe of the victims, the rural population has been he has paid the highest p rice, given that the field has been the theater of the fundamental operations of the g uerrillas, paramilitary groups and the campaigns of the counterinsurgency forces Armadas189. Suffice it to mention that the forced displacement has been the main source of victimization in the country. According to the Director of the Victims Unit, Paula Gaviria, represent s 88% of the population victimizada190. 188 Fernan Gonzales, Ingrid Bolivar and Teófilo Vázquez, political violence in Colom bia. In the fragmented nation to the construction of the State, Bogotá, CINEP, 2002, pp. 100-101. 189 Daniel Pecaut, p. 34. 190 As Well is the implementation of the Law of Victims, in the spectator, 11 Dece mber 2014. 191 ( ) the Constitutional Court has hosted a broad concept of victim or harmed, by defining it as the person has suffered any real damage, specific and concrete, whatever the nat ure of this and the crime that it caused. The damage does not necessarily have to have patrimonial nature, but it is required to be real, concrete and specific, and from this finding originates the legitimacy to participate in the criminal process to search for truth and justice and be the owner of reparation measures. Also that it has been understood that does not conform to the Constitution regulations which restrict excessively the status of victim and that excluding categories of harmed without basis in constitutionally legitimate criteria (Constitutional Court, Judgment C-250 in 201 2). Art 192. 1, Law 1448 of 2011.

1. Definition of victim

As a result of the armed conflict and of the modalities of victimization that ha ve characterized, the Congress of the Republic felt it was necessary to establish a legal definiti on of the concept of victim, not limited to its meaning more general191, but including the ir specific forms to be able to respond effectively to the transitional justice programs referred to in the Law 1448 of 2011.

In this way, the Law of victims and restitution of lands was issued with the moo d of establish a set of judicial, administrative, economic and social, individual and collective, for the benefit of the victims of the violations refe rred to in article 3 of this law, within a framework of transitional justice, which will al low the effective enjoyment of their rights to truth, justice and the compensation f or warranty of non-repetition, so that the recognition of their status as victims and dignif ying through the realization of all their constitutional rights192. For this purpose, this Law, in its third article, defines to the victims of arme d conflict, such as those people who, individually or collectively have suffered damage by events from 1 January 1985, as a result of breaches of international humanitaria n law or serious violations and gross to international standards of human rights, which occurred on the occasion of the internal armed conflict .

According to Vicente Torrijos, this definition of victim and the judgments of th e Constitutional Court in this regard (370/06, C-578/02, C-OR52/12, C-250/12, C-253A/12, C-781/12 and C-462/13) are fully consistent with the points 8 and 9 of the Resolution 60/ 147 of the United Nations General Assembly (December 16 2005), referring to the basic principles and guidelines on the rights of victims of systematic violations of international human rights standards and serious violations of international humanitarian law193. 193 Vicente Torrijos, p. 31.

2. Typology of victimization, number of victims and agents responsible

If we consider both analysis and the databases of the two institutions that have been used by various essayists as a frame of reference, i.e. the Victims Unit and the Commission on Historical Memory, we can differentiate between thirteen m ain patterns of victimization in Colombia in the framework of the internal armed conflict:

(1) Displacement of population (2) land dispossession (3) kidnapping (4) extortion (5) illegal recruitment of children and adolescents (6) Torture (7) Homicide in protected person, targeted assassinations and massacres ( 8) threats (9) crimes against freedom and sexual integrity (10) forced disappearance (11) anti-personnel mines, unexploded ordnance and explosive devices non-convent ional (12) attacks and losses of civilian property (13) attacks against public goods

In this multiplicity of forms of victimization, the responsible actors with sign ificant differences . According to data collected by the Group of Historical Memory and the data bas e of the Unit of victims, state agents have been responsible especially selective assassinations, torture, extrajudicial executions and enfor ced disappearances . The guerrillas, in turn, have been responsible, in particular, the use of anti -personnel mines and explosive devices non-conventional, attacks on civilian property and public, forced displacement, kidnapping, extortion, illegal recruitment and envi ronmental damage . Finally, the paramilitary groups have an enormous responsibility in crimes suc h as selective killings, threats, massacres, forced displacement and dispossession of land , torture and crimes sexuales194. 194 Vicente Torrijos, p. 36. Daniel Pecaut, pp. 33-34. 195 Daniel Pecaut, p. 40.

This set of offenses are framed, either in the dynamics of the internal armed co nflict, either, in the case of paramilitary organizations or the opportunistic third , in the process of accumulation of property and land for private use. As stresses Daniel Pecaut, most actions have a predetermined objective : the protagonists do not have projects of cleansing of a global population as in the cases of Bosnia- Herzegovina or Rwanda, but that they acted on the basis of precise objectives bo th political and economic 195. In the last three decades, to the actual political dimensions of armed conflict overlapped other violence seeking fish in troubled waters. In good measure the dimensions of the humanitarian tragedy that the country has been living in these years is explained not only by the confrontation between the insurgency and the state agencies , but by the intrusion of these opportunistic actors in the dynamics of the confrontation. Thousands and thousands of victims of displacement and dispossess ion were the subject of a private ownership of their property by local economic elites, political leaders and public officials who, in alliance with illegal armed groups, appropriated land illegally, movable and immovable property, relying on many occasions with the permission of notaries corrupt. Even, it is likely that these processes of displacement and land abandonment have participated some companies multinacionales196. 196 Dario Fajardo, p. 41. 197 Jorge Giraldo, pp. 31-32. 198 Mary Emma Wills, p. 37. 199 Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 35.

The effects of armed conflict in the country has been very uneven. According to Jorge Giraldo the 48% of the episodes of victimization took place in seven departments (Antioq uia, Cauca, Valle del Cauca, Nariño, Cesar, Norte de Santander and Meta), being particu larly dramatic case of Antioquia, where 1 out of 5 cases of victimisation took place i n its jurisdiccion197.

Mary Emma Wills poses that the victims, in addition to the physical and emotiona l damage that have endured, suffer a new re-victimization due to the triviality or minimizatio n of suffering caused by part of the armed groups themselves responsible and, sometimes, by the own sociedad198. In fact, in the own CHCV onl y some essayists addressed the issue and showed with data based, above all, in the National Register of victims, the figures of horror.

Picking up the so-called that makes Francisco Gutierrez to be very prudent (s) at the time in which you make estimates on proportions to different perpetrators199 and bearing in mind that th is will be a task for the future Commission of the truth, then we will refer to the main ideas expressed by the members of the CHCV. (1) Displacement of population

The Law 1448 of 2008 defines the victim of forced displacement as any person who has been forced to migrate within the national territory, abandoning their town of residence or normal economic activities, because their life, physical integrity, safety, or personal freedom have been hacked or are directly threatened [ ... ] 200. According to UNHCR, Colombia ranks second in the world by the number of internally displaced persons and the eighth place by the number of refugees in the exterior201, including both those who have taken these options f or economic reasons as by factors of survival and security. 200 Law 1448 of 2011, art. 60, Paragraph 2. 201 Today, the list is headed by Syria (6,520,000 people) and Colombia (5,368,10 0 ). In when the number of refugees on the outside of the affected nation, Colombia is in eig hth place, after Afghanistan , Syria, Somalia, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Myanmar and Iraq. Cf., http://www.acnur.org/t3/recursos/estadisticas/ 202 Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 37.

The consequences can be tragic for the affected population. First, it generates in the victims a hondo uprooting due to the sharp break with the ties of community solidarity and cultural environment. Secondly, it leads to those who h ave been dispossessed of their land and property, to a sudden and drastic impoverishment. Thirdly , the displacement of the field to the city means to the person or family affected face a strange environment for which does not have the job skills necessary and, usually, only found occupation in the informal sector of the econ omy. Francisco Gutierrez epitomizes this drama: literally millions of peasants suffered the theft and/or destruction of your belongings, their househo ld and their farm animals. These millions who had to leave abruptly removed from their lands and/or people arrived to the cities to live in areas in which they lacked skills and safety nets to ensure their survival202.

(2) land dispossession The Law of victims and restitution of lands defines the dispossession as action w hereby , taking advantage of the situation of violence, arbitrarily stripped to a perso n of his ownership, possession or occupation, either in fact, through business legal, administrative act, judgment, or through the commission of crimes associa ted with the situation of violence. And it then defines the forced abandonment the situation as temporary or permanent to the that is skewed toward a person who was forced to m ove, why is hampered to exert the administration, operation and direct contact with the land that he had overlooked in its displacement203. 203 Law 1448 of 2011, art. 74. 204 Daniel Pecaut, p. 37. 205 Law 599 of 2000, art. 168. 206 Idem., art. 169.

According to Daniel Pecaut, although initially the paramilitary groups had a mil itary dimension oriented to the containment of the guerrilla expansion, with the time were mixing this guidance with economic objectives (in particular the accumulation of property and land) and political objectives (the control of local power and acce ss to the Congress of the Republic ). Both actions were turned into the main responsible for the dispossession of land in the country. However, it also must be added to the opportunistic third , i.e. local elites that also benefited from their contacts and alliances with illegal armed groups to accumulate bienes204, and guerrilla groups, who have appropriated illegally of numerous properties in different regions of the country.

(3) Kidnapping

In the Colombian legal system defines the crime of kidnapping as snatch, removes, retain or hide a person205. In addition, it recognizes a modality extortion when performing with the purpose to require for their freedom a benefit or any utility, or to click or skip something, or for advertising purposes or of a political nature206. According to Francisco Gutiérrez, kidnapping came to acquire ( ) industrial dimensio ns (37,000 cases according to the RUV). Although the principle mainly affected eco nomic elites , political and other preferred targets of the guerrillas - which of course make s it no more excusable-, term hitting many other sectors of the population through mechanisms such as the so-called miraculous catches 207. The kidnappings, the main culprits are the common crime, and the guerrilla groups, had a devastating effect on victims and their families, and had an impact in a direct manner and front in th e impoverishment of the field due to a multitude of factors: first, in many cases the victims were forced to sell their properties and their companies to be able to pay the ransom; second, in many occasions the businesses went bankrupt by the absence of an efficient administration, especially when the abductions involved months and even years for the victims. Third, the damage to the productive capacity of local economies by the abduction also affected sectors excluded from the periphery208, due to the ma ssive loss of sources of employment. 207 Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 35. 208 Liked Duncan, p. 17. 209 Law 599 of 2000, art. 244.

The abduction (that is, to obtain money) it is necessary to add the kidnapping for political purposes (that is, to obtain local or national influenc e), either through the support of a number of petitions a strike or association - as was very common in the area of Urabá banana in the eighties-, either to reinforce the control of loca l political life or to press an exchange of persons held with the central State.

(4) Extortion

Our criminal law defines it as a constraint to another to compel him to do, tolerate or ignore any thing, with the purpose of obtaining illicit benefits for himself or for a third209. To highlight the importance of the victims of armed conflict, the Penal Code includes within its grounds for increasing the penalty extortion comm itted in protected person. Extortion has been a common practice both of the guerrilla groups and paramilita ry groups . Their effects are similar to those generated by the kidnapping in the economic sphere to the affected regions: reduction of productive capital, capital flight , transaction costs increased due to the disproportionate increase in the fixed costs in security and protection, etc. , that is, both the kidnapping and extortion ha ve affected the growth rates of the regions affected by these crimes and, therefore , have contributed to the displacement of the affected population, which includes both the peasant population of low resources as to empresariales210 sectors. 210 Gustavo Duncan, p. 17. 211 Center of Historical Memory, op. cit. , p. 84. See also Law 599 of 2000, art icle 162. 212 Natalia Springer, lambs among wolves. The use and recruitment of children an d adolescents in the framework of the armed conflict and crime in Colombia, Bogota, Springer Consulting Services, 2012 , pp. 26-30. Quoted by Jorge Giraldo, p. 35.

(5) illegal recruitment of children and adolescents

According to the center of historical memory, illicit recruitment constitutes a c rime in which the armed actors, on the occasion and in development of the armed conflict, recr uit civilians age of eighteen years forcing them to participate directly or indirectly in host ilities or in armed actions211. This crime is analyzed, in particular, by Jorge Giraldo, who , based on the data in the center of historical memory, could establish that of the 4,490 demobilized children under age at the time of the report is enough, 60% came fro m the FARC, the 20% of the AUC and the 15 per cent of the ELN. According to a stud y, conducted by Natalia Springer, 50% of the demobilized guerrillas and 40% of the demobilized paramilit aries entered these groups still minors edad212.

The Colombian Family Welfare Institute (ICBF) account with a specialized program of Care for Children and Adolescents who have been detached from armed groups operating outside the law. Between November 10 1999 and on 31 March 2013 this program reported 5,156 children and adolescents treated. The 83% of these minors surrendered voluntarily to the justice and the remaining 17% was rescued by the Public Force. Also, 28% are girls and female adolescents and 72% children and male adolescents. In the same way it was possible to identify the armed grou ps who belonged these minors before his untying: 1,054 came from the paramilitary group s , 3,060 of the FARC and the ELN 766.

(6) Torture

The Convention against Torture was passed by Law 70 of 1986 defines this crime a s any act by which is inflicted intentionally to cause severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, in order to obtain it, or of a third party informati on or a confession, punishing him for an act that has committed or is suspected of having committed, or to intimidate or coerce a person or other, or for any type of discrimination ( ) 213, which is enshrined in article 178 of the Penal Code. Howe ver , in the same Code was determined specialize a criminal type for those who are protected by international humanitarian law and within the development of an armed conflict are victims of torture: which, on the occasion a nd in development of armed conflict, is intentionally inflicted on a person suffering pain or severe physical or psychological, with the purpose of obtaining from him or a third party inform ation or a confession, punishing him for an act committed by it or that is suspected of having committed, or to intimidate or coerce for any reason that behave any type of discrimination214. 213 Idem., event No. 53, P. 56. Act No. 599 214 200, art. 137. 215 Law 599 of 2000, art. 135.

(7) Homicide in protected person, targeted assassinations and massacre

As a result of armed conflict, Congress decided to add a special type of crimina l homicide for those people who are protected by international humanitarian law. In this re gard, the Law 1257 of 2008 added to the Penal Code article 135, which describes the murder in protected person as: which, on the occasion and in development of armed conflict , caused the death of a protected person under the International Conventions on Humanitarian Law ratified by Colombia215. However, people are protected in accordance with the art. 136 Of the same Code: persons w ho are not involved in hostilities; the civilians in the power of the adverse party; the wounded, sick or shipwrecked posts outside of combat, the medical personnel or religious; journalists in miss ion or war correspondents accredited; the fighters that have laid down their arms by capture, accountability or other similar cause; those who before the beginning of hostili ties may be considered as stateless persons or refugees, and any other person with that condition under the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Additional Protocols I and II of 1977.

One of the modalities of victimization that has most impacted the colombian soci ety have been the so-called false positives , which are by their features, a special t ype of aggravated homicide. According to Francisco Gutiérrez, one of the highest expressions of the degradation of the conflict are the evil called false positives , i.e. , the murder of innocent villagers for submission as members of the guerrilla move ment. Often, these murders were the product of the interaction between members of the security forces and paramilitary groups 216. In other cases, due to a wrong policy of incentives and evaluation of results of the Armed Forces in the management of public order. 216 Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 36.

As can be seen in the Chart No. 8, The paramilitary groups are the main responsible for the massacres perpetrated and its raison d'être has been twofold: on the one hand, in the struggle for territorial control and the displacement of the guerrillas in their areas of influence, to intimidate the civilian population; on the other hand, to generate a massive displacement of the population and take possession of movable and immova ble property abandoned.

Figure No. 8. Evolution of cases of massacre by the armed conflict in Colombia, alleged to be responsible, 1980-2012. Source: CNMH, database of massacre of the armed conflict in Colombia (1980-2012)

(8) Threats

In accordance with the Penal Code, the threat is a crime against the public safe ty , committed by which by any means suitable to impart ideas frighten them or threatens a person, family, community or institution, with the intent to cause alarm, anxiety or terror in the population, or in a sector of it ( ) 217. Screen Shot 2014-10-10 at 16.25.54 .png 217 Act No. 599 of 2000, art. 347.

The threat is a technique for generation of fear that it may or may not have a f atal outcome. This crime has been used in a systematic fashion by paramilitary groups to intimidate communities, social organizations, political parties or trade unio ns accused of supporting their adversaries in the armed conflict and, in many occas ions, to induce the displacement of the population either for political reasons ( perceived communities that are under the influence of the guerrilla), or for eco nomic reasons (the appropriation of land and property for the usufruct staff). The threats have be en, equally, a tool of the guerrillas to obtain similar results.

(9) crimes against freedom and sexual integrity The national rules of the legal property of the sexual freedom and integrity are set out in Title IV of the Criminal Code (article 204 and following) and in the Law 1719 of 2014, which makes reference to the sexual violence in the context of the armed c onflict (articles 138 and following).

This is a heinous crime that is currently found in the focus of world interest. The National Center for Historical Memory believes that, in accordance with the current advances , should be included as a component of this crime, rape; sexual harassment; the sexual humiliation; the marriage or cohabitation forced; the forced marriage of children; the forced prostitution and marketing of women; the sexual slavery; the forced nudity; the forced abortion; the forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization ; the denial of the right to make use of contraception or to adopt measures of protection against sexually transmitted diseases or, on the contrary, the imposi tion of contraceptive methods; the threat of sexual violence; sexual blackmail; acts of violence that affect the sexual integrity of women, such as female genital mutil ation , and The inspections to check the virginity218. 218 General Report National Center of Historical Memory, "Enough is Enough!, Col ombia: Memories of war and dignity, Bogotá, p. 77, No. 77. 219 Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 36. Renan Vega refers in its text to sex crimes commit ted by American soldiers and contractors in Colombia (pp. 33-34) and considers that must investigate ( ) to punish the guilty (p. 40).

There is a huge underreporting with respect to this crime by many factors not ju st in Colombia but at international level. However, as Francisco Gutierrez, but not be no reliable figure minimally on sexual violence, ( ) case studies and other qualitative evidence suggest that specific actors during certain periods and in specific regions used war as a tool or simply allowed to sexually attack its members to the civilian population, especially in the context of punitive operations219. The paramilitary groups have been most responsible for this criminal practice, even when the guerrillas through abortion and forced sex, has also had its share of responsibility. (10) forced disappearance the offense of enforced disappearance is defined in article 165 of the Penal Cod e , as follows: The particular that belong to an illegal armed group of the law submitted to another person to deprivation of liberty whatever the fo rm, followed by his concealment and the refusal to recognize such deprivation or giv e information about his whereabouts , away from the protection of the law ( ) 220. 220 Law 599 of 2000, art. 165 Et seq.

In turn, the article recognizes over 166 circumstances of aggravation of the pen alty when the conduct is committed: (i) the person who has authority or jurisdiction; (ii) aga inst a person with a disability who cannot fend for itself; (iii) is run in less than eighteen years, more than sixty or pregnant woman; (iv) by reason of their qualities, against pu blic servants , journalists, human rights defenders, candidates or candidates for elective off ice , trade union leaders, political or religious against those who have been witnesses of punishable behaviors or disciplinary; against justices of the peace or against any other person for their beliefs or political opinions or on the grounds that involves some form of discrimination or intolerance; (v) it is committed by Reason and ag ainst the relatives of the people mentioned above; (vi) are committed using assets of the State; (vii) if it is submitted to the victim to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment during the time that remains missing, provided that it is not set up another crime; viii) when caused by or o n the occasion of the forced disappearance you occurs to the victim death or physical injury or psychological or commits any action on the victim's corpse to prevent its subsequent identification, or to cause harm to third parties. (11) anti-personnel mines, unexploded ordnance and explosive devices non-convent ional

Anti-personnel mines are explosive devices designed to be triggered by the prese nce, proximity or contact of a person. These can injure, maim or kill one or more persons . For its part, the improvised explosive devices are devices manufactured a rudimentary way, designed with the intent to cause physical damage and/or deat h using the power of a detonation. Produced using materials such as plastic, wood, PVC pipes or sheets. These can be camouflaged in a jar, a pot , a canteen, a ball, a radio, a can, bottle or a bottle, among other objects, an d their shape, size and color may vary in accordance with their development. Final ly, the unexploded ordnance is an explosive device exploded not after being launched, or that was abandoned after a battle. The unexploded ordnance include grenades, mortars, ammunition (bullets, vanillas) and pumps, among others, which were used but did not explode due to either their malfunction, the type of design or any other reason. This type of munition can be in the grass, the weeds, in the t runks and branches of the arboles221. 221 Information taken from: http://www.accioncontraminas.gov.co/accion/Paginas/E ducacionenelRiesgo.aspx.

In terms of the population affected by this type of weapon, the victims have bee n both civilians and members of the Public Force, with 3,885 and 6,304 respectively, an d the guerrilla groups the main responsible for this crime.

Although this strategy has, first and foremost, the intention of preventing atta cks from adverse forces, has become an obstacle for rural communities to carry out their lives in a normal way; the communities have been forced to move or isolated, the usage patterns of the territory have faced major changes and return movements have been hampered.

(12) attacks and losses of civilian property

With respect to the affected property in an armed conflict, international humani tarian law through the Protocol II of 1977 builds on and complements the Article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949. There is established the pro tection of objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population, the cultural p roperty and places of worship, as well as works and installations containing dangerous f orces (dams, dykes, nuclear power plants). Colombia, through the Sentence of 1995 C-225 of the Constitutional Court, declared enforceable Additional Proto col II of the conventions of Ginebra222. 222 Idem., event No. 158, P. 98. 223 Law 599 of 2000, art. 164. 224 Jorge Giraldo, p. 33.

In accordance with the earlier emphasis, it is worth noting the criminal type th at especially has been responsible for the protection of the environment in armed conflict, describing it as follows : Article 164. Destruction of the environment. The time and in development of armed conflict, use methods or media designed to cause severe dam age to the natural environment ( ) 223.

These attacks have intentions different according to the armed group that has be en perpetrated. The paramilitary groups, for example, have been carried out looking for an economic blockade on the region and the isolation of communities; of the guerrilla groups have been in th e siege of the elites and local and regional outlets in the populations. While the FARC sabotaged electrical towers and roads with the intention to isolate populations, the ELN has used their attacks against oil infrastructure to oppose the exploitation of resources by foreign corporations.

(13) attacks against public goods

According to Jorge Giraldo, since the eighties the guerrillas began to use the bl asting of the infrastructure as a source of extortion to the oil companies and electric al, then used as a form of political pressure to the State and as a military tactic to di stract the operations of the public force224, as can be seen in the Chart No. 9.

Chart 9. Attacks on infrastructure, 1985-2014 Sources: Isa and Ecopetrol.

The sabotage them has generated huge economic costs to private and public compan ies, and also has affected in many ways to the civilian population and the environment.

3. The impacts of violence in the economy, equity, politics and culture

The effects of violence can be perceived through the study of the tragedy suffer ed by the victims whether individual or collective, direct or indirect. But, also, society as a wh ole also suffers from a negative impact, on various levels, as well as for culture, in the degrees of interpersonal and institutional confidence in the political sy stem, economic growth . Much more if it is a protracted conflict for several decades whose aftermath end up altering the whole fabric of a nation.

Roots and cultural practices and social capital

According to Francisco Gutiérrez, the conflict destroyed on a massive scale social fabric, positive traditions and networks of trust ( ) (and) had a deleterious effect on t he confidence of Colombians in their fellow citizens and institutions225. 225 Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 36. As has been widely studied in the current economic literature, the decline of so cial capital increases the transaction costs to the economy, weakens the bonds of community and the accession to the institutions and rules.

Political System

The negative impact of armed conflict on the political system has been very deep if analyzed, according to Francisco Gutiérrez, three main dimensions: first, the costs that gives rise to a democratic system, the assassination of political and socia l leaders civic; second, the massive influx of illegal dynamic agents and the political system; a nd third, the perverse combination of weapons and ballot boxes.

In connection with the murder of thousands of political leaders, civic and socia l think the reader not only in the human tragedy, but in the huge potential civic, skills, a bilities and energies of participation in the public, that were abruptly mutilated in the course of these decades226. It is both the erosion of the social and polit ical leadership, such as the impact on the construction of partisan and social organizations who were devastated the whole or, at least, severely weakened. 226 Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 37. 227 Sergio de Zubiria, p. 15. 228 Gustavo Duncan, p. 22.

In this regard, it is not possible to forget the systematic murder of hundreds o f activists and leaders of the Communist Party and the Union Patriotica227.

OR the bloodiest suffered by the Liberal and Conservative parties or their facti onal or dissent at the hands of various guerrilla groups in order to consolidate its local power and prevent any political competition local228.

OR the murder in the womb of the traditional parties, political opponents by mem bers of the same party, fraction or dissent in order to win elections without adversaries to the view, using on many occasions to paramilitary groups as allies for this purpose.

OR the mass murder against the demobilized EPL in Urabá, who had formed a political group legal, Hope, Peace and Freedom, by a dissident faction of the EPL and the fronts of the FARC that acted in that region229. Alvaro Villarraga 229 squares and Nelson, to rebuild the dreams. A history of th e EPL, Bogotá, Democratic Culture Foundation, 1994, quoted by Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 39. 230 Steven Dudley, weapons and polls: history of a political genocide, Bogotá, Edi torial Planeta, 2008.

All this without the murder of hundreds of trade union leaders, popular and memb ers of NGOS by illegal armed groups, especially, of the paramilitary groups and State offici als . This breakdown, and even dismantling of social organizations and trade unions, as well as many non-governmental organizations, has been one o f the most detrimental consequences of armed conflict. These reprehensible experiences constitute a clear example of the terrible effec ts of the violence in our society: it generates a deep mistrust between citizens, and the adversaries are beginning to be qualified and absolute perceived as enemies and, in this con text , there are theories and social practices that justify the destruction of anothe r.

Another negative dimension of the prolonged conflict has been, according to Fran cisco Gutiérrez, the massification of the entry of illegal dynamic agents and the political system. There are many expressions of this phenomenon in the country in recent years, being one of the most telling the trial advance by the Criminal Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice agains t those responsible for the so-called parapolitics.

Another fact that is negative in the political dynamic of the country has been a mix of weapons and perverse urnas230, practiced equally by sectors of the left and righ t. This explosive mixture is expressed in many ways, such as the use of armed apparatus to settle political wrangling or in order to win elections by the physical remov al of the local or regional adversaries, which has been generated in the country profound distortions in the field of representation politica231. 0 10 20

30 40 50 60 70 80

90 1980 1984

1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 Councillors Mayors 231 Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 38.

If you look at the Chart No. 10, There are two cycles of violence against local p oliticians , one at the end of the eighties and another at the end of the nineties. The fir st, directed, first and foremost, toward councillors coincides with the beginning of the local elections. The second , taking as the main target to the mayors, took place toward the end of the nine ties . These years coincided with the dispute to blood and fire between the guerrillas and the paramilitary groups for control of the local power, both to dispose of their eco nomic resources and to consolidate a regional leadership. Match, equally, with the perverse alliances between politicians and paramilitary groups to eliminate thei r opponents in the electoral disputes.

Figure No. 10. Murder of popular election authorities of local in Colombia (1980-2014)

Source: Ana Arjona and Mario Chacon, The Long Term Impact of War on the quality o f Local Governance, Northwestern University, 2015. Economic Growth

As has been widely studied in the contemporary literature on the relationship be tween civil wars, armed conflicts and economy, violence inevitably affects the rates of economic growth of a nation. Obviously, the incidence varies in each particular case in accordance with the intensity of the conflict, the economic weight of the affected regions, the modalities of the affectation, etc.

In the case of Colombia, there is enough evidence to calculate the costs of the war. According to the most conservative figures, the conflict has meaning to the coun try between 1 and 2 points of GDP growth by ano232. If, as is the case of protracted conflicts such as ours , the loss of accumulated potential growth for years, it is not difficult to concl ude that the armed conflict has been a source of collective impoverishment. 232 Even when the figures around the economic impact of armed conflict vary cons iderably from author to author due to the deep methodological differences that are used, the UNDP calculation t hat Colombia has lost 1.92 % of its potential growth in the year 2002. United Nations Development Program, co nflict, impasse: national human development report for Colombia - 2013, Bogota, UNDP, p. 107.

The armed conflict affect the growth of the country by a multiplicity of factors : generate capital flight, impede investment in the affected regions, horrify the tourism, increase in transaction costs, increase the costs of the health system, generate losses of human life in full productive capacity and other factors, amo ng which we must not forget the increase in military spending. The military budget, which has been growing steadily since the year 1992, has contributed to the decline of the country's growth rate, since a portion of this spending - which we have cons umed in the fratricidal war-, could have been better targeted at education, health, s cience, or to the fight against poverty.

Another form of negative impact on economic growth originates in the sabotage of private and public property, through the destruction of electricity pylons, pipelines and oil wells, roads and bridges. Equity and poverty

The last section of the text of Daniel Pecaut is called Toward a reinforcement of inequalities . Probably the increase in economic inequality, and the aggravation of poverty of the people most affected by this factor historically, the peasant population , to be one of the most pernicious consequences of armed conflict.

According to Darius Fajardo, one of the biggest impacts of population displaceme nt have been the enormous losses that have suffered the families affected, which can be calculated based on the number of affected households. The Commission of Follow-up to the Public Policy estimates that 91.3 % of the displaced families abandoned land, real estate is not rural, animals, home furnishings, etc. ; and 52.2 % were stri pped of land in an estimated amount of 5.5 million hectares, equivalent to 10.8 % of the surface current agricultural pais233. These equity losses aggravated the figures of poverty in the country and, to the extent that it is accompanied by an even g reater concentration of the land and the rural property impacted, equally, in the rural GINI which is ab ove the 0.6 . 233 Follow-up Commission to public policy on forced displacement, the challenge to the humanitarian tragedy of forced displacement, Bogotá, 2009, pp. 57 and 161. Quoted by Dario Fajardo, pp. 37-38. 234 Dario Fajardo, p. 45.

According to the National Human Development Report, the population affected by c onditions of poverty in rural areas was, in 2008, the 49 %, while in the cities was less than half, 22 %. According to sources consulted by the Rural Mission, 77% of the emp loyed population in rural areas had a monthly income below the statutory minimum wage , compared to 41% in the areas urbanas234.

In conclusion.

As we have arisen in the course of the Rapporteurship, although there are deep d ivisions over the explanatory factors of contemporary violence in the country, there are greater c onsensus with regard to the factors that have contributed to its extension. Our country must, if current peace negotiations with the FARC and, as we all wis h , with the ELN, are successful, coping with the complex tasks of the aftermath . It is not always successful at this level. Both El Salvador and Guatemala had relative success in the peace process with the FMLN and the URNG, but in bot h countries there were errors bulging in the later stage of the post-conflict began to suffe r and levels of violence and crime ends, until the point of overcoming even the figure s of murder that he had during the respective civil wars.

For this reason, the discussion on the factors that have contributed to the pers istence of armed conflict in Colombia - the last one which still subsists in Latin America235-, has a fund amental value , because it may depend on the construction of a post-conflict and sustainable peace in. If we stick to the main geological cracks which have been an alyzed in the trials, a successful project to achieve a post-conflict should be considered virtuous actions in the following topics: 235 except some outbreaks here and there absolutely insignificant, such as the A rmy of the people of Paraguay (EPP) that opera, first and foremost, in the department of design, to the northe ast of the country or some pockets of the so-called Communist Party of Peru (PCP-SL), Shining Path.

To. Profound changes in the prototypes that guide the development of agriculture in the country.

B. A more inclusive economic model, a more equitable distribution of wealth and the design of new and more efficient policies aimed at the eradication of po verty.

C. A strengthening of the State, its judicial apparatus and Police and a greater and better presence throughout the national territory.

D. A greater commitment of all the organs of the State and, in particular, of th e Military and Police Forces , with full respect for human rights. E. A renewed public policy against illicit drugs. F. A relentless struggle against any form of privatization and replacement of th e State in its functions of legal and constitutional guarantor in the operation and mainten ance of public order.

G. A strengthening of the mechanisms of democratic participation.

H. A serious collective undertaking aimed to promote the reconstruction of the projects of life of the victims of armed conflict.

I. A clear and forceful collective decision to renounce definitively to the combination of weapons and polls, both the right and the left.

J. And, finally, a collective repudiation of violence as a resource to achieve goals of any kind.

As has arisen in the course of his intellectual work Daniel Pécaut, one of the mos t impressive features of Colombia has been the coexistence of violence and democracy or, in the words of Francisco Gutiérrez, the inability of our liberal institutions to ensure universally a minimum of political civilization236. The violence has been by far the most destructive factor of Colombian society. If we look at the cost that has be en so in relation to the number of victims in other dimensions of national life (economic growth, social capital, political participation, social mobilization a nd union , poverty and equity) the balance stuns. 236 Francisco Gutiérrez, p. 40.

The violence has left an immense red balance. Far from improving the living cond itions of the population, it has worsened. For this reason, the first and most important t ask today in Colombia is to end the violence itself. No more excuses or justifications spurious. As i would say Antanas Mockus, life is sacred.

EXCLUSION, INSURRECCIÓN AND CRIME

Gustavo Duncan - Universidad EAFIT and Universidad de Los Andes -

Colombia is a country extremely exclusionary. It is sufficient to look unprepare d to listings of inequality to realize that in the matter of income, land, state services and many other social statistics the gaps between the population are enormous. The Gini c oefficient, a measure of the unevenness of the wealth of a nation, is among the ten worst in the world and while departments such as the Chocó have income averages equivalent to those of su b-saharan nations in cities like Bogota revenues are similar to those of the countries of the form er iron curtain which are now part of Western Europe. It is not surprising therefor e that the exclusion has been one of the causes of the conflict most cited. If in addition it is believed that during the sixties, a period of formation of the main guerrilla groups, the Nati onal Front 1 imposed restrictions on the democratic competition, economic exclusion was com pounded by the political exclusion as justification of the insurgent violence as the only alternative to require social changes. 1 The National Front is a typical case of covenant consocionalista (Hartlyn 1993 ), in which the elites are divided control of the government to pacify the political competition in the colombian c ase had gotten out of control during the violence of mid-century, purpose in which was a considerable success. It is also the proof that the violence of the late twentieth century responded to different reasons and circum stances. 2 The scientific literature in general rejects the hypothesis that inequality as sociated with internal conflicts. See Collier and Hoeffler (2004) for a quantitative analysis of the cases. 3 Hong Kong, Panama and Chile are countries with Gini coefficients above 0.5 wit hout major problems of violent internal conflict . But the reality is much more complex than that. Inequality does not necessarily cause insubordination, much less a insubordination violenta2. There is no need to go t o look for other cases of countries where there is great inequality3 and there is no greater social con flict. In the same Colombia proliferate unequal societies that have withstood the test of time with out major disagreements, even very little violence. Nor is it true that the democratic com petition has been too exclusionary. Even during the National Front the Communist Party, w hich openly combined legal political activity with the organization of a guerrilla group, participating electorally through alliances with the traditional parties. In fac t, a political practice associated with exclusion as political patronage has been use d on a massive scale by marginalized sectors to solve their material problems. It took then other causes and other variables for which arose in Colombia an armed conflict, the single exclusion was not enough. This essay focuses on the way in which the exclusion interacted with one of thes e other variables , the crime, and gave great part of the form that you purchased the current conf lict. The interest is in particular by two criminal practices for mass use in Colombia, kidnapping and drug trafficking . These practices are important because they contributed to three key attributes of the conflict. Firstly, outlined much of the strategy of war both of the insurgency and the various forms of private counterinsurgency, from vigilante gr oups farmers organized by the security forces of the state to the private armies of d rug traffickers . The parties had to organize their coercive apparatus and plan their actions in the conflict for access to resources from the crime and/or to prevent their opponents from gaining access to them. Secondly, the dru g trafficking led to a situation of permanent war instead of destroying the economy, given the frequency of the kidnapping, extortion, and attacks against the productive infrastructure, became a means of access to markets, especially for peripheral communities where the availability of capital was quite limited. The conflict, as a means of protecting a criminal activity that channelled massive capital flows toward the periphery, at the same time that exacerbated the exclusion of many social sectors became a means of inclusion for many others. If for some reason the conflict has had such long dur ation has been precisely because it has provisions for a political economy consistent with the production conditions in those regions where the clashes have been more intense. Finally, the effects of crime not only they were sent to the pulse of force betw een the insurgency and counterinsurgency private. Also redefined the power relations between elites from the city center and the periphery as a result of the decisions that have been taken to meet the challenge of the guerrillas. The kidnapping was not a threat uniform. Landowners, political b osses and notable of the periphery, as well as drug traffickers as new economic elites , were the main victims. By what the paramilitaries, as private strategy of counterinsurgency war, was a regional phenomenon mainly. At the same time, the p olitical compromises between the elites of the center and the periphery were marked by the claim from the regions to use the paramilitaries and the drug trade as legitimate resources against the abduction as the central state was unable to offer effective protection. However, these re sources eventually became means of accumulating power. Regional political elites now had resources as never before to compete with thei r counterparts of the center. The conflict had as well, through the resources that provided the criminality, a ltered the balance of power between the center and the periphery and between legal and illegal elites. The test consists of four parts. The first is a review of those situations of ex clusion that could have influenced the creation of armed organizations. The analysis includes the identification of communities where it arose the young people who opted for armed struggle and the type of communities that supported the armed organization s as a solution to their problems of exclusion. The second analyzes the abduction as a strategy of war of the insurgency for accumulating resources from the margins of the integrated areas of the country. While the guerrillas did not put at risk of state control in the populated centers, ha d the impact sufficient to destroy the foundations of the existing order in the periph ery. As a result there was an armed response by the regional elites, who were the main victims of the territorial gains of the guerrillas. The third discusses the drug traffickin g as an alternative to financing of the war for the insurgency and counter-insurgency that private in a given time became an end in itself. It was difficult to discern when accumulated wealth to make the war when the war to accumulate wealth. The last part proposes a different vision of the conflict to the big confrontation by defining the global nature of the state and society between two contradictory visions, liberal democracy versus communism. It is pro posed rather its interpretation as a pulse of force to impose a partial and fragmented certain institutions for social regulation throughout the territory: the central state, the armed of the elites of the periphery and the of the insurgenc ies.

Excluded and violent

In the mid seventies when cooked the violence that is going to shake in the last decades in Colombia, the problems of exclusion were present throughout the country. The 197 3 Census yielded results of poverty, as measured by unmet basic needs), 70.5 % and the GINI coefficient was on the 0.5 , a magnitude of extreme desigual dad4. In other words , exclusion had more than enough to generate a generalized insurrection. But the bulk of the situations of exclusion is not gender violent conflict, at l east not to a large-scale violent insurrection. The majority of the poor and excluded from Col ombia, and they were very unhappy, they were not within their plans to be dragged into a sp iral of violence . Poverty data from the censuses of 1973 and 1985 do not coincide with the regio ns where the conflict would be more intense in its initial stages in the early eigh ties. Even more, Rubio (1999) and Gaitan (1995) found that was not necessarily in the poorest reg ions that the violence erupted when the guerrillas were subsequently expanded from th e periphery toward the integrated areas of the country. Their statistical analysis showed th at, on the contrary, it was in relatively rich regions and/or where new booms arose, in addition there was a strong development of state institutions, where the conflict is concentrated. 4 Information obtained from the portal of the National Planning Department (DNP) . 5 The relationship is in reality an inverted U-shape. When there is authoritaria n control of an irregular armed group violence is low, when there is dispute violence increases and when the state con trols returns to be reduced. See Duncan (2004). Although research as the Rubio (1999) Gaitan (1995) were important to demystify the design so simplistic that poverty and exclusion is necessarily translated in to violent conflict in the society, its outcome was certain methodological and interpretative problems. First and foremost, the indicator used in the statistic al work to identify conflict areas only captured the violence, not territorial control by guerrillas and paramilitaries. Regions under the absolute control of guerrillas in the peripher y more poor and excluded from the country could be quite peaceful, its indicators of homicide rate were minimos5 b ut they were in the axis of conflict because from there it was precisely from where it is radiat ing the advance of the insurgency. Similarly, the statistical analysis were hiding another reality, the greater part of the insurgent and paramilitary troops came from the excluded sec tors of society regardless of where the war, they were rich or poor areas. If they were a few the excluded who initially became involved in the conflict, i f the violence was indicative of the location where the clashes occurred, not necessarily where territorial control is exercised, and if the excluded constituted the bulk of th e troops rasa that toward the war several questions arise obvious. Where do these excluded emerged who were in volved in the conflict? Under what logic and motivations were recruited by guerrillas, paramil itaries, and mafia to make war? What was only a decision of excluded young people to solve their individual situation or had a belief in the cause armed? To what extent do the communities were committed ideologically with the insurgency and counter-insurge ncy , in the sense that collaborated with the cause of the armed groups as a mechanism for solving the problems of exclusion of a social group and not as a r esult of imposition or by pure expediency individual? The evidence shows that in the mid-eighties the conflict in the country was focu sed on two types of confrontations. On the one hand between the guerrillas and the state se curity forces in conjunction with various paramilitary groups. It was the result of the progre ss of the guerrilla movement toward the integrated areas after almost two decades of hatching enough force on remote geographies (Aguilera 2013, Rangel 1998). While the ultimate goal was the decision of the n ational power, for which it was necessary to enter in Bogotá, the forward in the territory was limited by the mili tary capability of the guerrillas. Were the rural areas surrounding towns and medium-sized munic ipalities and small where took place the greater part of this war. On the other side was t he conflict of the drug traffickers against the state, in particular of Pablo Escob ar. The case of the drug traffickers is important because, while Escobar was discharged in 1993, the drug traffickers were gradually taking control of the paramilitary groups and becoming a key actor in the conflict and the national policy. These confrontatio ns were located in a principle in the large cities, mainly Medellin, but then expanded into rural areas and municipalities intermediate where drug traffi ckers found shelter and should face the guerrillas who are spreading toward the integr ated areas of the country. The margin of the geographical location specific where occurred these confrontat ions it is possible to classify in two major categories, the social origin of the combatants, as well as the rol e played by the exclusion as a cause of its linkage to the conflict. In the areas of land coloni zation , from the llanos and the jungles of Southeast until the Urabá, some guerrillas di rected or formed by left-wing parties urban became an alternative to the discontent of young farmers. The misery, the resentment, abuse in their homes, the desire t o know other places, the need to protect yourself and other personal reasons were more compelling than any ideological conviction. If a witness gives an idea of this resentment are the narrations of the abducted on the way as the guerrillas ranks they blame them when they complain of their situation. In the ripper testimony o f Guillermo La Chiva cuts during his kidnapping, for example, a guerrilla answered him well wh en he complained that he would have to sleep in the mud: how do you think that my mom gave us, me and my brother? Thus between the mud, old bitch. On the other hand you give birth at a clinic in the bourgeoisie spat the words with the hatred deepest and most sincere6. 6 Malpensante Magazine. The kidnapping of the Chiva. A testimony about the 205 d ays of the abduction of Guillermo cuts. By Alexandra Samper. July 2013 available at: Http://elmalpensante.com/articulo/3117/el_secuestro_de_la_chiva. 7 Pizarro (1996: 24) notes that the bulk of the guerrilla leadership, from the f oquistas groups, came from the middle strata of the population. 8 The influence of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the formation and organization of the left-wing movements in Colombia is very well documented in the texts of Meschkat and Rojas (2009) an d thin (2007). However, the guerrilla leadership for the most part not entered the conflict as a result of the exclusion. Their origin and training were not precisely of marginal sectors . Sectors were rather media, or not particularly poor, the origin of most of the guerrilla leadership. Taking into account that the guerrillas had their o rigin in the leadership of left-wing political parties and movements in university (Pizarro, 1996), a minimum of training and education were necessary to enter in the body of the organizacion7 leader. There were of course variation according to each case. The FARC had a sector leader of peasant origin in its beginnings by having a link closest to th e wars of rural violence classic. The ELN, for its part, had a strong influence of the church and the EPL was Maoist. But regardless of the guerrilla group in question, in ge neral is imposed a logic dictated by the great revolutionary project of the Soviet Union that Hobsbawm pointed out as one of the three-pronged ideological in that it discusse d the short twentieth century 8. To outline the logic of the soviet revolution injected him three fundamental a spects to the trajectory of the guerrillas. In the first place, in the imposition of a van guard and an elite that was responsible for organizing and directing the seizure of power through a revolution . The guerrillas as a political organization should be formed by professional revolutionaries who specialize in this task. The population and the less well-ed ucated cadres were welcomed to the guidelines of the revolutionary elite. It was assumed that the communities settlers did not have the capacity to organize themselves and the revolution sho uld rely to the revolutionary vanguard political transformation. This was therefore control organizations with a highly centralized and hierarchical in that the ord ers emanated from top to bottom without major cuestionamientos9. 9 An exception was perhaps the ELN in its principles through the jealousy of the internal organization (Rangel 1998). 10 In brief biographical outline on the commander Jacobo Arenas. By: Bernardo Peña losa. Commission Member Relations policies FARC-EP. August 10, 1999. See: http://mbsuroccidentedecolombi a.org/inicio/jacobo.html in second place, in a lot of mistrust toward the moderates. Like the Soviet leadership in its time, the FARC and the other guerrillas were the trends in social democrats of the left the worst enemies of the revolution. In fact it was not possible to divide the leaders of the guerrillas in hard and soft lines. There could be differences in many aspects but all revolved in quite extreme positions. Anyone who will show nuance s in their positions more radical was considered revisionist . And thirdly, in the imp osition of a political realist doctrine. The ideological conviction was taken for granted, what was important was to obtain the material means military and organizational to make the revolut ion. Any concession or the enemy was seen as a sign of weakness that had to be taken advantage of in the achievement of the strategic objectives. A biographica l sketch on Jacobo Arenas written by members of the FARC in Internet shines through the previous el ements:

It is in this Congress is where Communist formula for the first time the tactica l line of combination of the various forms of mass action and the fundamental role of the track in the ar med struggle for a new power in Colombia, of which the Commander Arenas would never leave and from whic h it makes the ideological struggle against the trends that sought to undermine the real vo cation of power of all communist party really. This tenacious work of James will be extended in time an d space, not only in the ideological fight against the social democrat line apoltronada for a long time ago in a sector of the Colombian Communist Party, but against the trends and eurocomunist as perestroikas that much influenced the fatal demobilization of the guerrillas in El Salvador a nd Guatemala in Central America and the M-19, the EPL and a sector of the ELN in our patria10.

In fact, more than the exclusion was the ideal of a political change which is wh y many young people in middle and lower-middle classes to do part of the insurgent groups during the si xties and seventies . It was also part of a process that was taking place to throughout Latin Americ a. As referenced other authors in their essays in this same report of the Historica l Commission of the conflict and their victims (Jorge Giraldo and Daniel Pecaut), in almost a ll the countries in the region of the new wave of left and the Cuban revolution captivate many young people to military in the different strands of the left, including of course to the left armada11. In the common public universities was the presence of strong movements of radical left12 and forming networks of recruitment to the guerrillas. In practic al terms the availability of the given forms of organization and ideological frameworks, i.e. of a communist insurgency based on the idea of foquismo or Cuban revolutionary in the conceptions of the Soviet communist party, meant a strategi c advantage to mobilize the truly excluded sectors. The cost of inventing an insurgent organization and a ideology to give form to the political struggle that farmers and settlers excluded were going to adopt already were internalized in the whole process of e xpansion of the ideological left during that era. But at the same time the adoption of a def ault of insurgency and political objectives maximalist, neither more nor less than a revolution, meant that the solution to the problems of poverty, exclusion and marginalizatio n of those who made up the troop rasa should wait for a military triumph of the insurgency will materialize . Accordingly, priority issues for the excluded as an agrarian reform, a relief of their material situation and general access to the services of the s tate were subordinate to the political objectives of the guerrilla leadership. 11 For a compilation of the various insurgencies see Wickham-Crowley (1992). 12 Tirado Mejia (2014) offers an interesting description of the dissemination of in Colombia during the sixties . For its part, in a few cities and municipalities in some other type of motivatio n seduced excluded young people. It was not the misery that is experienced in the more remote isolation. It was, on the contrary, the misery that is felt when I lived near th e opulence. Many young people enthusiastically embraced the crime just to relieve their frus tration of be so little thing. There was not a sophisticated speech behind, enough the motto of if there are no opportunities for the good we managed by the bad. Thus appeared in many cities subcultures criminals among young people in popular neighborhoods and marginal c ommunities that barely made the transit to urban life. The subcultures criminals (Cloward and Ohlin 196 0) are a system of norms, values and behaviors of young people belonging to excluded communities in that any type of crime becomes a means of social achievement. These subcultures are a challenge to the institutions of the state because they are seen as illegitimate by the young people already marginal input that represent a denial to their chances of success in the society. As a result, some criminal practices ar e taken as alternative mechanisms of realization and relief to the situation of ex clusion. But the reaction in the form of criminal subcultures that abounded in the Colomb ian cities had not course biggest problem in terms of the conflict if it had not been for t he role played by drug trafficking in the channelling of the discontent of some young people towar d a situation of violence more complex. If it had been the problem of the subculture had been con fined to the issue of gangs and bands dedicated to robbery, vandalism and theft of less sophi stication, not to the level of armed organizations that at a given time were confronted with the state under th e leadership of Pablo Escobar and which later became an important resource for the control of dr ug trafficking and the organization of the counterinsurgency private. These young people were t he apparatus of war of the Medellín Cartel and the paramilitaries of chestnut, which were nothing other than a dissident faction of the Medellín Cartel that afflicted Escobar. The major drug tr afficking organizations and provided to the paramilitary criminal subcultures with sufficient discipline , resources, skills, and organizational learning to access huge flows of wealth an d the exercise of power over many communities. With the drug trafficking was then open ed to excluded sectors a new perspective that has molded their behaviors in the follow ing decades. He described it as a drug trafficker interviewed by Guillen (2003: 159) :

In the early seventies the city of Cali and i think i can say all Colombia was p redisposed to become the paradise of the cocaine, the best business of the world. At first gla nce it is not easy to understand why, but it is [sic]. The urban lower class, to wh ich I belong, had not only school education but that was much stronger than in any other part of Latin America. The poor Colombians we fight to the death to cease to be so; do n ot expect the opportunities of life but that we seek, including the us invented, to the go od or the bad. Do not believe that I have seen, anywhere in the world, people more worker and imaginative to earn a living. In Colombia there are no opportunities for advancement for those in need, that we are the majority .

Unlike the guerrillas, drug trafficking organizations control offered opportunit ies to individuals from excluded sectors, in particular if these individuals controlled the organization of the violence. They were not needed university stu dies or preparation in any ideological rhetoric. Sufficient the skills acquired in the o wn criminal career to lead an organization that is imposed as a regulator of the pr oduction and drug trafficking in some territory and, more important for the purpose of the co nflict, in the organization that regulated the social order of the said territory. Eventually i f other criminal organizations or the guerrillas sought to contest its territorial control the conflict involved the population. A war that in principle should be strictly between criminals to control an illegal market had become a war to control societies. However, until the beginning of the eighties the involvement of members of socie ties excluded in the guerrillas and the private armies of the drug trafficking was ve ry small. The guerrillas controlled a few areas of peasant colonization and except some marginal neighbor hoods in the Antiochian region and other rural areas of the country, the mafia was lit tle controlled. It was only when the guerrillas raided the integrated areas of the c ountry that the conflict involved to a large number of excluded in many regions of Colombia. New guerrillas ceilings were recruited as the insurgency ventured toward more integr ated regions . The army and the police grew several times their initial number and drug traff ickers gradually increased the size of their own private armies. He had to defend itsel f against the risk of kidnapping and expropriation which meant the arrival of the guerrill as to the walls of the integrated areas of the country. The territorial encroachment of the guerrillas was not in any case a process of raising awareness of excluded as a social class. Those excluded were recruited as rasa all ranks of t he various organizations , guerrillas and paramilitary, for reasons for the most part other than the claim of a sector of society or the belief in the ideals of the organization, whatever they were. The desires of vengeance, a living wage with the armed group in relation to the employment opportunities available in the legality, forced recruitment, t he lack of other opportunities and, above all, the need to protect yourself and pur chase status pushed to many young people to to be a part of any group in dispute. The results of the surveys made by demobilized the IFJ shows that the ideological reasons do not pa ss the 8% (see figure 1). Economic deprivation and the quest for power and protect ion, i.e. individual motivations, are much more 13 implications. Just as happened with man y 13 revenge as a motive is contained in the response power/protection and is high as the reason in both men and women . 7% 8% 7% 8% 8% 8% 42% 30 % 50% 38% 30% 20% 16% 23% 14% 21% 18% 27% 15% 17% 13% 14% 19% 20% 8% 9% 5% 7% 12% 9% 11% 13% 10% 12% 13% 15% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% Man Man Woman Man Urban Rural Women Urban Rural Women Economic ideological Power / Force Protection taste/Deception other communities that ended up working with some of the parties, outside state, param ilitary or guerilla groups. They did not do so out of a belief in their potential for solvi ng their problems of exclusion, but for access to some kind of protection in a context highly violent.

Figure 1 Survey FIP to demobilized: Reasons to enter the armed group?

Source: Taken from Rubio (2013). In fact, as guerrillas and paramilitary artform took up the peripheral areas of the country, and even the marginal areas of the cities, the exclusion of the security services became the form of exclusion more pressing. The problem of resolving the situation material he had to give in to the need to preserve life and property by little that is ou tside. The communities were trapped under the logic of supporting the guerrilla or para military groups as a decision to ensure their survival. If any of them as suspected collaborators of the enemy were to be slaughtered. Had that bet on the collabora tion with the faction that would provide the most reliable protection. The logic of violence i n the civil wars by Kalyvas argued (2006) expressed in its classic version of confrontations betw een the state , paramilitaries and guerrillas, but also between criminal organizations compete d to control territories. Outlines what previous notes that the exclusion material, due to the role played by other variables, it was only important as motivation for violent insurrection ag ainst the state in very specific circumstances and among very few social sectors. It was a condition to the most necessary but not sufficient for guerrillas, paramilitarie s and drug traffickers to recruit a sector of his troop rasa. Then, when the violence spread to numerous geographic spaces, the exclusion as a motivation for the conflict was overshadowed by other variables. The need to make part of an armed group to defend itself and to their community or to gain access to some kind of order, were more powerful reasons for the conflict from spreading along the Colombian geogra phy. At that time if any type of exclusion was important as a cause of the conflict was the exclus ion of the security services and justice of the state. Excluded Many ended up in the war as a means to ensure protection and exact revenge for wrongs suffered previously. Guerrillas and paramilitaries alike took advantage of the inability in that aspe ct of the institutions of the state . The foregoing also aims to get another type of variables were most important for shaping the way that took the conflict that the exclusion material. Between these variab les were two criminal practices, kidnapping and drug trafficking, that impacted both in the g eneration of specific resources for making war as in the creation of an environment of insecu rity that the demands for protection and order became motivations pressing to collaborate with the various parties to the conflict. This was the way in which the irregula r armed groups took advantage of the opportunity offered by the crime and adjusted their means of warfare and social control to promote their situation. Further, they found that with the income of the crim e could be kept in the conflict indefinitely.

The abduction

For more than a decade the guerrillas remained in a state of quasi-hibernation i n the periphery , during which the accumulated men and resources to be projected toward areas militarily more integrated into the political and economic center o f the country. Progress, however, were quite limited. Or the foot of force nor the available weaponry allowed the various guerrilla groups face in open fighting and wars of movement to the security appa ratus of the establishment. Throughout the decade of the eighties the maximum they cou ld aspire was to carry out own shares of guerrilla warfare. The ambushes, municipalities and remote paths, the concentration of troops to launch an attack and then their dispersion, the acts of sabotage and eventually some bold action, as taken from the embassy of Dominican Republic and the Palace of Justice carried out by the M-19, formed the bulk of the repertoire of the guerrilla military. It might seem that with so many limitations to escalate the war, the insurgent t hreat in Colombia was a matter rather symbolic, especially when compared with the capacit y he had during those same years, the Medellin cartel to terrorize the national elites an d rethinking the political agenda around the non-extradition (Lemaitre, 2011). Ho wever, another type of real threat to the established order is incubaba around the processes of territorial expansion of the guerrillas. Although they could not crush the regular army in fighting an d questioning his territorial control on the header of the cities and municipalities of the country most important, its strategy allowed you to accumulate resources in areas more rich than those where had originally formed his army. In passing, the accumulation of resources in the se new areas became a specific threat against the elites of periphery. The guerrilla strategy consisted of packing in the rural areas surrounding to in termediate cities and the largest municipalities in the country. Little by little they were creati ng networks of collaborators among rural communities in the area. Any dissatisfaction was used in a principle to enter the area. Then, through a militia or guerrilla dressed in c ivilian clothing, controlled the community from there to launch operations against the urban heade rs. In the municipalities and areas of low concentration of troops and police these operations included eventually thomas and fighting against the public forces. The police po sts were blown to shreds, the headquarters of the agrarian bank was sacked and the office s of the state destroyed. But the type of operations that greater reaction and damage caused between the p opulation of the peripheral areas that were besieged by the guerrillas was the systematic exploitation of the enti re productive structure . If in the remote areas of strategic rearguard the guerrillas used extortion to rational levels, in a way that does not risk the local production, in the intermediate cities and municipalities that constituted the limits of their terr itorial expansion exploitation was irrational. The logic of the guerrilla incursion was not subject to the formation of a temporary system of government. Not only the resource extraction was unreasonabl e, destroying the productive base available in the town, but that did not offer other services such as protection and justice that legalizing its domination. While in some of its areas of rearguard ranchers and landowners could find profitable the periodic payment of extortion even if the guerrillas m aintained the free zone of cattle rustlers and cattle rustlers (Aguilera 2013), in the are as of expansion the goal was to accumulate resources quickly to escalate the war in its purpose of takes of national power. From the rural areas kidnap and extorting without considering that the exploitat ion of the local production will reach prohibitive levels for economic agents. The immediat e objective was not govern these societies but accumulate resources to carry out a revolutio n . In the internal debates is notorious the discussion between the whips meet the demands of the local government and the demands of the national revolution (see Aguilera 2013 a nd interviews with Mario Agudelo by Jaramillo Panesso 2005). Of all forms of exploitation that the guerrillas were used in the forward strate gy toward populated areas and integrated with the national economy, the abduction w ould have the greatest impact on the definition and evolution of the conflict. It was not a criminal practice new . Rubio (2003) and the Observatory for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (2009) documented its beginnings long before the current conflict, even dating back to the classical violence. Li kewise, it is quite likely that Pablo Escobar and the Rodriguez Orejuela brothers had made inroads in this practice. The difference was in the operational advantages that had guerril la armies to carry out kidnappings along the national geography. By have networks of partn ers the guerrillas had more information on potential victims that do not offer lower risks in the retention process. Had extensive places of refuge where maintain abducted by minimizing the risk of the rescue operations and retaliation of the public force. Statistics reveal that in the mid eighties beca me a widespread practice throughout the national territory (see Figure 2). Of 278 kidnappings per year in 1984 to 1717 was passed in 1991. Later the situation was even more critical when the Farc adopted the miraculous catches as funding strategy. Anyone who was at the wrong place, a road, or somewhere close to the 278 258 171 249 709 781 1282 1717 1320 1014 1293 1158 1038 1624 2860 3204 3572 2917 2882 2121 1440 800 687 521 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500 4000 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991

1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 territorial presence of the guerrillas, was in danger of being kidnapped in a se al of the insurgency. The kidnappings reached 3572 in 2000.

Figure 2 kidnappings annual 1984 - 2007

Source: Police Nacional-Fondelibertad . Processed by the Observatory of the Pres idential Program for DH and IHL.

Although the most dramatic effects of the kidnapping were entry the decade of th e eighties and in the following two decades, the decision on the massive use of this practice w as much earlier . Since the mid-seventies in the Communist Party (PC) the discussion was not onl y on whether host the combination of the forms of struggle. The discussion was also if within the repertoire of the armed struggle and of financing mechanisms of the insurgency h ad place for practices such as the kidnapping. The debate won the hard line of the party. At that time the communist leadership did not imagine the reaction that would generate. The need to finance the construction of a revolutionary army was imposed on any humanitarian considerations or on any fears regarding the retaliation that would arise from their massive us e. Just as happened with other guerrilla groups that adopted the abduction as a funding mec hanism (see, for example, the autobiography of Valencia León 2008). The kidnapping was definitive in shaping the course of the conflict by their con sequences in two central issues. In the first place, it was supposed to be only a medium of a ccumulation of resources so as to provide sufficient troops and weapons to defeat the establish ment. In practice , as has been mentioned, the likelihood of challenge militarily to the state wer e spoiled by what the abduction became if in a permanent resource that could appea l to the guerrillas to stay in the conflict and to ensure its territorial conquests. At some point became a result of the war by the damage caused between certain social sectors of the periphery, in particular to elite legal and illegal. In the urban and sem i-urban areas more vulnerable the central question was how did the elites and middle classes t o avoid being abducted. There, as well the guerrillas did not have as threaten the superiority of the state security forces , had altered the capacity of the establishment to maintain the local order. Unlike the economic and political elites of the center, that only o n a much smaller scale suffered the kidnapping in the flesh, their sources of material wealth were progressively becoming extinct by the guerrilla threat. That is to say, while th e center for the purpose of the war was how to avoid that the guerrillas will escalate the war to a point that the control of the situation by the state was at stake - something that security for ces succeeded for over three decades of conflict-, to the periphery the issue was how to avoid that the kidnapping would destroy the foundations of the established order, - something t hat change was a viable military objective for the guerrillas through the kidnapping and other pr actices. The kidnapping was different to the extortion because more affected to the prope rty to the income. While that extortion meant a reduction of profits of the business of the entrepreneurs and owners of land, or in some cases an increase in consumer p rices, to pay the demands of the guerrilla, the kidnapping involved amounts much higher . The victims were forced to sell their properties and their companies to be able to pay the ransom. In many cases the business is going to chop because the kidnapped was in dispensable for the efficient administration. The duration of the kidnappings sometimes amounted to more than a year. In the case of the kidnapped aberrant political situations occurred more than a decade of captivity. Many pro fessionals, managers of companies and farmers saw as the companies of a lifetime were liquidated because the security conditions made them unviable. The damage to the productive capacity of local economies by the abduction also a ffected sectors excluded from the periphery. Could be that the main victims were entrepreneurs i n segments quite behind, based on the many cases in agricultural activities of low producti vity and low demand for labor as the cattle-ranching, but precisely because of its la g any unforeseen economic threatened the basic levels of subsistence farmers . If the owners of the farms and crops were leaving the place just the few sourc es of existing capital. Instead of helping to relieve the physical exclusion of the pe asants on massive use of abduction worsened their conditions of life. As well some guerril las would worry about claim to landowners and farmers the right to land and wages righteous of the peasants, these claims do not compensate for the deterioration of economic conditions in the agricultural producers periferia14. 14 Various studies referred to as the progress of the guerrillas destroyed the r egional economies that relied on livestock and agriculture. See Bernal (2004) and Bejarano and others (1997). Secondly, the kidnapping defined the political alliances between certain social sectors of the periphery against the guerrillas and the legal left that in one way or anoth er was linked to the armed struggle. The kidnapping was not a practice that hit evenly to the elites. The military capability of the guerrilla was concentrated in the outlying areas, so that agricultural elites and livestock were the most affected. The economic and political elites of Bogota never suffered with the same intensity the threat of abduction as the experienced their regional counterparts. Similarly the drug traffickers as a new economic power of the regions became a natural prey. It wouldn't be a surprise t hat landowners, politicians and narco-traffickers unite around the paramilitarism in a bloody vendetta against anyone suspected of collaborating with the guerrillas. H ad additional reasons to the economic to the retaliation to reach ends of cruelty. Kidnapping in addition to ruining the fragile and poorly developed legal economi es in the regions , it was a humiliating way of stripping the elites and media sectors of its prop erty. The abductees were kept in precarious conditions, under the constant threat of b eing killed if state authorities carried out a rescue plan. The negotiations of the amount of ransom was carried out in a situation of absolute powerlessness. The f amily should withstand the indolence of the negotiators of the guerrillas. On many occasions, especially after that is popularized the miraculous catches, the negotiators of the guerrillas were asking absurd figures and abandoned channels of communication for long periods of time leaving the families of the victims in the most absolute uncertainty about if we re still alive . The newspaper accounts of the cases are heart wrenching. As well as many employers, landlords, traders and ranchers malvendieron what the y had and migrated to the cities were startled by the risks to your property and to th eir own physical safety, others chose to organize private armies to defend themselves. I n the Colombian regions , despite the long democratic experience, there was a strong tradition of the us e of violence to impose both private property rights as to ensure the political control of the area (Gutierrez Sanin 2014). Pecaut (2001) refers to a period of latent violence during the almost two decades after the violence classical in th e sense that the violence was a private mechanism for regulating the social life in many communit ies. It was not difficult for this tradition of violence will be reactivated when the guerrillas were expanded to new areas.

Many legal elites were recruited to former members of the security forces and local peasants to address the threats of kidnapping and expropriation by the gue rrillas . The army and the police, for their part, helped with the task of organizing a private counterinsurgency. Those were the days of the cold war and on his should ers rested the counterinsurgency fight . At that time it was lawful for the Colombian army arm-defense groups among the civilian population15 to counter the communist threat. In reality, it was the application of counterinsurgency war strategies developed by the military doctri ne of the United States in a context of proliferation of guerrilla warfare througho ut Latin America (Ramsey 1981). The basic components of this doctrine quickly became obsolete wh en the Colombian conflict introduced new elements such as the kidnapping and drug t rafficking and the guerrilla groups demonstrated a unique ability to expansion and resistan ce among the countries of South America . 15 The Decree 3398 of 1965 protects the organization of civil self-defense force s by the military forces. The counterinsurgency private was not only a matter of sectors of the elite and wealthy classes in conjunction with the security apparatus of the state. Many rural communities, including sectors quite excluded from the population, took sides against the gue rrillas. Although in his case was not the kidnapping that reason its participation in the conflict, there are other powerful reasons to take up arms. On the one hand, the guerrillas required resou rces to support the logistics of the war and demanded the recruitment of a son to the cause. And on the other hand , when the war spread throughout the territory it was necessary to work with som e side. There was no room for neutrality. Due to its geographical situation, their economic dependence , their distrust with the guerrillas or simply by the sheer imposition of force, many communities worked with the local domain of private armies counterinsurgenc y. One interesting case is that of Adam Rojas a peasant to which Tirofijo killed by h is father during the classical violence by not giving a panela when he was a teenager APENA. To escap e the violence migrated to the Sierra Nevada to cultivate coffee. At the end of the seventies t he Farc took Palmor, its people. Tired of paying extortion and reluctant to relinquish t heir children to the guerrilla army was assembled. I think a paramilitary group with its consequent legacy of killin gs, massacres and desplazamientos16. 16 In the Portal of Truth Open (www.verdadabierta.com) is fairly documented this case with interviews to own Adam Rojas. 17 Garcia Villegas (2008) demonstrated empirically throughout the municipalities in Colombia that the cases dealt with by the state courts were the most insignificant, while the irregular armed groups were responsible for defining the hard cases of property rights and issues in legal terms that would be part of the criminal justice. In fact, when the conflict spread throughout the country and involved with the m ost diverse communities, which are forced to appeal one side or the other to protect themsel ves from abduction and other consequences of violence, was that it became clear one of the forms of exclusion more criticism in Colombia, the security services and justice by the institutions of the state. As long as certain social sectors have enjoyed the protection of the public forc e and could appeal to the courts of the state to resolve their legal problems other, on the contrary, these services should be filled with armed organizations contralaban territory.1 7 the. While the organization of private counterinsurgency was motivated by a principle by the need to defend itself against the progress of the guerrillas, in particular to neutra lize the risk of kidnapping, at a later stage these organizations took its coercive capacity to impose conditions of protection and justice tailored to their interests. In prac tice, the organization of the private coercion became in itself means of power, now not on ly to confront the threats of the insurgency but also to claim the imposition of a particular form of authority in the periphery. The matter then passed to another threshold, the ownership of the functions of local authority. And of all the sectors that were organized private the insurgency in the early- to mid- eighties, those most took advantage of the new situation to impose its domination in means of the local were drug traffickers. It was just normal for d rug traffickers as the new regional magnates became the main victims of the guerrillas. If one sector had with money in the areas where the guerrilla s had sufficient territorial power were precisely to hijack them. The difference was t hat the drug traffickers as seasoned criminals were willing to give the fight like no ot her elite and had the resources to give it. His reaction was so strong and so bloody that at the end of the nineties went from being a mechanism of containment of the gue rrillas to become a force in expansion with aspirations of territorial authority. It is usually attributed the origin of the confrontation between drug trafficker s and the guerrillas to the creation of the group Death to Kidnappers (MORE) by the Medellin cartel then that a sister of the Ochoa was kidnapped in November 1981. In fact since before she hijacked to the guerrillas already kidnapped and extort money from them to d rug traffickers and their families. The most emblematic case by their implications for the future, the father of the Castaño brothers, occurred just before the formation of the more. According to Ronderos (2014) Jes us Castaño was plagiarized on their farm in september of 1981. Since then the Chestnut had begun a string of retaliations and targeted killings in the region. Even more, the more dissolv ed as soon as it was returned the sister of the Ochoa. After the episode Escobar sealed an agr eement with the M-19 in that drug traffickers do not kidnap or vied for control of the city in exchange for recurring payments. A test of the agreement was that when t he children of drug trafficker Jader Alvarez were abducted in Bogotá, the Escobar himself launched flyers in Bogota by clarifying that the MORE had nothing to do with the disappearance o f a teacher and several students from the National University of secuestro18 suspects. It was a message so as not to ruin the agreements made with the guerrillas. 18 At the time (September 2 1982) was referencing the event. MORE denies murder of professor Alberto Alava from leaflets dropped from a plane in Bogota. P. 2 A. The confrontation between the guerrillas and drug traffickers was a result of th e clash between two projects of antagonistic social control that could reach agreements always a nd when there was no territorial jurisdiction. So much so that in the beginning there were no problem s to negotiate in the most remote areas of the country controlled by the FARC the establishment of large complexes of cocaine production as Villa Tranquilandia Coca and. There the Medellin Cartel had no interests in regard to the exercise of some kind of social domination, so there were no problems in pay to the guerrillas to provide protection against the authorities. Between drug traffickers operating in the laboratory was Fidel Castano, who in the north of the country carried out a war to the death with the FARC and other guerrilla groups. The pro blem arose only then when the guerrillas raided in the regions where drug traffickers dwelled and began to kidnap a skillful and sinister. Assemble powerful private armies and al ly itself with the elites and other legal forms of insurgency in the periphery was just a natural reaction to survive in the middle of a scene of extreme insecurity. The organization of the paramilitarism responded to the particularities of the m ilitary challenge that the guerrillas represented to the legal and illegal sectors threatened by its ex pansion. These challenges were not given by the development of an apparatus of war able to neutralize them in regular fighting. The guerrillas did not have the capacity to carry out a war of movement in areas close to the headers urban inhabited those who organize the private counterinsurgency. It was necessary, on the contrary, the development of small armies that will destroy the militia, the logistics networks, partners and supporters that allowed the guerrillas the systematic use of the kidnapping, extortion and the i nfiltration of institutions such as political parties, trade unions, universities and public ad ministrations. The aim was to have a group of men armed with enough capacity for monitoring of the communities and retaliation against any member or sector of the community that will collaborate with the insurgency. Until before the Chestnut brothers decide to raise the bets and form large armies counterinsurgency sufficient a few men strategically deployed in the territory so that any abnormal behavior was monitored and punished. For special operations such as the assassination of a leader or the execution of a massacre were used professional hitmen and muerte19 squads. 19 The case Better Corner narrated by Sanchez Jr. (2003) it is revealing how the massacres were carried out by special groups recruited for this purpose. Well same own description Carlos Castaño makes the murder of Carlos Pizarro shows how worked the hired killers within the paramilit arism. From there the organizational nature of paramilitary armies and the sense of the ir practices, from extermination until political massacres. The extermination of UP, for examp le, was more related to the local chain of retaliations between insurgency and counter-insurgency that private to a great plan from Bogota by the economic and political elites. T here is no greater evidence that any president or the leaders of the traditional parties20 of the e ra would have been after the murder of the activists of the legal left. It is true that the elites of Bogota were indolent with the massacre that was carried out, in spite of being a fact widely publicized by the media, and that some assassinations were counted with the collaboration of radical sectors in the state security forces21 and that under t he doctrine of police and army was tolerance and the joint work with paramilitary groups. However, those who took the decision to murder the officials, candidates and act ivists of the UP were elites and sectors of regional power those who feared that an ele ctoral advance of this party would lead to a deterioration in their position of power in the perip hery, as well as to an increase in the levels of expropriation of the guerrillas. POLITICAL ACTIVITY without affiliation Registered Liberal Saved UP. Union Org. Another popular Filiation Hope, Peace, and Freedom M-19 Other Mayor 100 31 8 16 0 0 4 0 0 0 Councillors 277 208 50 120 0 2 22 7 5 0 militants / activists 20 6 159 3 31 11 77 114 13 0 local political leaders 144 87 53 38 0 2 9 4 2 0 police inspector 258 19 1 4 0 0 3 0 0 0 popular leaders 58 5 8 2 2 136 11 0 1 3 other officials of the State 199 11 4 6 0 0 2 0 0 0 union leaders 15 183 0 7 0 2 2 2 0 0 Council candidates 52 18 5 9 0 0 6 0 2 1 Political leaders Departmental 32 34 10 10 0 0 3 0 1 0 mayoral candidates 38 14 5 11 0 0 7 0 1 0 Members - Trustees 7 19 8 8 0 0 4 0 0 0 Journalists 27 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Parliamentary 1 8 7 7 1 0 0 0 0 0 national political leader 2 6 6 6 1 0 0 0 1 0 supporters 0 2 3 0 0 0 0 13 2 0 Other 5 8 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 1235 476 335 242 218 153 150 140 28 4 rates 41.4 % 16.0 % 11.2 % 8.1 % 7.3 % 5.1 % 5.0 % 4.7 % 0.9 % 0.1 % 20 An exception Perhaps could be Could Be Hernando Duran, who apparently activel y participated in the organization of paramilitarism in Los Llanos Orientales (see Dudley 2008 and Gut ierrez Sanin 2014). 21 Is often quoted, for example, the role played by the Department of Administra tive Security (DAS) in the murder not only of leftist leaders but also of Luis Carlos Galan. Table 1. Political murders 1986 - 2002

Source: DAS, processing of Escobedo Rodolfo.

The violence against the political figures of the enemy, especially if these asp ired to elective office , was very effective to ensure the power in the regional dynamics of the conflict. The responsibilities of state guaranteed resources and institutional d ecisions that were important to determine the results of the fighting between the insurgency and counterinsur gency private in a given region. The victimization of the political class as a strateg y of war happened as well with the traditional parties. You can which the activists of th e liberal and conservative parties have not been exterminated as it was the UP but the number of dead that have been made in the last decades of conflict can easily overcome to those on the left by sheer number of potential victims. Table 1, in spite of the problems of underreporting, shows that the number of victims of the traditional parties in a ddition to the exaggerated was higher than those of the UP. The reasons for the extermination of the UP were in that, despite being a initia tive of reintegration to civilian life in the framework of the peace process of the gove rnment Betancur, became part of the strategy of territorial expansion of the FARC, in particular on the political fr ont with this purpose. Braulio Herrera and Ivan Marquez, a current member of the secretar iat, were congressmen by the PU. And although many of its militants were guerrilla fighter s, even some were not supporters of the armed struggle, for the regional elites its entr y into the electoral competition meant that allies of those they killed, abducted and expropriated the went to divest of the control of the local institutions of the state. The own Senator UP, Alberto Rojas Puyo, warned him to Jacobo Arenas, maximum Farc comman der that if they continued with the kidnapping were going to butcher the party. Howe ver, in the internal debates in the Communist Party, where it came from the bulk of the militants of up22, we re defeated the moderate. The radical line of the party supported the use of kidnapping as p art of the revolutionary strategy of taking power. 22 Aguilera (2013) asserts that UP was seen as the political front complementary to the strategy of the party and the guerrillas.

The response of the legal and illegal elites of the regions, needless to say, wa s unrelenting. More than 3000 activists from the UP were killed. But the extermination is not a conspirac y of state, nor of the defense of blood and fire of wealth by the large economic elit es . Nor was the product of an ideological intolerance by traditional sectors. The truth was more mundane and more bloody than that, it was the local response to the risk of losing elections which increased the likelihood of guerrilla control and therefore suffer kidnappings, extortion and other practices expropiativas. Carroll (2011), for example, explains the murders of the social movements of left as the result of retaliatio ns of local elites, supported in many cases in national authorities, where there was a risk of losing its electoral descent.

Figure 3 massacres and killings by massacres 1980

Source: GMH.

Another example of how the organization of the private counterinsurgency was mar ked by the strategic need to ensure that the insurgency was not able to carry out abductions in the regions were the massacres. Within the logic of the massacres was destroy social media of the guerrilla war that could serve as a platform in the surrounding areas of intermediate cities from which to launch operations of secuestro23. On the sidew alks and 0 200 400 600 800 1000 1200 1400 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991

1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 massacres homicides in massacres 23 operations of abduction from rural areas reached even to affect large cities such as Cali where kidnapped more than a hundred people in the Church the Maria on 30 May 1999 and the Farc 12 deputies in another operation on 11 April 2002. In Neiva the Farc also raided the buildin g Miraflores and abducted 15 people on 26 July 2001. 24 An example of the brutal that could be the shortcomings for information was t he massacre of Barrancabermeja, where the AUC kidnapped a about thirty people at a party and the massacred despite that then t hey realized that only a belonged to the ELN (Ronderos 2014). neighboring municipalities are organized by the abduction and then kept the host ages. In extreme cases, the operations and management of the kidnapped are toward the view of the entire com munity. Even the civilians were responsible for the care of victims (Castle, 2014). The perverse consequence of involvement of the population in the exercise of the kid napping in particular and of the territorial domination of the guerrilla war in general was that it be came object of retaliations of paramilitary groups. The statistics of massacres are chiling as seen in Figure 3. At the end the massive and indiscriminate attacks against the civilian populatio n became a frequent resource within the repertoire of war of all armed groups, any time t hat your collaboration came to be definitive for exercise territorial control, as well as for information on the potential kidnap victims. Given that there was no precise information on the exact degree of involvement with the insurgency of the members of the communities controlled by the guerrillas, the paramilitary strategy was to lay s iege to the entire community and kill any member on the fall that the slightest suspicion of collab orator. Many innocent people fell in the masacres24. In peripheral communities, where th e presence of the army and the police was precarious or non-existent, the guerrillas also used the strategy of indiscriminate killings when did not have any precise information on the loyalties and preferences of the population in order to avoid possible defections to the p aramilitaries. In other words , while the conflict is expressed on the one hand in fighting between the army a nd the guerrillas , on the other, it is expressed in retaliation of any kind against the civilian population to ensure its collaboration. And given that the strictly military confrontation has never had a character decision-making, i.e. the guerrillas was not a rival that threatened t he supremacy of the state in the field of battle but the state was not able to delete it definitively, the retaliation against the civilian population became a real thermometer of the res ults of the war. If the insurgency could prevent the abductions and other actions against its social base i wanted to say that was winning the war and, vice versa , if the insurgency managed to avoid that the massacres reduced its capacity of territorial expansio n. However, the analysis of the local configuration of the war around the kidnappin g, the massacres and other retaliation against the civilian population is incomplete if it is not considered the effects of the drug trafficking in the dynamics of the conflict. At some point, much of the initial goals and motivations of the actors involved were changed as replanteaba n their possibilities according to the results of the war. Drug trafficking was crucial in shaping these changes because it had generated a political economy that allowed to susta in the conflict indefinitely . The war instead of destroy the wealth in the periphery was instrumental in gen erating capital flows to the regions to offer protection to a illegal business. But it was another fact w hich led to yet another level crime in conflict: the organization by drug traffickers of enormous private armies to become de facto authorities in vast regions and territories. T he goal was not only protect the capital of the aspirations of the guerrilla exprop iativas but also produce capital from the accumulation of power, in particular the power it meant to be the government of a significant portion of the country's periphery.

The drug trafficking

Drug trafficking has had profound repercussions on the Colombian conflict by a b asic attribute of its production process: the added value is generated, more than in the produc tion of the drug as a commodity, in the production of power as a means to reduce the risks involv ed in the business. That is to say, the bulk of the final value of the product is give n by the risks that are assumed to bring it up to consumers and expenses that are incurred to minimize them. The risks are different but their more usual sources are two: the state and the criminal organ izations that control or aspire to control the business. What is ironic is that these two sources of risk are to turn the main means of protection with the drug traffickers. It is so: the private army of a mobster that protects a corridor for drugs has the mean s to expropriate the goods and to murder those who transport. The politician who rece ives bribes to avoid that the authorities to persecute a hood has the ability to influence the author ities to produce his capture. (Duncan, 2014) why politicians and criminals can provide protection is because they have the sufficient power in a society to ensure that effectively decrease risks of the business. Without social power guarantees are much smaller and, therefore, the risks increase. It is well that a drug trafficker achieves that a given authority not expropriate or capture only if a politician who has influence on the state because it receives the vote s of a community, influencing the decision to suppress of the authority. Similarly, thi s drug trafficker can receive protection of a paramilitary because this dominates the society of an entire region to the margin of the intervention of the state authorities. In both cases is the organization of the domain of a sector of society, either by means of an electoral machinery or of a private army, which allows you to convert the capital of drug trafficker s in a effective means of protection. It is no coincidence that in the markets of the f irst world, where the social domination is not associated with the offer of protection of the narco-tr affickers, produce the greatest growth in the value added of the drug. There the risks are greater because the rejection of society to be ruled by corrupt authorities is so high, so in a marg inal community , that the provision of security that the political class can offer to the drug traffickers is quite limited (Duncan 2014). The Colombian drug traffickers, as well as traffickers from other parts of the w orld , had to develop mechanisms for the reduction of risks around the two main sources of protection and threat available, the state and the other crimina ls. But unlike other drug traffickers Colombians had to have a additional actor: the guerrillas. As an organization that exercised a strong social domination in many areas of the country, especially in areas of recent peasant colonization, the guerrillas were like thr eatening but also how to protect the drug traffickers. In the initial stages of the curre nt conflict hoods of the Medellín cartel as Pablo Escobar, the brothers Ochoa and the Mexican Rodriguez Gacha placed their laboratories and clandestine airstrips in ar eas dominated by guerrillas as the FARC and the EPL25. In exchange for a portion of the income of the business were protected against the state for their manufacturing centers for cocaine and tracks the arr ival and departure of the goods. 25 Cases of the famous laboratories Tranquilandia Coca and Villa in Los Llanos O rientales and tracks output of drugs such as White Horse in Cordoba are the demonstration that drug traffickers were able to work hand in hand with the guerrillas while there was no territorial jurisdiction. Do not take much time for that the guerrillas will show the other facet of the o rganizations that offer protection to drug traffickers. At a given moment became a threat of the first o rder . The same capacity to impose itself as the power in many regions at the periphery of the more secluded country allowed you to claim by fo rce a top portion of the proceeds from the entrepreneurs of the drug. Occurred then the theft of goods, the extortion, kidnapping and other expropiativas practices documented in the previous section . As a result drug traffickers had to create more sophisticated coercive apparat us to resolve the threat of the insurgent expansion. The new armies involved speeding up the processes of social domination that the drug traffickin g was encouraging in many rural areas and intermediate level of development in Colombia. In those geographical areas, given the lower presence of state authorities, it was only possible to neutralis e the risks of guerrillas exert some control over the population. That implied that some organizations of purely criminal origin should assume basic functions of a state such as surveillance, the administration of justice and, in certain circumstances, the organization of the provision of material communities. Without the need to develop larger ideological speeches the drug traffickers hav e assumed a political role in exercising as authority and to establish a series of alliances with other sectors of the elites , mainly in the peripheral areas where the insurgent threat was greater. The est ablishment of alliances did not happen only by the subject matter of the counterinsurgency fig ht. The drug traffickers had to also ensure the support of the political class and the p ublic authorities to prevent that State institutions would jeopardize your business and its physic al integrity . At the regional level these agreements were provided by the need and the oppor tunity to access resources on the part of political and economic sectors that saw how their produ ctive activities are rezagaban before the capital accumulation that was taking place in the cente r. The development of the industrial and service sector in urban areas, as well as the abandonment of econ omic protectionism , had left the rural elites that depended on the agricultural production in a political position even further disadvantaged with regard to national elite s. The various economic studies show a strong tendency toward the intensification of th e productive gaps between rich and poor areas (Galvis and Meisel 2012). The openi ng marked a crisis for what (Reveiz 1997) called the guilds region, i.e. regional elites specializing in any agricultural product. For the professional politicians of the periphery the alliances with drug traffi ckers were definitive in the competition for an important position within the democratic system. Not o nly the old chiefs and traditional voters that had a resource base itself had an opportunity to increase its votes and claim a greater share in the government. Many regional politicians without increased resources, recognition a nd trajectory could also be more competitive with funding from the entrepreneurs of the drug. Even the lieutenants neighborhoods and lower links could catapultarse system to national positions as major constituents (Velasco 2014). But not only the polit icians in the periphery took advantage of the new resources available. There is documentation about the reception of drug money by several presidential campaigns (Duncan 2014). The drug traffickers had a strong incentive to finance the policy as a means of protecting a business that they ran several billions of dollars per year and that was becoming progressively more risky. As increased their power, or intended to increase it, retaliation by the state was higher. Pablo Escobar was discharged in 1993 after having raised a tough war against the state. For more than a decad e committed assassinations, kidnapping family members of the ruling class of Bogotá, full of pumps the cities and pay million for every police officer murdered up to bend the will of society. In 1991 achievement that the extradition was abolished in the new Constitution. The Cali Cartel, for its part , used a more subtle strategy. Literally bought the bulk of the political class of the country to the point that it was impossible to continue keeping the structure of corrupt ion on the that are borne by the system. Less than a year after the elimination of Escobar the scand al erupted over the financing of the presidential campaign of Ernesto Samper, who was compelled to capture them. But in the corruption of the political class and the public authorities by the d rug trafficking had a component less apparent, but more significant in the setting of the conflict that the simple demand for protection of an illegal business. The payment to the institutions of the country had an additional meaning to the immunity of the pure drug companies. Ce rtain criminal organizations who controlled the drug trafficking in a given territory paid bribes to the state not prevented them from exercising as authority on a part of the population, and sometimes the entire population, of that territory. In fact, the paramilitarism derived as one of the main problems of Colombia at the end of the decade of the nineties and the beginning of the new century by the more progressive autonomy that won the drug traffickers in the exercise of the local government that by the organization of counterinsurgen cy by private agents . The violence against the civilian population and the violations of the rights of all kinds grew to amazing rhythms as a result of their local practices of domination. In t urn , agents of the state of all kinds, - civil, military, judicial and soldiersvill age-, established strong partnerships with these drug traffickers by the political power that had been ac cumulated from the periphery. The political and economic support of some paramilitary leader to be elected to Congress or a governor or to be promoted in the army or the judicial career could make the dif ference between success and fracaso26. 26 The scandals on senior positions in the organizational chart of the state who have been elected thanks to support from drug traffickers and paramilitary abound. Santoyo, general of the Police, was ex tradited by links with paramilitary and drug traffickers. On the prosecutor Mario Iguarán enough testimon ial evidence that owed its election to the bribes of the AUC. 27 Corridors and centers of production as the knot of the Paramillo, the Serrani a del Perija, the hills of San Lucas, the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, the Canon of the ticks and the platform pacifi c Nariño sooner rather than later became war scenarios between paramilitaries and guerrillas. What had begun as a defense of the drug traffickers against the territorial expa nsion of the guerrillas and the risk of kidnapping had finished in an autonomous proje ct of government in the periphery by private armies. This project began in 1994 immedi ately after Pablo Escobar was discharged. It was in reality the only paramilitary national project. The paramilitary groups above, such as the Magdal ena Medio and the Fidel Castano in Cordoba, were on another level. Their ability to exercise independent authority as other power actors was very restricted. The political c lass, military commanders and the drug traffickers that the financed to the distance still had sufficient interference on their performances and at the same time was limited in their ability to comba t and territorial control . The inroads toward new territories previously controlled by the guerrillas, su ch as the one carried out by the Mexican to the Putumayo or Fidel Castano toward Urabá in the eighties ended in two defeats. The new army, organized by Carlos and Vicente Castaño, was a project much more complex than local reactions against the guerrilla threat. A troop was formed and navy as part of an expansion project na tional counterinsurgent, capable of engaging in new territories, to expel the guerrilla s and exert a stranglehold on the population. The agenda of the United Self-defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), the term was cho sen in 1996 to appoint paramilitary armies affiliated to the project of the Castaño brothers w as subject of course to the control of the major corridors and production centers of drug use.27 Its war strategy could become even more brutal and bloody than that of the former paramilitary groups. Massacres were committed, displacement and countless human rights violations to expel the guerrillas in their territories. The purpose was to become the political authority of the territory so that the protection and control of t he business were secured. However, the issue of pure greed as motivation to do the war hiding another reality. Power became an end in itself. The paramilitary leaders not only wanted to be immensely rich through the control of the income of the drugs and other extractive economies of the periphery but also immensely pow erful to govern entire regions with their own institutions. In this regard were a genu ine vocation counterinsurgency because only by defeating the guerrillas could accumulate enou gh power to govern the peripheral areas of the country and check the income of the drug. The offensive of the guerrillas in that time did not became atras28, which deepe ned the regional support to the project of the paramilitary AUC by other elites and subordinate by sectors of the periphery. The kidnappings they broke down all the brands and previous records. In particular, the massification of the kidnappings caused that any member of the community where he was at risk of being kidnapped will support the AUC, even in spite of knowing the brutality that could arrive to commit. As always, the exclusion of services of protection and justice was formed in the most pressing need of the communities. Therefore , any actor irregular that offer these services, as well outside of so shameful, earned an enormous legitimacy among the population. If something legit imate the advance of the AUC in the Colombian regions in the second half of the nineties was the insecurity c aused by the offensive of the FARC. But in addition to the provision of services of prote ction and justice another factor strengthened the acceptance of paramilitary control. The conflict had resulted in a process of urbanization and urban concentration. If we compare the 1993 census w ith the 2005 is that Bogota and Medellin have increased its population by at least 19 %, and Cartagena in 19.4 %. Smaller towns belonging to the metropolitan area s of the major urban centers of the country, such as loneliness, Soacha, Envigado and pigs, grew at a rate of 79.3 %, 59 %, 40.5 % and 56.4 %. While intermediate cities such as Santa Marta, Villavicencio, Paragraph and Yopal grew to 32.6 %, 39.7 %, 68.4 % and 86.5 %. In reality the 28 guerrilla offensive was part of their plan of military seizure of power established in conferences and internal discussions prior to the counteroffensive of the AUC. If we compare the growth rates of the previous cities with the municipalities of less than 100,000 inhabitants, it is that its growth has been less dynamic in av erage. Graph 1 shows us the behavior of these municipalities between the censuses of 19 93 and 2005. The municipalities of between 40,000 and 100,000 inhabitants, showed a gen eral trend in the growth similar to the big cities (a margin around 10% and 30 % ), although there are many more cases of negative growth (left margin of the arrow indicates the 0% of Figure 4). While that when it comes to municipalities with less than 40,000 inhabitants is a quite striking concentration in areas of negative growth 10% or less (points to the inside of the circle), despite the cases of municipalities with absurd growth rates above 100 %. These cases are generally due to booms criminal products like coca or extractive economies (coal, wood, etc. ). An illustrative example of municipalities that grow by the bonanza of a n extractive sector is Mapiripán, who, in spite of the shocking facts of the massacre of 1996, the rural population grew by 144% between the two censuses due to the boom of the coca crops.

Figure 4: Population versus intercensal growth rate (2005 1993) in the municipalities of l ess than 100,000 inhabitants.

Source: DANE. What is ironic is that the same conflict to protect the income of drug trafficki ng has provided the financial means to the inclusion in the market of marginal sectors that until then had no means of payments sufficient to participate in the mass consumption. Capital flo ws of the drugs together to the agglomeration of population led to many communities on the periphery develop the tertiary sector of the economy. Abundant shops and services that met the new ability to pay of the settlers. Development could be a precario us, only emerging, young peasants who converted in mototaxistas or sellers of cellular minutes, but it was a social change of enormous proportions. To live in the field under isolation conditions became part of communities that had contact with global media such as cable television, internet and cell phones. The expectations of work and socialization were now other. They were no longer access a piece of lan d or a Jornal just but find any informal occupation or be a beneficiary of any state subsidy. The inclusion in the market and in the state was evident. The legitimization of the drug trafficking as a source of resources to access th e markets between the population of the periphery was not exclusively to the paramilitaries. The m anufacturing companies of coca leaf, in fact the most peripheral societies of the country, demanded a actor to protect their sources of income. The guerrillas who were already the st ate in areas of peasant colonization where crops were specialized in the government of these soc ieties ( Molana 1987, Jansson 2008). As authority from the coca-producing regions in protecting the settlers growers in the fumigation of the state and the incursion s of paramilitary groups . The protection of all ways was costly. Growers should pay a significant portio n of their profits to the FARC. There were imposed by cultivated hectares, grams o f coca base sold and other economic transactions that take place in the area. Even more, on the settlers rested most of the risk of the company drug trafficker in its pr imary stage . If their crops were sprayed or eradicated by the state the losses should assume them. But little thought about the risks and the exploitation of the guer rillas. It was the only way available to access global markets from remote regions with such low accumulation of capital. The consequence of the legitimacy of a social order based on the surplus of drug trafficking in peripheral societies was a conflict based on a political economy capable of supp orting its indefinite duration. Both the communities on the periphery as guerrillas and paramilitaries constructed orders and projects of government, the margin of the central state, which were founded on the surplus of the illegal activity. These projects of governmen t were not an anomaly in times of war that would last until one of the sides should overtak e them militarily to the other. They were, on the contrary, forms of government able to operate indefinitely and consistent with the possibilities of access to global markets given the cons traints of capital in the periferia29. 29 Duffield (1998) has referred to this type of war as wars post-modern in the s ense that certain wars after the end of the Soviet Union instead of wars as such are political projects of permanent government in isolated areas but connected to global markets.

A war by the imposition of partial social control institutions

The story narrated in the previous sections shows a different version to that of an insurrection of excluded segments of society which, through marxist guerrillas, raised a war against the state and for the elites to solve their material shortages and policies. Displays, rather , a conflict crossed by various motivations and actors, in that it is not need t o divide the warring parties in an insurgency that represents the interests of class of the excluded groups and a state that represents the interests of oligarchies and economic policies. N or are the majority of the excluded took party or felt that their interests were represented by the insurgency, nor can it speak of a homogeneous block of elite sectors that have b een faced with the insurgency to avoid redistributive processes of wealth and power. Quite the cont rary . Many sectors subordinates in the social order chose go to war and collaborate the opposite side of the guerrillas because they were more likely to solve their problems of exclusion on that side, or at least it was a much more attractive option for their immediate problems of security. In fact, the dynamics of war transformed the that could be the motivations of the original combatants ceilings and the communities that supported them when it became clear that the project to take power by force of guerrillas was impracticable. The guerrillas i mposed enormous sacrifices that were not offset by improvements in the short and medium term of their living conditions . The combatants enlisted in addition to the personal costs that meant making the war did not receive wages (Gutierrez Sanin 2003). The communities that were under the control of the territory of the guerrillas should load with large part of the costs of the war and were insurgent attacks by objects part of the state security forces and para military groups . Many massacres and disappearances of innocent civilians were the result of having been identified as guerrilla collaborators. It didn't matter that his col laboration with the guerrillas, in terms of the payment of a surplus of its production and to be have according to the rules imposed by the insurgency, was the result of a relationship imposed by force . At the time these reasons were sidelined in view of the priority given to dest roy the social base of insurgency. Just as happened with associated population as the social basis of t he paramilitaries who experienced the retaliation of the guerrillas. For the elites the conflict also meant changes in regard to their aspirations an d interests outside the great pulse of force between the defense of capitalist democracy, th e communist revolution proposed by the guerrillas. The case of the kidnapping and drug trafficking show that other reasons were then more important than the great goals and strategies of war. In practice hijack and check the income of the primary stage of the drug trafficking has been to the guerrillas a more important matter that leading an army to take power in Bogotá, a goal that was always out of reach. In the same order of ideas, for the regional elites the concern was how to avoid that the guerrill as kidnap and destroy the established order and would have to incur the organizatio n of private violence and, subsequently, to alliances with drug traffickers. His inqu iries were not in the major address of the internal war from Bogota to patrons a final defeat to t he insurgency but in the provision of security against the kidnapping, extortion, attacks, and oth er practices expropiativas in each of the regions where they lived. These differences in objectives in the conflict is expressed to its time in deep divisions and tensions between the elites of the city center and the periphery, but also i n political arrangements explicit and tacit on how each one of them would have to face the threat of the guerrilla in the circumstances. The matter in question was at that point the sta te was central to assume the costs entailed by the provision of security on the periphery and w hat are going to be the concessions in the area of the exercise of coercion that private would have been by not being able to offer effective protection against the guerrillas. In the mid-eighties, when the hijacking was shot, it was clear that the State was not how to avoid it. There was no determin ation among the political elites of the center to increase the expenditure and the foot of force of the state so that the regional elites had certainty that the situation could be reversed in the short term of the hand of the authorities. Either because they were not willing to finance the security of a regional elite little competitive and that little tributaba30, preferring to let the drug traff ickers pay for the security of the regions or because they were more concerned about th e war against Pablo Escobar, the fact was that the central state delegated in large part the i ssue of the protection in the periphery to the counterinsurgency private. 30 Among many sectors of elite political and technocratic were being blamed for the lack of an agrarian reform and the low productivity and generation capacity of domestic markets of extensive breeding of the economic ba ckwardness of the regions. The case of the president Lleras Restrepo and the ANUC is very well doc umented in Zamocs (1985). The agreement was that the central level of the state while not invested in the production of security against the regional threat of the guerrillas to the levels needed to m aintain the tranquility of the local elites, did not interfere in a meaningful way in the fo rmation of paramilitary groups . Even more, the tolerance was up to allow the security forces of the state had complicity with the counterinsurgency deprived of all kinds, fr om peasant farmers to drug traffickers. The result was a dramatic change in the responsibility for the violations of human rights . In the report of the Group of Historical Memory (2013) is known as the percentage of human rights violations (massacres, killings, disappe arances, etc. ) rests mainly on paramilitary and not on the state's security forces.

But the political agreement was not limited to the elites of the city center and the periphery. The agreements also involved sectors to subordinates. The provision of protection and some kind of justice in societies where state institutions were inoperative, as well as the conformation of clientelist networks who benefited from the flows of resources o f the drug trafficking were enough for that many communities on the periphery will collaborate with the domination of the paramilitary groups. The paramilitary imposition in a principle was given by initiatives of nature very parochial, in that the purpose was to expel the guerrillas of the ar ea or avoid that will enter the territory. Therefore, the involvement of sectors subordinates was given by the process of expansion of the guerrillas. If some guerrilla group came to t he area should choose up to that point were collaborating in their claim to control the communi ty or if preferred leaving the place. The risks were enormous, because if a paramilitary group vent ured was going to take retaliation against the civilian population. In 1994 the situation became even more critical because, as mentioned in the pre vious section arose a paramilitary group with a project of national expansion. The Castaño broth ers created an organization that absorbed the regional paramilitary groups with the aim to expand territorially, check the drug trafficking routes and, eventually, negotiate its legalization as political part of the conflict. The conflict had now with another actor capable of interacting strategically beyond the local. There was also an actor either. This was powerful criminals with the control of the main income of the country's drug who demanded a political role by exercise as authority in extensive territories. Its expansion meant a change of loyalties of many communities previously dominated by the guer rillas, after a violent process of displacement, massacres, assassinations and disappearances. But those who remained in the area or the repoblaban became subj ects of their institutions for social regulation. So it was that the ability to control societies and to expel the guerrillas of l arge territories allowed a group of drug traffickers increase your ability to interact with the state and other actors to power. When you have to take some kind of decision policy these past should consider their impact on societies that depended on the drug traffic king to obtain protection from insurgency and to resolve its inclusion in the markets. T he social costs of repressing the paramilitaries reached to be so high in a certain point it became a deterrent to potential enforcement capacity of the state against the drug trafficking. For example:

Communities not necessarily corrupt policies could promote a lax regulations wit h the informal work linked to Mafia of the drugs to prevent greater social conflicts. OR the economic elites that concentrated the bulk of the legal capital could push for a relaxation of t he persecution against the paramilitaries to avoid the costs of provision of social demands were charged to your account with new taxes. The absence of political decisions was, in fact, a delegation of power to the rest of powerful players had done to the coercive apparatus of drug trafficking by its capacity for regulating social (Du ncan 2014: 105).

The Colombian internal conflict has been then a more complicated matter than two parties who took up arms to defend two projects of antagonistic society. It was not a fu ll-scale war between a State which, together with paramilitary organizations defending the privileges of certain elites against some guerrillas who aspired to claim excluded sectors through a communist revolution. Rather, it was a war in which the grand strategy of the st ate and the insurgency by beat their opponent had succumbed to motivations minors for ot her actors who aren't necessarily came from traditional sectors of elite nor is framed in the great transformations of the state and society. The matter was on how to govern peripheral communities for an indefinite period of time, no matter how long the war, to remove a whole series of resources, from economics to political, through criminal practices. Many drug traffickers could well have shrines of immunity from where accumulate wealth and claim the state political treatment different f rom that of common criminals. The guerrillas also could build up resources and cause enough damage to demand that the state some kind of negotiating favorable given its zero abili ty to obtain a military victory and its poor representation of the political preferences of the population. For its part, the state was facing a war that go beyond the military. It was build and adapt their institutions to regulate and meet the demands of enormous social strata of the population that lived in the periphery of the country and that bef ore were not the focus of attention. The fact that if not intervened to claim their authority over them ot her armed organizations they were going to do it gradually became a difficult challe nge to ignore. The reaction was in a first instance delegating the regulation of the periphery to private armies , including those of the drug traffickers, which did not threaten to overwhelm i ts power toward the interests of the elites of the central level. However, the crime generated a process of accumulation of power among the armed actors other than the state that, altho ugh not threatened to bring the war in full until the center of the country, if threatened to put in d oubt the authority of the state in extensive areas of the territory and granting too much power to the drug trafficking that fought the insurgency in the periphery. The State was obli ged, in consequence, to assume the costs of carrying their regulatory institutions until those spaces. It has been a progressive process, sometimes elephantine, the results are plain to see in two crucial aspects. On the one hand, the state has invested enormous amounts of resources in the creation of an infrastructure that enables them to lead their i nstitutions to the periphery. A review of the changes in basic indicators such as the foot of strength of the army and the police, the quotas in education, the miles of paths, the number of judges, etc. , show that the means for the population to adopt the norms, behaviors, and other legal stan dards set by the state have increased dramatically over the past few decades. On the other hand , the state even in regions where guerrillas, paramilitary mafias and exert a br oad control over the population has expanded the spaces and transactions that fall u nder the umbrella of regulation of its institutions. People increasingly using the state as the regul atory institution of social life. The test of the institutional penetration of the state is that u ntil the guerrillas themselves used to guarantee the rights of ownership of the land expropriated. After clearing the area of the Caguán in 2002, a rather peripheral region under th e control of the FARC, it was discovered that the guerrillas had used notary of the state in order to ensure their ownership of numerous stolen land. This is not to say that the threat of guerril la and paramilitary groups are new to the despicable today but that is progressively reduce their margins of territorial control as institutions that govern the live s of the communities. At last, if one wants to understand the Colombian conflict as a big confrontatio n around the claims by inclusion of various social sectors is necessary to make tw o readings. A first reading that some marxist guerrillas rebelled against the stat e and the elite by the conditions of exclusion of the population. The objective of these guerril las was that at the end of the confrontation, then to defeat militarily to the state, you would place a social revolution , or in the worst cases, then that the costs of making the war were so high for the national elites forcing them to agree on a series of reforms that will alleviate the problems of exclusion, as is happening today in Havana. In practice the guerrillas were neve r close to winning the war. Only in special circumstances were unable to carry out wars of movement, never at war of positions. In consequence, their maximum achievements have been obtain concessions from the state and elites through peace accords. These conces sions have been centered mainly on the assimilation of the insurgent leadership within the political inst itutions of the State.31 it comprises. Some 31 cases have been extremely successful as Gustavo Petro, Antonio Navarro W olf, who reached to win the mayor of Bogotá and the governorate of Nariño. This is the typical result of the pol itical struggles of the poor movements described by Piven and Cloward (1979), in which the elites are as similated to the state institutions to changes in minimum changes in the social order. A second reading is to understand the conflict itself as an opportunity for inclusion at the margin of the great political purposes of the parties and the r esults of the war. Opportunities for inclusion were given to communities and individuals by effect of the redistribution of resources toward the periphery through crime. Already in the previous section mentioned the role that plays the conflict as a means of protection from drug tr afficking, which

, in turn, works as a means of inclusion in the global markets of peripheral communities. But the conflict is also a means for inclusion in the po wer of individuals of popular origin and marginal. Many criminals without greater prosp ects of power were eventually converted, as leaders of paramilitary armies, in the de facto au thority of vast regions of the country. For these communities and individuals the purpose o f the war has not gone through any great transformation of the state and the national society to a lleviate their problems of exclusion. War is the institutional form as they have been able to solve the problems of exclusion on a daily basis, and have had to assume enormous costs in terms of expectations of life, loss of freedom, violations of basic rights, disgraceful situations of social control and, above all, the risk of a permanent violence. REFERENCES

Agudelo, Mario (interview by Jaime Jaramillo Panesso). What is happening in Cub a that Fidel does not shave: of the weapons to the hope. Medellín. ITM. 2005. Aguilera, Mario. Guerrilla forces and civilian population. The trajectory of the FARC, 1949-2013. Report of the National Center of Historical Memory. Bogota, Imprimerie Nationale. 2013. Bejarano, Jesús Antonio; Echandía Castilla, Camilo; Escobedo, Rodolfo and Leon Queru z Enrique. Colombia: insecurity, violence and economic performance in the rural areas. Bogota: Univer sidad Externado de Colombia. 1997. Bernal, Fernando. Cotton Crisis and violence in the department of Cesar. Bogota: Notebooks UNDP. 2004. Carroll, Leah Anne. Violent Democratization Social Movements, elites, and Politi cs in rural Colombias War Zones, 1984 2008. Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press. 2011. Castillo, Carlos. The days dragged. The kidnapping of the Chiva cuts. Bogota: Gri jalbo. 2014. Cloward, Richard A. and Ohlin, Lloyd E. Delinquency and opportunity. A theory of delinquent gangs. New York: The International Library of Sociology. 1960. Collier, Paul and Hoeffler, Ann. Greed and grievance in civil war. Oxf. Econ. Pa p. (2004) 56 (4): 563-595. 2004. Delgado, Alvaro (interview of Juan Carlos Celis). All time spent was worse. Bog ota: La Carreta Editors. 2007. Dudley, Steven. Weapons and polls: history of a political genocide. Bogota: Plan et. 2008. Duffield, Mark. Post-Modern Conflict: Warlords, Post-Adjustment States and priva te protection. Civil wars, 1 (1). Birmingham: School of public policy. University of Birmingham. 1998. Duncan, Gustavo. Violence and conflict in Colombia as a dispute over control of the state in the local. Bogota: Document CEDES. 2004. ______(2014). More than silver or lead. Bogota: discussion. 2014. Gaitán, Fernando. An inquiry into the causes of the violence. In two speculative e ssays on violence in Colombia. Bogota: Fonade. 1995. Galvis, Luis and Meisel, Adolfo. And convergence space traps of poverty in Colom bia: recent evidence. Banco de la República (CEER) Branch Cartagena. 2012. Garcia Villegas, Mauritius. Judges without State: the Colombian justice in areas of armed conflict. Man of the Century Editors. 2008. Group of Historical Memory. Enough is Enough! Colombia: memories of war and dign ity. Bogota: National Center for Historical Memory. 2013. Guillén, Gonzalo. Confessions of a narco. Intermediate Editors. Bogota, Colombia. 2003. Gutierrez Sanin, Francisco. Criminal rebels? A discussion of civil war and crimi nality from the Colombian experience. Crisis States Research Center working papers series 1, 27. Crisis St ates Research Center, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK. 2003. ______. The orangutan with sacoleva. One hundred years of dem ocracy and repression in Colombia (1910- 2010). Bogota: Editorial Debate. 2014. Hartlyn, Jonathan. The regime's policy of coalition: the experience of the Natio nal Front in Colombia. Bogota: Third World, Uniandes. 1993. Jansson, Oscar. The cursed leaf. The cursed leaf: an anthropology of the politic al economy of cocaine production in southern Colombia. Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet. 2008. Kalyvas, Stathis. The logic of violence in Civil War. Cambridge: Cambridge Unive rsity Press. 2006. Lemaitre, Juliet. Peace in question. War and peace in the Constituent Assembly o f 1991. Bogota: Editions Uniandes. 2011. Meschkat, Klaus and Rojas, José Maria. Liquidating the past: the Colombian left in the archives of the Soviet Union . Bogotá: Editorial Taurus. 2009. Molano, Alfredo. Forest inside: an oral history about the colonization of the Gu aviare. Bogota: The Ancora Editors. 1987. Observatory for Human Rights and IHL. Spatial dynamics of kidnapping in Colombia 1996-2007. Bogota: Presidency of the Republic . 2009. Pecaut, Daniel. War against society. Bogota: Espasa. 2001. Piven and Cloward French, Richard. Poor people's movements: why they succeed, ho w they fail. New York: Vintage Books. 1979. Pizarro, Eduardo. Insurgency without revolution: the guerrillas in Colombia in a comparative perspective. Bogota: IEPRI. 1996. Ramsey, Russell. Guerrillas and soldiers. Bogota: Third World. 1981. Rangel, Alfredo. Colombia: war of the end of the century. Bogota: Third World Ed itors. 1998. Reveiz, Edgar. As the state market: the governance and economic policy in Colomb ia before and after 1991 . Bogota. Fonade. 1997. Patrolmen, Maria Teresa. Recycled wars. Bogota: Grijalbo. 2014. Rubio, Mauritius. Crime and impunity. Bogota: Third World, CEDES Uniandes. 1999. ______. The rapture to the miraculous catch of fish. Brief history of kid napping in Colombia. Bogota: DOCUMENT TRANSFERS 2003-36. 2003. ______. Do not weep by Tanja, Colombia. Women in the armed conflict. Bogo ta: FIP Working Papers Series No. 12. 2013. Sanchez Jr. , Antonio. Chronic scary count. Bogotá: Editorial A. Sanchez S. 2003. Tirado Mejia, Alvaro. The sixties. Bogota: discussion. 2014. Valencia, Leon. My years of war. Bogota: Standard. 2008. Velasco, Juan David. Parapolitics revised: coalitions of class, weapons and busi ness in the Colombian province 2002-2006. Master's thesis for master's degree in political studies at Iepri. Bo gota: National University of Colombia. 2014. Wickham-Crowley , Timothy P. Guerrilla Warfare and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of insurgents and regimes since 1956. Princeton University Press, 1992. Zamocs, Leon. The agrarian question and the peasant movement in Colombia. Bogota : CINEP-UNRISD. 1995. Politics and war without compassion Jorge Giraldo Ramirez.

. Doctor of Philosophy and Dean of the School of Sciences and Humanities of the EAFIT University. I am grateful for the contributions of José Antonio Fortou, Felipe Lopera, Wilmar Martínez, Nathalie Mendez and the National Center for Historical Memory (Cnmh). Also the comments of readers who preferred to maintai n the anonymity and the institutional support of the EAFIT University. The responsibil ity for the text is only of the author. 1 Tony Judt, the weight of responsibility, Madrid: Taurus, 2014, Kindle edition, pos. 252-387. EAFIT University historical Commission of the conflict and their victims

There is no policy on the life issues more serious than that of war and peace; t herefore, none of the other demand so much responsibility. In that sense, this essay deals with with attention to three types of liability. The intellectual responsibility that must give an account of the rules of the social studies; the political responsibility that links the individual reflection with the goals that the Colombian society has been fixed o n the occasion of a new attempt to end the military conflict between the State and groupings that rose in arms half a century ago; and the moral responsibility that forces you to include the reference to a few values, both for the reading of the past and to the implication of our future as politica1 community. * * * * * The Colombian political violence of the last five decades must be characterized as war. This is not the emergence of large-scale criminal phenomena or common banditry, or expressions of unilateral violence carried out by insurgent groups or by the armed forces of the State, nor of any type of spontaneous violence . That in the course of this time there have been no firm consensus about its ch aracterization in both the State that used categories such as disruption of public order , subversion, armed conflict, terrorism, among other as between the national acad emics that we used notions such as violence, insurgency, irregular war, armed conflict, civil war is evidence of the limits of one another and, above all , of the complexity and variability that has had. International observers, States, newspapers and academies, however, have maintained a greater consensus a bout what the Colombian situation this is a war.

The Colombian war has been a long, complex, discontinuous and, above all politic al. If we take the parameters of the main international databases on wars, ours would cover the three decades at since the mid-1980s, which is already a long duration. It has been difficult since their oldest presented concerning the configuration of three guerrilla groups, independent an d unfriendly between if, and the armed forces of the State, which was compounded by the emergence of new guerrillas in the 1970s and of self-defense groups, paramilitary and armed gangs of drug trafficking in the 1980s. Its discontinuity has been temporary since fro m 1965 until the beginning of the 1980s was more of a formal declaration of war , a marginal phenomenon, and virtually symbolic, until he managed to scale witho ut interruption since then until the beginning of the twenty-first century. It also shows a clear regional differentiation according to the activity of illegal armed groups and the intensity of the clashes between them, between the State and all the illegal groups, and in regard to the suffering of the civilian population. Finally, this has bee n a political phenomenon of nature by the enmity expressed by the contenders and the ir war position, for the reasons, objectives and speeches expressed, and the consta nt appeal to the repertories of strategy and diplomacy. The Colombian war also has been atrocious in treatment between the combatants, a nd very cruel in regard to the conduct of combatants against the civilian population. It has b een since its inception , maintaining the tradition with regard to the bloodthirsty unarmed people estab lished during the violence (1946-1957), and it was even more when they increased the co ntingent of armed men and the military confrontation intensified between the end of the twen tieth century and the beginning of the century. He could have given the impression of having been degraded, but more th at degradation that he gave was an exponential increase in the magnitude of the arm ed actions that ended by scandalizing a society that had already been accustomed to a high threshold of pain. The war could not be sustained and enhanced thanks to the characteristics of the ir key players, and of society. The sectors of the country leaders were unable to build a strong State2 until the political and social institutions were questioned existentially by illegal armed groups; the revolutionary guerrillas 2 The expression "strong State" is used in the sense of a State with sufficient capacity to ensure that the institutional decisions, related to their basic functions are fulfilled, in the territory of the country. They grew up to the margin of the main concerns of the population and are concentrated in strengthened as war machines; paramilitary groups emerged as a reaction against the illegal guerrilla oppression and specializing in unilateral violence against the civilian population; colombian society lived, at the same time, processes of urb anization, social fragmentation and collapse Of the traditional rules ensured the coexisten ce. This contribution to the interpretation of the war in Colombia is divided into s ix sections that attempt to answer the issues agreed on in the table of negotiations between the national governmen t and the FARC, this is the origin and causes of the war, the explanations of its extension and the ways in which it affected society. The first raises that the origin of t he agents of this war dates back to the revolutionary wave of the 1960s that challenge in the entire continent "weak states latin american". The second hypo thesis asserts that the National Front possible to standardize the country and make functional the i nstitutions of government, though was unable to overcome the backlog in the construction and la cked state of willingness and means to understand and meet the new challenges violent. The thi rd section shows how in three decades (1983-1998 1983-1998 1983-1998 1983-1998 1983-1998 19 83-1998) in Colombia were accumulated different kinds of violence and is organized around the exuberant activity of the drug traffickers and their violent attack against the institutions of the State. The fourth he recused himself that the es calation of the war , the bureaucratization instrumentalist of the militant groups and the state ineffectiveness led a humanitarian calamity, concentrated in some areas of the country. The fifth will show that as long as the war have been episodes of negotiation and that changes in the terms of the confrontation produced so far of the twenty-fir st century opened a possibility hopeful but realistic of a general agreement for the completion of the war. In the last will be a brief recap.

1. REVOLUTIONARY CHALLENGE IN THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY AND PEACE In

1958 Colombia sizeing to launch what beforehand was defined as a new stage of the political life of the country dubbed National Front. The National Front a rose from an agreement between the Liberal and Conservative parties to put an end to the p olitical violence that had been incubated in the twenty years preceding and had resulted in a civi l war since 1946. The covenant that gave rise to the National Front established guidel ines for the restoration of democracy , detailing the conditions of good governance for the next four periods were compared. In 1958, colombians elected their representatives in free and competitive elections between the parties, which they did not do since for eleven years; women elected president for the first time in history. Taking into account these background it can be argued that the National Front was instituted as a dual tra nsition : from war to peace and from dictatorship to democracy, with achievements that h ave been the subject of intense discussion and academic policy. At the end of the first half of the bipartisan pact, the vestiges of the previou s war had already been off thanks to the conciliation between the liberal and conservative leaders, the foster care of the agreement on the part of many armed factions and the gradual subjugation and constricting of other bands on the part of the State. Ja mes Henderson is felt very safe to say that "in 1966, the conflict had indeed finished"3. 0 10 20

30 40 50 60 70 80

1958 1960 1962 1964 1966 1968 1970 1972

1974 1976

1978 1980 1982 1984 1986

1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 homicide rate, 1958-2013 3 James D. Henderson, victim of globalization: the story of how the drug traffic king destroyed the peace in Colombia , Bogotá: Man of the Century Publishers, 2012, p. 35. This pacification process was also reflected in the overall behavior of the homicides that maintained a steady decline from 1958 to 1979, during which time homicide rates were reduced by half. Between 1969 and 1979 Colombia had homicide rates lowest in the past 55 years (Figure 1). In this way it can be argued that the National Front had already advanced in its purpose peacemaker after the stip ulated time for its duration. Chart 1. Homicide Rate, 1958-2013 Source: Jorge Orlando Melo on data of National Police, Forensic Medicine, Fabio Sánchez

The formula of the National Front was an experiment that is advancement to the n eeds of the transitions from war to peace that were identified after four decades: limited t he political competition, calm the waters between the former warring parties and li mo party differences until almost made them disappear in fact, recommendations that were made after the experience of various post-conflict that occurred in the last decade of the century XX4. 4 Based on 11 cases of post-conflict that occurred in the 1990s. Roland Paris, a t War s EndBuilding Peace after civil conflict, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2004. 5 Eduardo Posada Carbo, the nation of dreams; violence, liberalism and democracy in Colombia, Bogotá: Standard, 2006, pp. 190, 193, 194. Even within the constraints that this type of democracy requires the political c ompetition , the electoral mechanisms established enabled the participation of dissidence of bipartisanship and third forces authentic. Beyond the rules limiting the electoral competition to the Conservative and Liberal parties, during the Nation al Front had prominence other groupings such as the Movimiento Revolucionario Liberal (MRL), the Popular National Alliance (Anapo) and the Communist Party, in the fou r presidential elections there were opposition candidates and the Communist Party won seats in different bodies colegiados5. Apart from the electoral conditions crucial element of any definition of democracy, the National Front restored the constitutional frameworks, recovered t he civility in political competition and allowed a considerable scope for civil lib erties . To own and strange they may be surprised to know that, in the midst of the Col d War, while the FARC were behind them, and to punishment they survived, the Colombian Communist Party was legal since 1958, owned a weekly traveling under license from the Ministry of Justice and other periodical publications endorsed, as political documents (and since 19 74, studies marxists), were not only legal but also reproduced official documents of the com munist guerrilla . According to Freedom House, in that period there were more civil liberties in Colombia than in Central or South America. With regard to the situation described at the beginning of this section, which c orresponds to a country at war and without democracy for more than a decade, the National Front was a key facto r for improving the situation of the country. However, if compared to the status of the other countries of Latin America the achievements need to be qualified. Our best perfo rmance in the heading of homicidal violence continued to be worse with regard to the inland pa rameters of the same era. With regard to the democratic performance, the process frentena cionalista left the country in a better situation than that which existed in most Latin American countries ; later, this condition is strengthened with the constitutional moment of 1991 and then declined due to the escalation of violence and corruption in the d rug trafficking that affected the democracy at the local and national levels (Figure 2)6. C: \Users\username\Documents\Commission\Data\freedomhouse2.png 6 The index Freedom in the world has two major components: political rights and civil liberties. As a measure of democracy using the component of political rights that qualifies the electoral process, political pluralism and participation, and the operation of the government. Chart 2. Indicator of democracy, Colombia, Central America, South America 1972-2 013

Democracy index according to the rights of political freedom in the World 2014.

This favorable development of the dual process of transition from war to peace a nd from a dictatorship to a democracy was truncated by various factors: the stagnation in the state construction, lack of foresight on the political leadership and the brutal emergency of the drug trafficking. In addition to these, another, more early manifestation was th e emergence of new armed organizations that defied the power of the Colombian State. It is an i rony of history that while the traditional political leadership was removing weapons from the political sphere, rectifying their old practices, the insurgency began to op en the way for a new violent politics. In effect. In 1965 emerged the National Liberation Army (ELN), in 1966 it was of ficially created the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and in 1967 emerged the People's Liberation Army (PLA). The emergence of these guerrillas was framed in the global conflict emerged after the Second World War (1949) between the libera l west middle and a socialist, and encouraged by the impact of the triumph of the Cuban revolution in 1959. In fact, in the first months after the triumph of the Cuban revolution there were five attempts of guerrilla warfare in Panama, Nicaragua, Dominican Republic, Haiti and Paraguay7. 7 Daniel Castro, The endless war: guerrillas in Latin America History, Daniel Cas tro (ed. ), Revolution and revolutionaries: Guerrilla movements in Latin America, Lanham: SR Books, 2006. Kindle edition, Pos. 287. 8 For this job was made an inventory of 102 guerrilla groups in Latin America fr om 1956 to date , excluding some fleeting adventures. It is an exercise more indicative than exh austive. Far from being a peculiarity colombian, because during the ten years that have p assed since the triumph of the Cuban revolution, similar groups sprang up in all the countries o f Latin America, with the exception of Costa Rica. AND fractionation in the contin ent corresponded to the competition between various tendencies within the communist spectrum, namely the aligned with the or any consciousness, the line of soviet communis m and communism of china line. After the Tricontinental Conference in Havana in 1966 and the deaths of Camilo Torres in Colombia in the same year and Ernesto Guevara in Bolivia in 1967, the guerrilla initiatives have multiplied and no Lat in American country that speaks spanish or portuguese escaped to the phenomenon, including Costa Ric a (Figure 3)8.

1956 1966 1976 1986 1996 2006 guerrilla movements in Latin America, the year of foundation 17 guerrillas, 8 countries 4 guerrillas, 3 countries 1 guerrillas, 1 country 54 guerrillas, 10 countries 26 guerrillas, 19 countries Figure 3. Guerrilla broadcast in Latin America, 1956-2006

This propagation of cores guerrillas on the continent was due mainly to revolutionary voluntarism. Large and small countries, with placid geographies or abrupt, poor and less poor, more equitable and very unequal, democratic and dictatorial, with diplomatic relations with the socialist bloc or without them, all had guerrillas in these years. The intellectual hegemony of Marxism, the optimis m generated by the victory of Fidel Castro in Cuba and the belligerent enthusiasm of small grou ps of activists explain well the emergence of this wave of armed organizations. In the continent as a whole, the situation of States in the process of building s ome weaker than other constituted a genuine "structure of opportunity" for the international defi nition of the political rivalry known as the cold war would serve as a catalyst for these guerrillas that arise and medraran during some time, waiting for a crisis of the social system or to a revolutionary situation. Unlike the previous civil wars, the sides that emerged in this decade did not purport to partial objectives with regard to the political and social or der and even the simple change of government. The manifests through the which made its public app earance posited the ultimate goal of achieving a triumphant revolution that would totall y change the political, economic and social structures. For this reason, these groups were pr oposed the task of creating political organizations and modern military, following the models of Leninist party and Maoist guerrilla Castro or the model of armed party , which will enable start at some point a strategic offensive. A non-negligible factor for incubation navy was the intellectual climate that justified the use of violence. The leadership of the traditional parties did not make a serious criticism of the political violence nor sought to form an opinion of cit izens reluctant to the use of violent means. On the contrary, some political leaders and intellectuals were subordinated to the sermons justifying that had become fashionable some european thinkers , such as Jean-Paul Sartre, for example. The catholic church was focused in the curious situation of a silent hierarchy with regard to the incendiary role of some of it s members during the war and bipartisan priestly groups that supported the unscrupulous revolutionary violence. The enlistment of the Father Camilo Tor res in the ELN, was only the most famous episode of this trend. The university academy was dominated by Marxism and consider violence a valid resource, until there was a swing and institutional Civilist significant a t the beginning of the eighties. Since then, the university debate declined by the impact of the violencia9. However, ideological companies such as the national media and the catholic church maintained a posture complacent, when not alone, of the existence of the guerrillas. However, minority groups , politicians and intellectuals, in the continent and in Colombia that condemned the violence and tested other alternatives. 9 Miguel Ángel Urrego, intellectuals, State and nation in Colombia: the War of a T housand Days to the Constitution of 1991, Bogotá: Central University Century of Man Editors, 2002, pp. 29-32. 10 Milton Hernández, red and black: approximation to the history of the ELN, mount ains of Colombia: National Liberation Army , 1998, pp. 65-72. In particular, these guerrillas in Colombia have appropriated the previous exper ience of violence to be located in areas of irregular military tradition, and linked with the practices and the trajectories of warriors previous liberal. After trai ning in Cuba, the members of the Brigade Jose Antonio Trouser is enmontaron in the Ma gdalena Medio Santander in 1964 and engaged to Hernán Moreno Sánchez, a former member of the liberal guerrillas of Rafael Rangel, to appear in public through an outlet armed the people of Simacota on 7 January 196510. The Farc appeared a few months after that the 10th congress of the Communist Party considered that "armed strug gle is unavoidable and necessary as a factor of the colombian revolution" and be sent to two leaders endorsed to sponsor the second conference of a grouping called Block existing Sur11. The EPL is born in February 1967 in the south of Córdoba, re gions of the Alto Sinu and high San Jorge, linked to the experience of guerrilla war liberals like July and by decision of a fraction divided of the Maoist Party Comunista12. 11 The information on the congress is communist in Álvaro Delgado Guzmán, The experim ent of the Colombian communist party , in Mauritius Archila et al. , an unfinished story: left-wing political and soci al in Colombia, Bogota, CINEP, 2009, p. 97. On Farc, Jesus Santrich (ed. ), Manuel Marulanda Vélez: the hero of the insurgent Colombia of Bolivar, mountains of Our America, FARC-EP, s.f , p . 251. Alvaro Villarraga 12 squares and Nelson, to reconstruct the dreams: a history of the EPL, Bogotá: Progress Foundation, 1994, pp. 31-41. In the period 1965-1980 the revolutionary guerrillas maintained a precarious exi stence and residual : the Farc went through a crisis notorious, after which had a vegetative growth; the EPL was barely able to meet its internal divisions; the ELN had in fact disappeared after 1973 and the Movement April 19 (M19) emerged in 1974 was engaged in operations of armed propaganda. How was it possible that some guerrillas feeble grow after the National Front an d eventually become a national threat at the end of the century?

2. A STATE WITH A weakened LEADERSHIP seized the approach proposed here is that the current Colombian war is radically differ ent from the violence and is linked with the declarations of war by the ELN, FARC and the EPL in the mid sixties. However, when the National Front ended in 1974 these groups were in a situation very similar to that of their foundational moments and lacked any significant power. The National Front laid the foundations for consolidating peace and democracy in Colombia. In addition, increases in a significant way the social spending by the governmen t, improving slowly but steadily the main indicators of quality of life and strengthened institution s responsible for these functions. Adopted a pro-active approach in promoting the social organization of urban residents in seals of communal action and of th e peasants of associations of users of the agricultural programs. In 1965 he prese nted the labor reform more important and progressive as a result of a negotiation between the government and trade unions. What could be described as a "huge political effort on the par t of the State to establish institutional mechanisms of regulation of the social r elations in the context of the global social structure"13. Uricoechea 13 Fernando, State and bureaucracy in Colombia: history and organizat ion, Bogotá: Universidad Nacional de Colombia , 1986, p. 74. On the economic and social development at the time, ibid. , p. 91 . 14 The Composite Index of National Capabilities is an index that combines popula tion, size of the army, military spending , energy consumption and production of iron and steel. For all the cases in this text, includes Central America to Mexico. However, the main liabilities of this joint project between the two major parties had to view all with the construction of the State: the National Front w as kept in a precarious situation to the military forces, I do not progress in the integratio n of the country or territorial adapted its judicial system and was unable to create an imaginary of national belonging that will replace the fracture caused by partisan identities. In general, it is accepted that the Latin American States fit with differences of degree in the category of "weak States". The weakness of the State in Latin Amer ica can be explained, in part, the widespread guerrilla and the differences in the temporary prolongation of the guerrillas could be due to the different paths that followed the countries of the continent. As can be seen in Figure 4, and according to "coadministration of War Project", Colombia not only always remaine d below Central and South America in the indicator of national capacities until the end of the last century , but during the 1970s and until entered the eighties fell below the levels of the precarious domestic legislation.14 Front.

Chart 4. National capacities, Colombia, South America, Central America, 1960-201 3

Calculated by the database National Material Capabilities (NMC) v 4.0 .

The duration of the projects guerrillas in Latin America until today has been, o n average , 7.25 years, excluding Eln, Farc and EPL. The average life span of the Colombia n groups than these was 10.115 . It seems that the greater relative weakness of the Colombian State could explain the extraordinary longevity of the guerrillas creo le, but the contrast between the ELN and the FARC and other Colombian guerrillas sug gests that there has to be some additional explanation. C: \Users\Administrator\Documents\Commission\Data\cinc_colvslatam.png 15 according to own calculations derived from the inventory of guerrillas pointe d out before. The weakness of the Colombian State has three components related to the low prob ability of success in respect to the aim of obtaining the monopoly of force, which depends on the compliance of the constitutional mandates to maintain the securit y and defend life, liberty, and property of citizens. The first is the size and the qu ality of the public force, in particular of the armed forces; the second is the effective integration of the territory through a suitable infrastructure; the third component is the e ffectiveness for the resources required for the proper functioning of the institutions.

From 1958 until the end of the century, Colombia had a weak military forces. Thi s feature was the result of a deliberate orientation already that, both during the National Front as during the four following governments of the period 1974-1990, national leade rs with everything and their partisan differences and ideological maintained in a profound weakness, both absolute and relative to the military forces. In ac cordance with Fernan Gonzalez: "Colombian society had been evading, until very recently , the task of building a strong national army and national police effective"16. 16 Fernán González, power and violence in Colombia, Bogotá: Odecofi CINEP Colciencias, 2014, p. 54. They also claim the thesis of the weakness of the armed forces, among others: An dres Davila Ladrón de Guevara , "regular army, irregular conflicts: the military institution in the last fifte en years", p. 285; Henderson, op. cit. , p. 196. Camilo Granada 17, "The evolution of the spending on security and defense in Col ombia, 1950-1994 1950-1994 1950-1994 ", in Mary Victoria Llorente and Malcolm deas (comp. ), recognize the war to build peace, B ogotá: Cerec Uniandes Standard Editions, 1999, pp. 540-564. 18 Armando Borrero, "The military: the growing pains," in Francisco Leal Buitrag o (ed. ), at the crossroads : Colombia in the twenty-first century, Bogotá: Standard, 2006, pp. 118-119. The impairment of the armed forces is demonstrated by the low involvement of the military spending as a share of total expenditure of the government. Spending on security and defe nse, as portion of the total public expenditure, from an average of 27% in the decade of the 50 to 23% in the years 60, 15 per cent in the 70, and 16% in the 80, a trend which continued until the mid 90. As a percentage of the gross domestic product, in the same four and a half decades, the military spending ranged from less than 1% and 1.5 %17. The same can be said from the qualitative point of view. Just in the last decade of the twentieth century the army could increase the involvement of professional soldie rs up to one-third of its foot of force, achieving autonomy in the production of rifles and the armed forces , as a whole, could recover from the great backlog had in armament and equipo18. The comparison of military spending per capita between Colombia and th e rest of Latin America makes it even more resounding the anti-bias policies Colombian public (Figure 5).

Chart 5. Military spending per capita, Colombia, Central America, South America 1960-2013

Database National Material Capabilities (NMC) v 4.0

In practice the term civil power by imposing a condition of institutional fragil ity on the armed forces, while compensating the high-ranking officers with prebends labor. This feature corresponds to the regularities found in the literature for the situations immediately subsequent to the dictatorships. In these cases, "the eli te is reluctant to build a strong army" and prefers appeased with a rebellion armed viewed as safe before that generate the conditions for that will be reissued a c oup d'état or claims of excessive militar19 establishment. This decision was provided because the armed rebellion is always perceived as less of a danger, a social phenomenon that did not affect the main political and social circuits of the country neither increased transact ion costs of the national economy. As well, performing a political challenge as social protest and minimizing their demonstrations, the ruling elite is autoinhi bio to deal with the guerrilla insurgency. C: \Users\Administrator\Documents\Commission\Data\milex_colvslatam.png 19 Daron Acemoglu, Davide and AndreaVindigni Ticchi, "Persistence of Civil Wars" , NBER Working Paper 15378, September, 2009, p. 11-12. With the National Front was inaugurated the doctrine of the reciprocal of the au tonomies civil power and military power, preached by president Alberto Lleras Camargo in the famous s peech of the Theater Homeland (May 9 1958). Since then were delimited and separated the powers of the civil and military authorities, a decision that was contrary t o all the foundations of the modern State and that, even it breached in practice t he constitutional requirement that the head of State is also the supreme chief of t he armed forces . The Colombian State abstained as well to establish a security policy until 200 3 , when integrated security responsibilities, in what was an effort "almost unprecedented in the history of the country. "20. 20 Francisco Leal Buitrago, the insecurity of security: Colombia 1958-2005, Bogo tá: Planet, 2006, p. 241. The consequences of this measure were all very negative for the Colombian societ y. The political leadership forgot the reality of the war and the country has maint ained the premise established after the War of a Thousand Days (1899-1902) to treat all dissent navy as disruption of public order. They are delegated to the military full resp onsibility to deal with a phenomenon of a strictly political nature, as is the revolutionary civil war. The State lacked strategic conception, while the military forces are drowning in a spiral of trial and error on operati onal matters. Under the aegis of the state of siege and by delegation from the governments, th e military assumed often tasks law enforcement, judicial and administrative, while the police established with civilian character tended to militarise without pause until today. Civil and military were discussed during the decades between prioritize c ivilian-military actions to alleviate the microcontextos that stimulated the violence and win the favor o f the settlers or focus on an approach of criminalization of the rebels and their civilian environments, as well as ranged between the terms of the false dichotom y of favoring peace initiatives or strengthen the military action. As if that were not enough, over the course o f half a century the episodes of clashes between the political leadership and the military leader ship became common in the country, up to the point it became traditional that each President dismissal at least one member of the military high command in its period; someti mes, as in 1965 or 1996, clashes came to critical levels. The worst of all the consequences in humanitarian perspective, was the absence of a clear criterion for that force th e public distinguish between civilians and combatants, because the leading concept of "pu blic order " tends to sheltering under the criminal law actions that, under another look, t hey are part of the right of guerra21. 21 During the twentieth century, Colombia experienced a process of domain of cri minal law on the law of armed conflict , according to Ivan Orozco Abad, fighters, rebels and terrorists. War and law in Colombia , Bogotá: Témis, 2006, p. 4. 22 Alvaro Pachón and Maria Teresa Ramirez, the transport infrastructure in Colombi a during the twentieth century, Bogotá, Fondo de Cultura Economica, 2006, pp. 58, 334, 338. 23 Mauricio Uribe López, vetoed the nation: State, development and civil war in Co lombia, Bogotá: Universidad Externado de Colombia, 2013, p. 205. Quoting William Perry. The second characteristic component of the weakness of the Colombian State, rela ted to the ability to provide security to the population and contain any armed challeng e to public institutions, refers to the "infrastructural power of the State". To analyze this aspect are useful data on the infrastructure of roads already that, after the decline of the railroads from 1970 onwards, were the only mass medium of territorial integration, and until the end of the twentieth century represent ed the best alternative access to the institutions and the public force to the regions. In 1960, the Colombian rate of paved roads per 100 square kilometers was 0.23 what i wanted to say that in Latin America only us was above to Paraguay and Bolivia, and Peru and Chile w e exceeded 50 %. If the comparison is carried out by the rate of paved roads per thousand inhabitants, the differences in Colombia with Paraguay and Bolivia would disappear, while Peru and Chile we would double. For this year our torque in the continent was Ec uador; relation to countries such as Argentina and Venezuela did not make sense to make any comparison, let us not talk about Mexico. Between 1971 and 1994, the national network grew to half the pace as the transport of carga22. The low investment in security and roads reflects a deeper problem of the proces s of state-building in Colombia: the low probability of implementing a scheme of taxation acceptable and appropriate to comply with the constitutional missions w ith respect to the basic goods of the population and the needs of the public administration. In Lat in America , "Colombia is the country largest deficit collection has in the region after Argentina and Guatemala"23. As can be seen in Figure 6, after 1970 the extraction of resources by the Colomb ian State took a similar behavior to that of the central American countries and lower than the suramericanos24. This is the result of the resistance of the economic elites both traditional and modern to pay taxes and its deeply rooted behavior to use its influence to prevent any attempt to establish a equitable taxation and appropriate to the needs of the country. C: \Users\Administrator\Documents\Commission\Data\rpeag_colvslatam.png 24 removal policy indicates the ability of the government to obtain resources fr om the national production (taxes, royalties, tariffs) to comply with public goals. Figure 6. Capacity of taxation and redistribution, Colombia, Central America, South America 1960-2013

Relative Political Performance Dataset (RPC) v 2.1

If the common denominator of Latin American States in the sixties was the weakness, Colombia since 1970 lagged behind with regard to our neighbors in the continent. The representatives of the National Front were unable to show achievements with regard to the pacification of the country, the standardization of competition policy, the priority in social spending. The coun try more quiet and in conditions of economic growth could not have made progress in the construction of State in the direction indicated before but did not make them until 1991. A weak State is not capable of organizing the appropriation and legal use of the land or to provide basic goods to the population as a whole or to eliminate the obstacles paternalism that preserved the traditional privileges and aggravate the social i nequality. Social conditions and economic disadvantage that they sought to overcome in the country with the reformist efforts of the National Front derive from the failure of the State, and the guerrilla uprisings were erected as a fracture over the society and an addit ional burden on the scramble of public institutions to comply with the mission of the State . In this way, it is reasonable to suppose that this stagnation is due to a quad lock that prevented various attempts to strengthen the State succeed: the reluct ance of the economic elites to the creation of a modern fiscal contract; the veto of agrarian elites a modification, so shy, land; the disagreements regarding the centralization of political power; the brake of the political class to the strengthening of the forces militares25. 25 On the veto prosecutor, in Uribe López, op. cit. , 211; the government indirect ly as a result of the difficulties for the centralization, James A. Robinson, "Another 100 Years of Solitude," Curr ent History, February 2013. 26 Malcolm deas, "Security and insecurity in the last quarter of the twentieth c entury", in Alvaro Tirado Mejia (ed. ), new history of Colombia, vol. 7, 1998, pp. 249-250. At the end of his administration, in 1978, the president Alfonso Lopez Michelsen presented a review of its management. Lopez said that his Government had seized 216 tons of marijuana and 1.13 tons of cocaine. As their successors, Julio Cesar Turbay and , Lopez treatment the problem of drug trafficking as an issue irrelevant to public safety and rather tried to the government to obtain the foreign exchange profits of the drug business, extracting some resources for the state's coffers. Also "admitted 324 kidnappings, and 417 cases of extortion, but assured his listeners that these crimes were nothing out of the ordinary, and they had nothing to do with terrorist acti vities or guerrilla"26. When Lopez made that speech Colombia was already enshrined as the main exporter of marijuana in the world and some of its most notorious smugglers of cocaine were beginning to protrude; did not meet its first year the formidable and violent social protest convened as national civic strike in 1977; the homicide r ate , which increased from 1975, it was going to lifting brewskies in 1979; and the Sandinista National Liberation Front is dressed to show the second example of triumphant revolution in Latin America. Turbay, the successor of López Michelsen, broad delegations to the military at the head of the defense minister Luis Carlos Camacho but apart from the increase in repression, their actions have had little effect. Not yet touched the drug traffickers, nor to the guerril las and deteriorated the legitimacy of the military forces without strengthening them: during his gov ernment, spending on security and defense as part of the total expenditure, reached "its lowest point since 1950 , with a 12.15 % "27. The visibility of the repression in the administrations Lo pez and Turbay debunked quite to the executive branch. 27 Granada, op. cit. , p. 575. In this way, the liberal governments of Lopez and Turbay and the conservative of Betancur until at least 1984 maintained not only stalled the process of construction of State but that showed an amazing foresight, in retrospect, with regard to the new dangers that hung on the Colombians.

3. LMOST, FACTOR REACTING TO VIOLENCE AND POLITICAL CRISIS

IN the late 1970s, Colombia was twenty years continuously consolidate the dual t ransition from dictatorship to democracy and from war to peace. In addition, recovered the "partial collapse of the State" that had occurred between 1949 and 1957: public institutions were functional, the State was more legitimate and had international recognition, the force was a national public and more professional . However, the remaining tasks that left the National Front were many. There is a need for a reform that will expand and improve the political competition, the judiciary was still waiting for its time, the growing supply of basic goods was insufficient given the rapid urbanization of the country, while the territorial fragmentation remained almost unchanged. During the three subsequent governments to 1974 the only significant contributio n in these areas was made in 1986, when it adopted the popular election of mayors, and the respec tive presidents were unsuspecting to the growing threat of drug trafficking and its potential ef fects on the peace. What was happening during the twelve years of these governments that was not per ceived by the Colombian leadership? A few years after the operation Anorí in 1973, which left decimated the ELN, a sma ll group of activists led by the Spanish priest Manuel Perez Martinez reorganized this guerrilla group by revitalizing the Camilo Torres in the Magdalena Medio Santander and initiating the coordination of cores scattered in Antioquia, Bolívar , Santander and the center of the country, work that would bear fruit in the so-ca lled National Meeting of 1983 which was, in fact, a moment of refounding of the grouping. Toward 1974, th e FARC were in a process of "reconstruction" since for that then "had been lost 70% of human strength and 70% of the weapons", as he recalled Jacobo Arenas. In 1974 the Farc had 4 fronts, in 1978 more than doubled and in 1982 had 24 guerrilla fr onts and more than a thousand combatants. From the 11th congress, carried out in 1980, th e party could marxistaleninista reassembles its numerous fractures and impetus the recom position of the EPL, thanks in good measure to the income of a dissidence of the FARC in Uraba28 . 28 For the ELN, Hernandez, op. cit. , pp. 322-324; for the EPL, Villarraga and s quares, op. cit. , pp. 138-142, 157- 160; the appointment of Arenas in Fidel Castro Ruz, peace in Colombia, Havana: p olitical editor, 2008, p. 88; The growth of the FARC in Juan Guillermo Ferro and Graciela Uribe, the order of the war: the Farc-Ep between the organization and policy, Bogotá, Xaverian Publishing Center, 2002, p. 29. In the second half of the seventies emerged two urban guerrillas, the M19 and Se lf-defense Obrera (ADO), inspired by the models of the Montoneros Argentine and Uruguayan Tupamaros. Dedicated in its beginnings to the propaganda, had his bapt ism of blood with two amazing crimes: the M19 abducting and killing the union leader José Raquel Market in 1976, who was preparing a national strike, and the assassina tion of government minister Rafael Pardo Buelvas by the ADO in 1978. In the first half o f the eighties other four guerrillas emerged independent: a dissent from the Farc call against Ricardo Franco, the Mir-Patria free, the Revo lutionary Workers' Party (PRT) and the defense Quintín Lame indigenous movement . Colombia contributed as well a third of the guerrilla wave that was given in L atin America after the triumph of the Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua in 1979. While behind the armed revolutionary groups in the mid sixties, another source of illegality Emergia driven by the traditional skills of smugglers and the international demand: the bonanza of the marijuana in the slopes of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. These stockists little "rational and computers" we re soon overwhelmed by mafia-type organizations and business dedicated to the production and trafficking of cocaine , which achieved become the suppliers of the vast majority of the world market. The dimensions that you purchased the drug traffic king, and their related activities , helped to "shaping a new country's face in the fields of social , economic and cultural". Transformed the structure of society, fragmentandola illegal and creating channels of social mobility, established new forms of local domination, was a colossal source of corruption of the civil authorities a nd the public force, and insert the country on the global map with more depth than any other actividad29. The drug trafficking has modified the behavior of the Colombian peo ple and their imaginary, aggravated the anomie in everyday behavior and undermined the idea of that hard work and education were the best means to social advancement. 29 Have been followed up to this point, the interpretative lines on drug traffic king proposals in Alvaro Camacho Guizado, "narcos, paracracias and mafia", in Leal Buitrago, op. cit. , pp. 387-4 19. 30 Ibid. , p. 398. 31 Henderson, op. cit. , p. 68. 32 Ferro and Uribe, op. cit. , pp. 96-104; Delgado, op. cit. , p. 109; Henderson , op. cit. , p. 123. As niche of social power, the drug cartels took their influence to the policy through the money and violence. Occupied prominent place in local governments , and during its heyday, raided the national policy: Pablo Escobar was represent ative to the House and the Cali cartel funded "one-third of the Colombian congressmen" in 199430. Although it was always said in the cafes that the narcos had contributed to the financing of the presidential campaigns from Lopez Michelsen in forward, the test queen of this interference just arrived with the presidential oath of Ernesto Samper. Drug trafficking is not only related to the hegemonic power. Since the seventies began to profiting from the poor to be able to alternate guerrilleros31 groups. The relations of the M19 with Pablo Escobar was documented by the "Commission on the truth about the facts of the Palace of Justice"; the linkages of Gonzalo Rodriguez Gacha with the FARC were r eported in 1984 by the U.S. ambassador Lewis Tambs so unfriendly although accurate, and its relationship with the business as a whole have been e xplained by different academicos32. It is not only that the guerrillas will be casually with the coca crops, as documented during the clearance of the area of the Caguán; also stimulated the expansion of the crops in their areas of influence and carri ed the coca to other regions of the country, as happened with the introduction of the f ront 47 of the FARC in the southeast antioqueno33. How they conceived the Farc their relationship with drug trafficking? In front of a former comandante explains with clarity: 33 The "encounter" of the Farc coca in Jaime Jaramillo, Leonidas Mora and Fernan do Cubides, colonization, coca and guerrillas, Bogotá: National University of Colombia, 1986, p. 172; The ex pansion led to the crops in Ferro and Uribe, op. cit. , p. 97; The income of the coca of the hand of the FARC by southeastern antioquia comes from an oral testimony. 34 Juanita León, "Interview with Carlos Alberto Plotter", Bogotá: mimeo, 2003, p. 7. 35 On "the withering guerrilla in Colombia in the seventies," Eduardo Pizarro Le ongomez, insurgency without revolution: the guerrillas in Colombia in a comparative perspective, Bog otá: Third World Editors IEPRI, 1996, pp. 95-101; Henderson, op. cit. , pp. 185-187. The growth of the gu errillas in Camilo Echandía, "territorial expansion of the Colombian guerrillas: geography, economy a nd violence", in AEDS and Llorente , op. cit. , pp. 102-103. 36 Mauritius Rubio, "The rapture to the miraculous catch of fish: Brief history of kidnapping in Colombia", document Cede, 2003, p. 21. "I spoke again with the comrade frameworks that i not conceived of as we were go ing to lucrarnos the drug business. Then he was telling me that I was very puritanical. I thought about it, and look at Mao in the Grand March, England wanted to opium, Mao gave them opium, an d with that received talk and when it came to the seizure of power, is condemned to death the produce rs, consumers of the opium. There is also a tactical side, non-strategic"34. Drug lords and guerrillas were found in the circuits of the logistics and international arms also converged in violent operations. The take-over of th e Palace of Justice was the most conspicuous example, but not the only one. But the most imp ortant aspect of this relationship was that the "defeat guerrilla" of the seventies was followed by a golden era thanks to the narcodollars, which combined with the income by kidnapping and ext ortion to multinational companies, allowed them to all the guerrilla groups modernize their weaponry, increase the number of combatants and spread rapidly throughout the country. Bet ween 1978 and 1995 the number of fronts of the FARC, ELN and EPL "step 15 to 102. The first increased their fronts of around 8 to 65, and the ELN from 3 to 35 "35. This symbiotic relationship was fraught with contradictions political, ethical a nd also practices. The guerrillas were extracted money through kidnapping, and drug traf fickers represented a of people extremely rich. It is now usual place the origin of paramilitarism in the abduction by the M19 of a sister of the clan Ochoa of the Medellín cartel (1981), which gave rise to a mafia company that sough t his release , the same as the father of Pablo Escobar (1984), "Death to hijackers". The More, by its acronym, served as a trigger of the coordination between drug t raffickers and example to the paramilitaries that would emerge more adelante36. They also demon strated the need for a military apparatus itself. The kidnapping is without doubt one of the most plausible explanations of the bi rth and proliferation of paramilitarism. Emerged as a sporadic activity in common cr ime , was adopted as financial method by the guerrillas from the sixties and then as a form of propaganda and political coercion. Of anecdotal became systematic, to the extent that for 1985 were piling up 2,233 cases, according to the database of the Unified Registration of victims. But the kidnapping is only a lead from the lack of state control over the territory and the precariousness of the legal pro vision of security. Shortly after, the paramilitaries would find the three veins that inspired the o rientation and the appropriate organization for the war that was incubating: the model of lordship violent on an economy of enclave as the esmeraldera, the anticommunist agitation policy and the resources of the drug trafficking. In eff ect, the lords of the emeralds in the west of Boyacá had introduced since the mid-twentieth century a private domination, extractive and with high degrees of coercion, which was able to be amalgamated with the regional political power, the church, the force public and politicians in Bogota . On the other hand, the regional elites and policies of the Magdalena Medio reacted to the levy of t he front 4 of the FARC in the region through promoting a communist movement with it s epicenter in Puerto Boyaca. This explanation was given in date very close to the events th e FARC commander Jacobo Arenas. "The Army wrote , supported by farmers and large landowners carry out their criminal activity facilitated by a bogus policy implementation by some of the fronts in those areas"37. One of the biggest drug traffickers in the country, neighbor of the area, called Gonzalo Rodriguez Gacha and nicknamed "the mexican", was added to the experience by providing the necessary funding to make that venture prosperara38 violent. As if that weren t enough, from that moment on , members of the public force participated in the logistics networks and operati onal private of these cores counterinsurgency. 37 Jacobo Arenas, cease-fire; a political history of the FARC, Bogotá, Black Sheep , 1985, p. 126. 38 TO the linking of Rodriguez Gacha to the anticommunist struggle, which is als o expressed as dirty war against the militants of the Patriotic Union, you will have awarded vindictive m otives: that the FARC would steal coca, Dudley in Henderson, op. cit. , 101; who had kidnapped him, ac cording to Strong in Rubio, op. cit. , p. 21. This is a closed circle macabre fabric of alliances and clashes between mafias, guerrillas and paramilitaries, who remained until the beginning of the twenty-first century. Wi th the start of the 1980s began a new phase bloody in Colombia, as a result of a mixture of conflictivity political, economic and social, that overlapped between if, exhaus ted the ability of containment of the public force and justice, and led to an environment conduc ive to violence and common crime will increase. Table 1, which excludes the wars between the State and private groups, shows some facts that illustrate this accumulation of violence. Table 1. Accumulation of violence, 1980-2005

Guerrilla

Paramilitary Drug Traffickers Guerrillas 1982-1987. Farc against Ricardo Franco. 1980-90. Farc against EPL in Urabá. 1985. Tacueyo massacre by the Ricardo Franco. 1998-09. Farc against Eln in Antioquia, Arauca and Nariño.

1982-85. Attempt to resume the Magdalena Medio by FARC. Expulsion of the paramilitaries of Rodriguez Gacha in Putumayo. 1999-05. Farc against ACCU in the Paramillo.

Drug traffickers 1981-82. MORE against M19. 1982-83 Jader Alvarez against M-19. 1985-90. Rodriguez Gacha against FARC. 1988-1991. Fidel Castano against EPL and FARC in Cordoba and Urabá. 1989-90. Norte del Valle cartel against the M19 and the ELN. 1987-1993. Cali Cartel against Medellin cartel . 1989-91. Rodriguez Gacha against the mafia of the Esmeraldas 1992-1993. Pepes against Pablo Escobar 2003-05. Internal dispute of the Norte del Valle cartel . Northern Block against Jorge Gnecco. Paramilitaries 1982-86. Acdegam against FARC. 1990-1998. Accu against Farc in Urabá. 1997-00 Central Bolivar bloc against Eln in southern Bolívar and Barrancabermeja. 1997-99. Catatumbo block against FARC and ELN in Catatumbo 1997-00. Northern Block against Farc in Magdalena and Cesar. 1997-04. Block Élmer Chains against Farc in Urabá Chocoano 2000-02. Cacique Nutibara Bloc

1999-02. Cacique Nutibara Bloc against Metro Block in Antioch. 2001-04. Block Centaurs against Autodefensas Campesinas de Casanare in goal and Casanare. 2002. Northern Block against against resistance Tayrona. against Farc in Medellin. 2000-02. Calima block against ELN and the FARC in the Valley.

Since Lopez Michelsen until Belisario Betancur, the national government had trie d to capture part of the income of the cocaine, but in this task as in other illegal organizations were more effective and thus, in addition to the mafia, the guerrillas and the p aramilitaries were able to increase their ability to challenge the State while this, as demons trated, remained meager. When drug traffickers killed the Minister of Justice Rodrigo Lara Bonilla in 1984, the government of Belisario Betancur they declared war, but it was unclear what could win it. Between 1984 and 1998, the two large posters of the cocaine raised with him to t he Colombian State two enormous challenges and unpublished, consistent with the two different strat egies that were used: the violence and corruption. Pablo Escobar and his organization have unleashed an urban warfare that deployed the repertoire applied by terrorism in Europe and the Southern Cone, attacking everywhere white state and civilian population, to represent "the most serious challenge faced by the Colom bian State as guarantor of law and order"39. This war ended with the death of Escobar in De cember of 1993, thanks to a triple alliance between the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA), the Colombian police and a drug trafficking organization and paramilitary call "persecuted by Pablo Escobar" (Pepes). This alliance had a demonstrative effect on how these agreements, more or less implicit, might be effective in the fight against common enemies and powerful. The following year, and as if that weren't enough, the government of president Cesar Gaviria has authorized the creation of private security group s, who were promoted with enthusiasm for the next administration. Since then, we began to gestate a national federation of paramilitary groups that met over a decade a genra activity counterinsurgency and unilateral violence against the civilian population . 39 Fernán González, op. cit. , p. 396. The survivor Cali cartel that always preferred corruption to contain the state co ntrol played a definitive role in the liberal candidate Ernesto Samper could become president of the republic in 1994. The losing candidate presented evidence of mafia funding of the winner, major involved including the minister of defense accepted the fact and on June 20, 1995 the Attorney General himself for the Nation public testing. The main institutions of the State and the civil society they departed in two in the dilemma of supporting or not the president. A genera l of the national army resigned and the Commander of the Armed Forces was dismissed by arguing that the government was illegitimate; the vice president of the republic and dozens of officials, including ministers and ambassadors, resigned their positions. Busine ss associations are torn by defining its position vis-à-vis the government. The unique voice and critical of the National Trade Union Council appeared to him, at the front, the dissident voice and ruling of a brand new Inter-organizational Union, and large economic groups were moved within a spectrum that went from the gobiernismo the Santodomingo Group until the civil insurgency that incited the Corona Group. Drug traffickers of the Norte del Valle cartel murdere d one of the staunchest enemies of the government, Alvaro Gomez Hurtado (November 2 1995)40; another, the retired general Fernando Landazabal Kings, was later murde red (May 12 1998). The panorama, according to an analyst of the time, was "a government that has no control of anything, except a few resources to buy access ions, and does not have the capability of convocation, or legitimacy, not political room for maneuver"41. 40 The unit of analysis and contexts of the Attorney General's Office stated tha t "the murder of Alvaro Gomez is not the nodal point of the criminal phenomenon, but that can be understood as one more victim of the extermination of people who criticized the Samper government for his alleged lin ks with drug trafficking, those who wanted to collaborate with the research and those who knew of the infiltration of the mone y from the campaign posters in the Samper President". In Maria Isabel Wheel, "Godo good, which is slowly dying ... ", the time, 9 November 2014. 41 Jesus Antonio Bejarano Avila, Labor selecta, vol. 2, Bogotá: Universidad Nacion al de Colombia, 2011, p. 153. The worst crisis of legitimacy of the country's history and its main beneficiaries were the agents of the indomitable illegality. The guerrilla front s that had not agreed to a negotiated peace of 1990 and the paramilitary groups and self-defens e were found in the disorder, the mistrust and the weakening of the institutions t he enabling environment to grow, using the fuel of the narcodollars and abusing a peasantry with few social opportunities and lots of memory of the old wars. Dissolved the large of the cocaine cartels with their media barons, new anonymou s figures in medium-sized organizations were found to their wide before a scene without control. Small and anonymous criminal enterprises bought not few mayors, governors, congressmen. The final balance was a paralysis of the neuralgic activities of the State, incl uding justice, consolidation and growth of the various guerrilla and paramilitary projects and the international isolation of the country, due to the descertificaciones of the United States government to the Colombian State for drug trafficking and human r ights violations . The State was prostrate and helpless by their own contradictions and, above all, because the president decided that his personal pride and fate were more important than the country and that, because he could not govern, the best i could do was to organize the ranks to defend his position and sobreaguar the remainder of the term. An army without moral par ty and was the subject of humiliating defeats and unpublished in two centuries of creole civil wars, and i n this way a geography names unknown escurrieron in history: The Delights (August 96), Patascoy (December 97), Billiards (March 98) or Miraflores (August 98). Hundreds of unprotected population saw its inhabitants massacred in a horr ific manner : The Aro (October 97), Macayepo (October 2000), El Salado (February 2000 ), Bojayá (May 2002). Public figures such as Jaime Garzon (August 1999), Consuelo Araujo (September 2001), archbishop Isaias Duarte Cancino (March 2002), Guillermo Gaviria and Gilberto Echeverri (May 2003), were killed. And many more hundreds, thousands were the anonymous, killed in massacres and attacks with explosives in the cities, a few underground in mass graves, others on the p avement blown apart by the pumps. Without counting the crowd mutilated of peasants, sold iers, and soldiers-peasants.

4. ESCALATION OF THE WAR AND HUMANITARIAN CALAMITY

The political crises caused by the violent offensive and corrupting of drug traf ficking, constituted another "structure of opportunity" for the illegal armed groups guerrillas and paramilitary grow rapidly since the early eighties until the beginning of the twenty-first century. In that period, the number of t roops of the Farc step in a thousand to little more than 20 thousand when i have just the demilitarized zone in 2002, the ELN step of its founding to more than 4 thousand men; the demobilized paramilitary groups mo re than 30 thousand men between 2003 and 2006. The presence of the guerrillas was multiplied by four, surpassing the half of the total number of municipalities; in 1993 the paramilit aries they were already present in 138 municipios42. Less intuitive to use, and more accurate with respect to th e magnitude of the war through the time the data are available on the number of people killed in combat (Graph 7). Camilo Echandía 42, two decades of escalation of the armed conflict in Colombia (1 986-2006), Bogotá: Universidad Externado de Colombia, 2006, p. 28. 43 United Nations Development Program, conflict, alley with output: national hum an development report for Colombia 2013, Bogotá: UNDP, 2003, p. 285. Figure 7 below. Combat Deaths in 1958-2012

Source: National Observatory of memory and Conflict Cnmh and Uppsala Conflict Da ta Program (Ucdp)

The drug trafficking also enabled the increase in the levels of recruitment and the armament of the illegal armed groups. According to the United Nations Developmen t Program (UNDP) 60% of the financing of the Farc came from the narcotrafico43. It was also a crucial source of resources, of course, to paramilitary groups. Among the more traditional financial sources of the guerrillas are, in addition, the kidnapping and extortion, which could make the 21.8 % and 31.8 % of their finances, respectively. The kidnapping has a behavior identical to that of the fighting, which demonstrates the feedback dynamics between resources and war. Following the report of the UNDP, o ther income of all the illegal armed groups would be: the parallel black markets, such as go ld , emeralds, and theft of fuels; the money laundering; and armed patronage on royalties, transfers and other municipal resources, a mechanism that was an u ndesired effect of administrative decentralization initiated in the presidency of Betancur and e xpanded in the of Gaviria44. In 1995 the per capita income of the guerrillas was estimat ed at 70 thousand dollars, while the military forces was 90045. 44 Ibid. , pp. 285-301. 45 Bejarano Avila, op. cit. , p. 145. 46 Uribe López, op. cit. , pp. 115-123. 47 Jose Antonio Ocampo, "a century of development paused and inequitable", Maria Teresa Calderon and Isabela Restrepo (eds. ), Colombia 1910-2010, Bogotá: Taurus, 2010, p. 188. 48 Hernández, op. cit. , pp. 432-651. 49 The first appointment is Jacobo Arenas in Arenas, op. cit. , pp. 21, 95; the second is of Manuel Marulanda cited in Bejarano Avila, op. cit. , p. 298. When the illegal armed groups are well-funded, certain social conditions facilitate the recruitment and explain the persistence of armed strife. Of very straightforward way, rural poverty, high unemployment among men, the high i ncome inequality , are variables that resemble Colombia and other countries with largas46 wars. T he economic crisis at the end of the century (1997-2003), that "gender the stronges t increase in unemployment in the country's history and a significant deterioration in the quality of jobs "47, momentum more even the foot of the irregular force. As well as the war requires a willingness to organized groups, the increase in t he intensity or scaling also requires the decision to establish objectives, strategies, plans and goals of growth on the part of those groups. The escalation of the war was linked with making offensive of the ELN, FARC and the AUC, despite the fact that from 1 982 different governments offered at least three amnesties (1982, 1983, 1992), gave way to several negotiation processes (1984, 1989, 1992, 1999), and that the society acq uired a new constitution in which discussion participated four guerrilla organizations , some social organizations and new party groups. From its peculiar analysis of the context, the ELN raised in 1989 "the inevitability of a process armed with a outcome also armed" and in 1997 considered that the government was in crisis and the insurgency in ascent"48. The Farc, for his part, believed in 1985 that had "began a revolutionary situation" and in 1991 that "the power is near"49. A fraction of the EPL minority rejected the peace agreement between the band and t he government in 1990 . For its part, in 1994 there were the Autodefensas Unidas de Córdoba y Urabá and th ree years after the United Self-defense Forces of Colombia, with a counterinsurgency guidance with what was marked a notable increase in the violence that were capable of pro ducing with respect to its immediate past, fragmented and multipurpose. This combination of resources, economic crisis and willingness to intensify the war was reflected in an increased recruitment of all armed groups, which has remained constant until 2002 . The forced recruitment of minors became a visible phenomenon, as well as linki ng of labor according to reports could have been paid up to more than two statutory minimum monthly wage by combatant. In this way, the ability to do harm is multiplied. Let's take a look at this beh avior according to the single register of victims: from 1985 to 2008 was presented a growing trend of victimization; if we divide this period by halves we find that in the first t welve years, there were 673,477 victims to an average of 56 thousand per year, in the twelve years following the number of victims was multiplied by almost eight times, reaching a total of 5,220,035 . The relationship between the low directly derived from the fighting between the different organizations and armed civilian victims ranges from little more than 80 civilia n casualties for each low in combat, for the first period, and 380 civilian casualties for each low in combat, for the second period. The repertories of victimization (Graph 8) did not change much over the years. T he only novelty at the end of the century it was the massive use of anti-personnel landm ines and other explosive devices non-conventional , which are the responsibility as fundamental to the FARC, the "illegal armed gr oup that used the most in the world. "50. When the armed forces succeeded in consolidatin g the military offensive in 2002, the use of these devices has been extended to the po int that only one of the years that have passed since then introduced more events with mines that accumulated all the years of 2000 backwards. The acts of cruelty, documented ext ensively in the reports of the National Center of Historical Memory, multiplied as the war intensified. Bejarano 50 Eduardo Hernandez, "anti-personnel mines, its relationship with the armed conflict and the production of narcotics ", Opera, 10, p. 264. 51 UNDP, op. cit. , pp. 118-137. This quantification of horror gives sense to the assertion that the US has been an "unjust war "51, due to the hostilities have been conducted in a systematic way that has vio lated the precepts of humanitarian law and without any consideration toward the civilian population. As unforgiving were the illegal armed groups that did not c ease even before major natural disasters, such as the avalanche of the Paez River occurred in traditional zone of the FARC or, according to the criticism of Fidel Castro, the 1999 earthquake in the shaft cafetero52. Sexual Offenses 1% land dispossession 1% recruitment of minors 2% Torture 2% anti-personnel Mines 2%

6% Abduction forced disappearance 8% military actions 14% loss of goods 16% homicide victims 48% (non-possessory or threats), 1985-2014 52 Castro Ruz, op. cit. , p. 123. 53 Used the two parameters, with and without displacement and threats, because t hey are are the modalities of victimization that have more difficulties in their measurement. Also because their numbers are so large that , in the aggregate, lead to underestimate more serious damage such as loss of li fe and liberty. Chart 8. Victims (without displacement or threats), 1985-2014. Single Register of victims, own calculations.

Although it can be argued that the direct effects of war covered the entire coun try's geography, territorial distribution has been very uneven. Seven departments Antioch, Cauca, Valle del Cauca, Nariño, Cesar, Santander and Norte Goal located in four reg ions , contributed 48% of the total victimization and the 52 %, excluding the forced displacement and the threats (Graph 9)53. Graph 9, victims by department (without displacement or threats) 1958-2014 Antioch 27% Cauca

Valley 7% 6%

6% Nariño Cesar

North 4% 4%

4% Other Target 42% Victims 1958-2014 (without displacement or threats)

Single Register of victims, own calculations.

By far, Antioch has been the most victimized department of Colombia. One of ever y five victims total lived in Antioch; excluding displaced and threatened, the proporti on rises to nearly one in three victims. The difference between Antioch and second department, Cauca in the two cases, is four to one. Whatever the modality of victimization is taken, Antioch has always been the first place, with two or three times more victims than the department that follows (Table 2). Table 2. Participation of victimization by department, 1958-2014 killed in massacres Antioch 30% Santander 7.2 % 6.4 % Northern Cauca Cesar 5.9 % 5.8 % selective assassination

Antioch 22.8 %

North Santander 8.9 % 7.6 % Cesar 5.8 % 5.3 % Bolivar mine victims Antioquia 22.2 % Target 9.8 % 7.7 % North Caquetá 7.1 % 6.7 % Nariño Kidnapping Antioquia Valley 18.5 % 7.3 % Cesar 7% Bogota 6.9 % Santander

Antioquia displaced 5.4 % 19.2 % Bolivar

Magdalena 8.3 % 7.6 % Choco Nariño 5.4 % 5.3 % Fighting Antioquia Santander 21.8 % 6.9 % 6.2 % Northern Cauca Goal 5.5 % 5.1 %

Single Register of victims, own calculations. The war also affected the democratic order not only by the dysfunctions generate d in the institutions, but also by the violation of the life and freedom of the local representatives. Between 1986 and March 2003 were killed 162 mayors, councillors and 420 529 staff members, 53% of whom were police inspectors; in ad dition, were killed 108 candidates for mayor and 94 candidates to municipales54 councils. In turn, between 1970 and 2010 were abducted 318 mayors, 332 councillors, 52 deputies and 54 congressmen, most of them at the top of the war between 1996 and 200255. 54 Borman R. Ballesteros and Alberto Maldonado, violence and municipal managemen t, Bogotá: Colombian Federation of Municipalities GTZ, 2003, pp. 29-34. 55 National Center of Historical Memory, Enough is Enough! Colombia: memories of war and dignity, Bogotá: Cnmh, 2013, p. 68. 56 The figure of Rubio, which includes spending on security, Bejarano Avila, op. cit. , p. 144; UNDP, op. cit. , p. 107. The measurement of the effects of war on development is quite elusive. While Mauritius Rubio felt, for 1994, an economic impact of the war equivalent to 15% of the gross domestic product, the UNDP proposed a 1.92 per cent to 200256. When UNDP calculated the loss produced by violent deaths in the human development for 2001, Colombia was the most affected country between 65 countries for which informatio n was available, losing 14 jobs in the world. The departmental estimates showed to Antioquia and Valle del Cauca as departments with the highest reverse. Antioc h was going to be among the six departments with the highest human development ind ex to occupy the last place, behind only of Norte de Santander. A sample of the damage to the development is in the economic sabotage. Since the eighties the guerrillas began to use the blowing up of the infrastructure as a source of extortion to the oil companies and electrical, then used as a form of political pressure to the State and as a military tactic to distract the operations of the public force (Graph 10). Apart from the enormous economic costs of this tactic, the harm to the population and the environment have not been appreciated in its prop er magnitude. Just imagine what they mean for the population of a municipality is one or more days without power or for our precious ecosystems continued the spill of oil, to form an idea of the daily sufferings of the civilian population during the confrontation and the irreparable damage to our biodiversity. Sometimes the comb ination of effects was monstrous as when killing 84 people burned in 1998 in the hamlet of Antioquia Machuca, after a bombing of the pipeline by the ELN. Figure 10. Attacks on infrastructure, 1985-2014

Sources: Isa and Ecopetrol.

An unintended consequence of this unhappy and accumulation of violence and victimization, is the feedback of the war. The dynamic war creates the condition s for its own growth. To the extent that the illegal armed groups closed the possibilities of development and democracy in the local scenario, the only chance of survival and recognition for the younger segments of the population is the link to the private armies. A sample of this phenomenon can be seen in the effects that the illicit crops have had on the war: when the economic activity of the coca was buoyant, resources for the illegal armed groups grew; when the State attacked the coca-producing areas, the main alternative to the workers of coca was integrated into the armed groups ilegales57. 57 Ferro and Uribe, op. cit. , p. 100. The war in their phase more burning and painful, book in good measure by means o f fighters recruited so forced. The most dramatic case is the forced conscription of minors. The Cnmh quantified this infringement on the basis of the analysis of th e profiles of people unrelated to the illegal armed groups and established that 4,490 were minors, the 60% of the FARC, the 20% of the AUC and the 15% of the EL N. This data is the lowest among the various sources that have studied the phenomenon. A more complex study estimated that, of the adult combatants of the illegal armed groups, 52.3 % of the ELN, the 50.1 % of the FARC and the 38.1 % of the AUC entered rows stil l minors ; and that by 2012 the foot of force of the FARC was integrated in a 42% by minors and the ELN by a 44 %58. If we apply the first figures to the irregular troops supposed to the year 2000, the result would be that close to 28 thousand combatants were incorporated as minors. These data contradict any clear statement that the linking of the Colombians to the war has been essential ly voluntary or motivated by belief; the best description seems to be that active minorities equipped with money and weapons created military aircraft by c oercion . At its zenith, the war was carried out to a large extent with combatants enlis ted that under any perspective, legal or moral (for example, in John Rawls), must be regarded as victims. 58 Natalia Springer, lambs among wolves. The use and recruitment of children and adolescents in the framework of the armed conflict and crime in Colombia, Bogotá: Springer Consulting Services, 2012, pp. 26, 30. 59 Ibid. , p. 27. The forced recruitment is just a glimpse of the multiplicity of tragic events th at occurred within their warring armies, either as balance of fighting or as victimization produced internally by decision of its controls. In the first case , mention should be made of the 7,172 members of the army killed in armed actions since 1994 until today, and also the irregular warriors, whose amount is indeterminable bec ause their bodies do not appeared, and unspeakable them since less than half of the retrieved can be identificar59. In terms of victimization, there is considerable internal reports on the application of the death penalty during the first years of the li fe of the guerrillas, in particular of the ELN, but regulations of the FARC and various testimonies suggest that this practice has been very common. Perhaps the Tacueyo massacre, i n which were killed 164 guerrillas executed by the heads of a dissidence of the FARC in 1985, is the best indication of this form of violence. On the other hand, historical experience shows that the persistence of the war c reates vicious circles of lawlessness and violence that amplify the effect of the armed actors organized. Regulatory gaps and sovereign of the State, and the insurgent actions and counter-insurgency operations, generate an enabling environment that gives rise to "the antagonisms parish, social hatred, revenge, and religious rivalries of interests"60. The war ended to blow up the weak regulatory framework of the communities and exacerbated a proclivity toward the illegal and violent resource s on the part of individuals and organizations with security, they would act differently in other conditions . 60 Greg Grandin, "Living in a Revolutionary Time: Coming to Terms with the viole nce of Latin Americas long Cold War", in Greg Grandin and Gilbert M. Joseph (eds. ), A Century of Revo lution: Insurgent and Contrainsurgent Violence during Latin Americas long Cold War, Durham & London: Du ke University Press , 2010, Kindle edition, pos. 414-427. 61 Ballesteros and Maldonado, op. cit. , pp. 37, 40. 62 Alexandra Samper, "a witness on the 205 days of the abduction of Guillermo cu ts", The malpensante, 2014. A sample of the extent of damage to community-based structures, and violation of the human needs of the rootedness of the sociability and stable are the attacks on the populations and headboards, usually in small municipalities, peripheral and rura l. Between 1993 and the first half of 2003 there were 806 such attacks in 284 municipalitie s in the country , i.e. one every five days. The 71% of them were attributed to the Farc61. We might also mention the damage to the morality of millions of Colombians, perh aps all of us. What residue of moral sensitivity could be in the thousands of people who ran these violent actions, in most cases, against unarmed people? Without doubt, one of the factors explaining the persistence of the war, of the persistence with which the protagonists have persisted in it, it is the moral numbness of th e commanders of the warring groups. On the back, the Colombian society faces in the future to the consequences of both moral wear. This problem is well refle cted in the statements of a kidnapped: the kidnapping "i removed almost everything, b ut gave me a feeling I had ever seen: the hatred hatred debases degrades and i hate even more by this"62. One of the main explanations of the excessive prolongation of the war and its re sultant humanitarian calamity lies in the fact that for the guerrilla groups that defied the State and civil society in Colombia the most important objective has been it s own self-preservation and growth before that any political or humanitarian consideration, while that for the paramilitary groups that faced was more important to crush their enemies and protect their private interests to protect the settle rs. In the case of the FARC, the priority of the organization on its revolutionary objectives you c an narrate as well: before the need to be financed resorted to drug trafficking, in order to preserve the security of the organization decided to murder civilians under suspicion of being informe rs and probable deserters, before the military exigencies left side of the politica l work, wasted several opportunities of negotiation rather than confront to the dissolut ion of the grupo63. Here are 63 ideas in Ferro and Uribe, op. cit. , p. 171. Following this logic, concentrated in the interests of group, the revolutionary organizations played a critical role in the discrediting of the ideals of equality and solidarity invoked by Marxism, and severely affected the legitimacy of the social movements and political protesters that have proposed alternatives to the institutional arrangements prevailing in the country. Paramilitarism, for its pa rt, discredit the universal right to self-defense and it became a vehicle of economi c and political interests that run counter to the public interest and the construction of a social and dem ocratic State of law. As is characteristic of a weak State, public institutions have failed in the protection of life, liberty, and property of citizens and, on the contrary, the major state agencies responsible for the safe ty and justice flagrantly violated the human rights of all Colombians.

5. IN THE DIALOGS AS TACTICAL TO AN AGREEMENT TO END THE WAR

's escalation of the war and the mass victimization that produced can give the i mpression that Colombia suffered an ongoing process of political polarization and military, and that the parties resisted to establish relationships or never tried to open doors to a possible negotiation of their differences. What happened was the opposite: the increase in the intensity of the war was always accompanied by dialogs and negotiations. If Colombia is characterized by the pactismo political, the guerrilla groups bec ame part of the select club of pressure groups, political factions and economic sectors trained in the struggle to remove avante their partisan interests. In fact, duri ng the three decades at between 1984 and 2014, Colombia has had at least 18 "episodes of negotiation"64, i.e. one every year and a half. A very high frequen cy if one takes into account that, in the investigation of Pinfari framework and of the Ucdp armed conflicts with at least a negotiating range between 36% and 39 %, or is that more than hal f of the war pass without episodes of negociacion65. Of these 18 negotiations between illegal armed groups and the State, 11 ended with an agreement, 6 failed all of them with the FARC and the ELN and remained a work in progress at the end of 2014. 64 Is a episode of negotiation is a instance that goes from that presents a prop osal for an agreement until it is signed or rejected, and that is inclusive, demanding and incremental, accordi ng to Marco Pinfari, "Time to agree: Is Time Pressure Good for Peace Negotiations," Journal of Conflict Resolu tion, 55 (5), 2011. Pinfari 65 framework, Peace Negotiations and Time: Deadline Diplomacy in territo rial disputes, New York: Routledge, 2013, p. 54. During the same period of time (1984-2014), the episodes of negotiation with the FARC have dashed had a duration of 122 months, which far outpaces the longest negotia tion of the world (Ivory Coast, 50 months) and, as is obvious, the average of the observed by Peace Accords Matrix (Kroc Institute for Internationa l Peace Studies , University of Notre Dame); it also exceeds the average of the other negotiatio ns colombian (table 3). Over 30 calendar years, only 7 years not witnessed any episode of ongoing negotiations in Colombia. In plain language, th is country has done both war and peace, even when, as can be seen, with varying effectiveness. Table 3. Average duration of episodes of negotiation 1984-2014 place Description Average Duration Peace Accords Matrix 33 episodes in 15 countries on four continents 18.15 months Colombia 1989-1991 4 episodes with M19, EPL, PRT, Maql 9 months Colombia 1984-1997 3 episodes with CRS, popular militias, Mir-Coar 10 months Colombia 2002-2006 2 episodes with Auc 13 months Colombia Farc 1984- 2002 2010-? 3 Episodes current episode 29.3 months 34 months (incl. 2014)

Source: Peace Accords Matrix, own calculations.

Many of the likely explanations for the failure of some of the negotiations in C olombia , it is far from being a peculiarity creole. Whether the influence of electoral calendars , expiration of truces, partial or total failure of the peace accords, the intervention of third parties, the activism of sectors opposed to the agreements , Colombian conditions are very similar to those of other countries in civil war. The permanent divisio n between the insurgency and its acute civil strife may explain in part the failure to achieve its military objectives and the partial configuratio n and prolonged of the agreements with guerrillas and paramilitaries in the country. However, th e glaring contrast between these partial agreements but successful in the country and the successiv e failures of the episodes of negotiation between the national government, on the one hand, an d the FARC and the ELN, on the other hand, suggest that there are peculiarities in processes with these groups and their or ganizational characteristics . Why, if the political and socio-economic conditions of the country were the same, some guerrillas agreed to peace and not others? In these negotiations there was always a mixture of improvisation, bad design an d volunteerism on the part of the respective governments, but perhaps the main mis take of approach has been the dominant idea in the ideological and political elites of t he option by the state political solution was incompatible with the strengthening of the m ilitary strategy . The resultant asymmetry derived from where it was acceptable that the guerrill as will combine military strategy and diplomacy, but not to do so the State.66 66 Jorge Orlando Melo, "are the processes of negotiation: a strategy against the peace? ", Medellin, 30 July 2001, p. 9. In: http://jorgeorlandomelo.com/procesosnegociacion.htm 67 Lion, op. cit. , p. 4; In the same sense, Mauricio García Durán, Uribe to Tlaxcal a: peace processes, Bogotá, Anthropos, 1992, p. 45, 49, 89. 68 Explanation of Jacobo Arenas on the conclusions of the enlarged Plenum of the Central Command of the Farc of October 1983, in Arenas, op. cit. , 103-106; on the offensive end in Gar cía Durán, op. cit. , p. 185. But the decisive factor was that in any case the ELN and the Farc came to the ne gotiating table with a willingness to reach agreement. On the contrary as is well documented in the case of the Farc negotiations were used as tools to improve their position and military policy, and trampolines to intensify the war . As stated by one of its commanders, "the peace process was a tactical process The demilitarized zone helped generate, paradoxically, the strategic plan. He ap proached the rear to the center of strategic deployment"67. Before you begin the truce of 198 4, the FARC had decided to "enlist to the disappointment with the policy permits betancurian a will lead through the paths of real change that will be the revolution" and had been plotting a "military plan to 8 years". Before the National Constituent Assembly and the di alogs of Caracas and Tlaxcala in 1991 and 1992, the FARC had already set the goal of laun ching a final offensive in 199768. In conclusion, "the dialogs of the Caguán were but a tactical moment of the FARC, which formed coherently in the strategic goals of the military growth through new methods of war"69. 69 González, op. cit. , p. 443. 70 Lion, op. cit. , p. 8. 71 Juliet Lemaitre, peace in question. War and peace in the Constituent Assembly in 1991, Bogotá: University of the Andes, 2011, pp. 63-68, 101-125. Another explanation, linked to this, is that over the course of the various stor ies of the ELN and the FARC can be identified a common element: the priority of the livelihood of the organization on any other political purpose, and above any type of strategic arguments, moral or authority. The initial impetus, derived from the g ravitational force of the revolutionary ideology and the Cuban example, whole affair became political-military organizations with an identity constructed from myths and stories unique, almost alien to the rest of society, and that over the years is silted up as absolute beliefs and survived without any external confirmation or popular support. Blind faith in their own truths and in the possibility of realization of the utopia group reinforced the idea that the pres ervation of the organization , compliance with its rules and plans were more important than any chance of negotiation, with offers that are more or less generous, and social ac ceptance more or less extensive. No less important are the daily adjustments that lead to be warrior becomes a way of life, because when "go the people with the sack of silv er to the side, then it is another vision"70. The event which would serve as acid test to check the connection of the guerrill a groups with society and calibrate their purposes was the constituent process that began in 1 990, gave way to the Constitution of 1991 and opened a phase of initiatives to make o perational the new constitutional provisions. Among other things, the constitution was a do uble covenant of peace with four guerrilla organizations and, in a tangential manner but decisive, with the two large posters of the cocaine that were opposed to the ext radition of nationals to Unidos71 states. The constitution dissolved the blockages which since 1976 had prevented reform t he political regime; in a tacit manner but forceful, responded to the demands of "democratic opening " that some political and social sectors, and as the FARC guerrillas, the EPL an d the M19 had made; institutionalized human rights and set up mechanisms for assurance of the same; changed the exercise of justice in the country and reform ed the judicial branch; and allowed the political spectrum will become so vast, diverse and dispersed as few in the world. Between the transitional measures, are "granted extraordina ry powers to the government for three more years to negotiate peace with the guerrillas" remnants. Guerrilla warfare was the response of rejection and their amazing requ irements: the Farc, according to the former president César Gaviria, "they wanted to have the half of the constituents, without disarm and without even acquire any commitment in this regard"72. In Tlaxcala, t he commander of the Farc Alfonso Cano demanded the delivery to the guerrillas of 198 municipios73, which amounted to almost half of the national territory and the extension of Spain. More than a calculation error with regard to the correlation of forces, it was a way to reje ct the outstretched hand . 72 Ibid. , pp. 12 and 69. 73 García Durán, op. cit. , p. 229. 74 Gallup Poll, September 102 of 2014. Comparing the Farc with institutions more and less valued by the Colombians, the military and the congress, respectively. 75 Dinorah Azpuru, "Democracy and Governance in Conflict and postwar Latin Ameri ca: a quantitative assessment", Cynthia Arson (ed. ), in the wake of War: Democratization and Inter nal Armed Conflict in Latin America, Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2012, pp. 41-65. The result of this process and previous government initiatives such as the popula r election of mayors was that while the public institutions and the society were modernized , the guerrillas were anachronistic. The State constantly increase the supply of public goods, constitucionalizo human rights and broad political participation . Colombia began the construction of an imaginary inclusive and multicultural. A nd this was expressed in all the imaginable indicators of legitimacy: for example, in the twenty-first century, the favorable opinion toward the Farc ranged between 1% an d 5 %, while the favorableness of the military forces was moved between 64% and 90% and the support to the congress was between 14% and 54 %74. In 2010 Colombia ranked fifth in support of democratic institutions and law enforcement, between 17 Latin American countries ; the negative side of this evaluation is that the country only exceeded in Haiti in the indexes of state fragility and also in terms of validity of the freedoms between 7 latin american countries considered in posconflicto75. As you know, the opportunity opened in 1991 coincided with global developments t hat have disturbed the ideological underpinnings of the left in the entire world: th e Berlin wall fell in 1989 and the Nicaraguan revolution came to an end the same year, in 1990 the Salvadoran guerrilla forces agreed to a negotiation after the failure of its final offensive, in 1991 the So viet Union disintegrated . If the Colombian guerrillas was framed some time in the global ideological struggle, for these years those concerning no longer impo rted. Devoid of significant support in the population, followed by relying on their re lative wealth and military might become in a fundamental way on war machines. When it reached the crisis of legitimacy of the Samper government, the military forces began a restructuring, the United States didn't unlock the military cooperation and launched Plan Colombia, were already laying the foundations for the State will recover the initiative and is hereby amended dramatically the theater of wa r. The administration of Alvaro Uribe won the backing of the population, has mobilized the public institutions and developing a security strategy from the civil power, for the first time in the history of the country. Thus were created the conditions for that in 2010 the administration of will take the initiative to bring about a new diplomatic output, which led to the national government and the FARC leadership will sign an "Agreement for the completion of the conflict", low-budget other than the ones w ho carried the past experiences of failure and low credible manifestations of the parties t hat seek to comply with the committed published.

6. SUMMARY

Any exercise of comparative politics shows that there was no in Colombia or in an other country any feature that can be called "structural" or "objective" that determine fatally the occurrence of the war. In general, in the wars there are n o different causes to the decisions of the political units and in Colombia, the war was initiated b y the will of revolutionary groups that challenged by force of arms to the government and soci ety , and after that were imitated by drug traffickers. Different matter is the unusual extension of the Colombian war. To explain it, h ere it has been proposed a confluence of factors that were the "structures of opport unity" for the persistence of the contest: " the weakness of the State, the difficulty of achieving agreements between elit es to overcome and the inefficiency of several governments to identify and act on critical junctures; two of the greatest political crisis in the history of the country, generated bo th by the drug cartels , and facilitated by the fragility of the institutions of security and justice , and by the high degree of corruption of the political class; " the existence of armed revolutionary organizations of predatory nature, insensitive to the demands and conditions of the population, and converted into the single valuable purpose for them Same; the flowering of the drug trafficking that served as a source of funding for the aircraft armed, and the livelihood of social conditions that provided motivation and stim ulus for that many Colombians swell the ranks of the private armies; " the multiplicity of fronts from the race, in addition to the conflict between State and insurgency , covered clashes of guerrillas, paramilitaries and drug traffickers, and each one of them with their similar; the repeated use of the negotiations on the part of the insurgency as tactics to escalate the war.

The result was a ferocious civil war that raged across much of the national terr itory, he became conservative calculations in the 10% of the population in direct victims and affe cted the democratic indicators and human development of the country, as well as civil lib erties. This essay attempted to respond the accountability requirements posed at the beg inning. Of them, the political and moral responsibilities take on greater significance when it comes to the actors and protagonists of this story, on the understanding that any agreement f or the completion of the war will be more robust while better try to understand our drama from a collective perspective and while more respect save for those who ha ve suffered . Acemoglu BIBLIOGRAPHY, Daron, Davide TICCHI and Andrea Vindigni, Persistence of C ivil Wars, NBER Working Paper 15378, September, 2009. ARENAS, Jacobo, cease-fire a political history of the FARC, Bogotá: Black Sheep, 1985. AZPURU, Dinorah, "Democracy and Governance in Conflict and postwar Latin America : a quantitative assessment", Cynthia Arson (ed. ), in the wake of War: Democratization and Internal Armed Conflict in Latin America, Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2012. BEJARANO AVILA, Jesús Antonio, Labor selecta, vol. 2, Bogotá: Universidad Nacional d e Colombia , 2011. BEJARANO HERNANDEZ, Eduardo, "anti-personnel mines, its relationship with the ar med conflict and the production of narcotics". Opera, 10, (2010), pp. 263-279. BORRERO, Armando, "The military: the growing pains," in Francisco Leal Buitrago (ed. ), at the crossroads: Colombia in the twenty-first century, Bogotá: Standard, 2006, pp. 113-146. CAMACHO Guizado, Alvaro "narcos, paracracias and mafia", in Francisco LEAL BUITRAGO (ed. ), at the crossroads: Colombia in the twenty-first century, Bogotá: Standard, 2006., P. 387-419. CASTRO, Daniel, "The endless war: guerrillas in Latin America History", in Danie l CASTRO (ed. ), Revolution and revolutionaries: Guerrilla movements in Latin Amer ica , Lanham: SR Books, 2006. Pos. 287. CASTRO RUZ, Fidel, the peace in Colombia, Havana: political editor, 2008. NATIONAL CENTER FOR HISTORICAL MEMORY, Enough is Enough! Colombia: memories of w ar and dignity, Bogotá: Cnmh, 2013. DAVILA THIEF OF GUEVARA, Andrew, "regular army, irregular conflicts: the military institution in the last fifteen years," in Mary Victoria LLORENTE and Malcolm DEAS (comp. ), recognize the war to build peace, Bogotá: Cerec Uniandes Standard Editions, 1999. AEDS, MALCOLM, "Security and insecurity in the last quarter of the twentieth cen tury", in Alvaro Tirado Mejia (ed. ), new history of Colombia, vol. 7, Bogotá: Planet, 1998, pp. 249-259. DELGADO GUZMAN, Alvaro, "The experiment of the Colombian communist party", in Ma uritius ARCHILA et al. , an unfinished story: left-wing political and social in Colombia , Bogota, CINEP, 2009, 93-140. ECHANDÍA Camilo, "territorial expansion of the Colombian guerrillas: geography, economy and violence", in Mary Victoria LLORENTE and Malcolm DEAS (comp. ), recognize the war to build peace, Bogotá: Cerec Uniandes Standard Editions, 1999, pp. 98-149 ECHANDÍA Camilo, two decades of escalation of the armed conflict in Colombia (1986-2006), Bogotá: Universidad Externado de Colombia, 2006. BALLESTEROS, Borman R. and Alberto MALDONADO, violence and municipal management, Bogotá: Colombian Federation of Municipalities GTZ, 2003. FERRO, Juan Guillermo and Graciela Uribe, the order of the war: the Farc-Ep betw een the organization and policy, Bogotá: Publishing Center Xaverian, 2002. GARCÍA DURÁN, Mauritius, the Uribe to Tlaxcala: peace processes, Bogotá: Anthropos, 1992. GONZALEZ, Fernan, power and violence in Colombia, Bogotá: Odecofi CINEP Colciencias, 2014. Grandin, Greg, "Living in a Revolutionary Time: Coming to Terms with the violenc e of Latin Americas long Cold War", in Greg GRANDIN and Gilbert M. JOSEPH (eds. ), A Century of Revolution: Insurgent and Contrainsurgent Violence during Latin Ame rica s long Cold War, Durham & London: Duke University Press, 2010, Kindle edition. HENDERSON, James D. , victim of globalization: the story of how the drug traffic king destroyed the peace in Colombia, Bogotá: Man of the Century Publishers, 2012. HERNANDEZ, Milton, red and black: approximation to the history of the ELN, mount ains of Colombia: National Liberation Army, 1998, JARAMILLO, Jaime, Leonidas MORA and Fernando CUBIDES, colonization, coca and gue rrillas. Bogota: Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 1986. JUDT, Tony, the weight of responsibility, Madrid: Taurus, 2014. LEAL BUITRAGO, Francisco, the insecurity of security: Colombia 1958-2005, Bogotá: Planet, 2006. LEMAITRE, Julieta, peace in question. War and peace in the Constituent Assembly in 1991, Bogotá: University of the Andes, 2011. LION, Juanita, "Interview with Carlos Alberto Plotter", Bogotá: mimeo, 2003. MELO, Jorge Orlando, "are the processes of negotiation: a strategy against the p eace? ", Medellin , 2001. In: http://jorgeorlandomelo.com/procesosnegociacion.htm OCAMPO, José Antonio, "a century of development paused and inequitable", Maria Ter esa Calderon and Isabela Restrepo (eds. ), Colombia 1910-2010, Bogotá: Taurus, 2010. OROZCO ABAD, Ivan, fighters, rebels and terrorists. War and law in Colombia, Bogotá: Témis, 2006. Pachón, Alvaro and Maria Teresa RAMIREZ, the transport infrastructure in Colombia during the twentieth century, Bogotá: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 2006. PARIS, Roland, At War s EndBuilding Peace after civil conflict, New York: Cambrid ge University Press , 2004. PINFARI, Marco, "Time to agree: Is Time Pressure Good for Peace Negotiations," J ournal of Conflict Resolution, 55 (5), 2011. PINFARI, Marco, Peace Negotiations and Time: Deadline Diplomacy in territorial disputes, New York: Routledge, 2013. PIZARRO LEONGÓMEZ, Eduardo, insurgency without revolution: the guerrillas in Colom bia in a comparative perspective, Bogotá, Third World Editors IEPRI, 1996. POSADA CARBÓ, Eduardo, the nation of dreams; violence, liberalism and democracy in Colombia , Bogotá: Standard, 2006. UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM, conflict, alley with output: national human development report for Colombia 2013, Bogotá: UNDP, 2003. ROBINSON, James A. , "Another 100 Years of Solitude," Current History, February 2013. RUBIO, Mauritius, "The rapture to the miraculous catch of fish: Brief history of kidnapping in Colombia", document Cede, 2003. WHEEL, Maria Isabel, "Godo good, which is slowly dying ... ", the time, 9 Novemb er 2014 . SAMPER, Alexandra, "a witness on the 205 days of the abduction of Guillermo cuts ", The malpensante. Retrieved 10.19.14 . In: http://elmalpensante.com/articulo/3117/el_secuestro_de_la_chiva. SANTRICH, Jesus (ed. ), Manuel Marulanda Vélez: the hero of the insurgent Colombia of Bolivar, mountains of Our America, FARC-EP, n.d. SPRINGER, Natalia, lambs among wolves. The use and recruitment of children and adolescents in the framework of the armed conflict and crime in Colombia, Bogotá: Springer Consulting Services, 2012. URIBE LÓPEZ, Mauritius, the nation vetoed: State, development and civil war in Col ombia, Bogotá: Universidad Externado de Colombia, 2013. URICOECHEA, Fernando, State and bureaucracy in Colombia: history and organizatio n, Bogotá: National University of Colombia, 1986. URREGO, Miguel Angel, intellectuals, State and nation in Colombia: of the War of a Thousand Days to the Constitution of 1991, Bogotá: Central University Century of Man Publishers, 2002. 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DATABASES Freedom in the World 2014, Freedom House. National Material Capabilities (NMC) v 4.0 , coadministration of War, University of Michigan. National Observatory of memory and Conflict National Center of Historical Memory . Peace Accords Matrix, Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame . Single Register of victims, Drive for the victims. Relative Political Performance Dataset (RPC) v 2.1 , the University of Rhode Isl and. Uppsala Conflict Data Program (Ucdp), Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala Universitet. What is a simple story?

Francisco Gutierrez Sanin1 1 Researcher at the Institute of Political Studies and International Relations a t the National University of Colombia. Director of the Observatory of refund and land property rights, http://www.observatoriodetierras.org/. Thank you for the valuable comments of El isabeth Wood, as well as the inputs and contributions of Fabian Acuña, Rocío Penalty and Margarita Marin. It is c lear that all errors and inadvertent that may contain this text responsibility are mine alone. 2 See for example Francisco Gutierrez and Juan Carlos Guataqui, The Colombian ca se. Peace-making and power sharing. The National Front and New Constitution Experiences", 2009 available at : http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTCONFLICT/Resources/ColombiaFinal.pdf

1. INTRODUCTION before you study the causes of the origin and persistence of the Colombian confl ict, we need to define what they are talking about. I shall confine myself to the periodization which i proposed in efficient2 texts. Colombia has experienced two major waves of civil war: the kno wn as The Violence, and which I will call here war [against]insurgent. The first lasts roughly from the late 1940s to early 1960s. The second begins by then, and continues until today. I will concentrate on the second. Bot h waves are organically connected (see section 2) and show many continuities, but are different in their actors, main reasons underlying and logical. The counterinsurgent war, in turn, has two key moments. The first is, obviously, the creation of the marxist guerrillas of inspiration. But in order t o form a non-state armed group enough, in fact, with the act of the will of a handful of people . Several guerrilla groups emerged in Latin America in the 1960 'S; very few sobrevivieron3. Among them are the Colombian. Why is that? This is my question o f the origins . However, the Colombian guerrillas were in the 60s in general fairly marginal . The second key moment takes place in the late 1970s. It is then when Colombia falls, since any reasonable indicator that is used, in a state of civil war. And it lasts until today, becoming the national conflict mor e prolonged of the world. Why entered the country at war? Why is it extended this so extraordinary? And how did it do that? These are my questions by persistence. 3 Including those countries that have experienced wars themselves. See for examp le the case of Peru, in which the first insurgencies of the 1960s were quickly chased. Any text on the origins, persistence, and victimisation of a conflict as complex as the Colombian has to be surrounded by early warnings. There are many things about our war that we do not know. There are many others o n the that there are important open debates. These are problems that are not easy to resolve. The experience of other countries suggests that such discussions can be extend for d ecades, and occupy whole volumes of scholarly literature. This, of course, is not to sug gest that anything goes: to measure that is emerging more and more evidence, less proposit ions are able to give an account of it. But if it involves remembering that every asserti on of our conflict is necessarily partial and is set forth from an on-going debate . In addition, this particular text was written within extreme constraints of time and space. None of them can serve as an alibi for the error or negligence, but both are reflected in the number of items that I omitted, or subsumi, in the general argument. The Colombian conflict has developed in the midst of a vigorou s modernization both in society and in the state. Gave origin to a whole number of peace process es , with rich experiences and varied. It was transformed in the heat of a spectacu lar democratic opening (the Constitution of 1991). Occurred in the midst of a changing international environment, that was the cold war in the post-Washington consensus, through multiple intermediate stages. Involved in various ways to the catholic c hurch . Gender terrible social and human tragedies. None of this appears, or does so only marginally, in the presentation that follows. Except for the last section, I focus on the factors that considered immediately relevant to the explanation of the origin an d persistence of our war. In this work of thematic exclusion has helped me the conviction that any explanation would be of our tragedy has to be able to survive some basic comparative tests. For example, may be given to the neoliberalism the conn otation and meaning that you want, but with each one of them is one that there were many countries that suffered radical neoliberal transformations without falling or pe rsist in the war.4 Something similar can be said for the theory of national security and policies a gainst insurgent-promoted by the United States. I believe that this proven beyond any reasonable doubt that played a very negative role in Latina5 America. But th ey were applied in many countries, with radically different outcomes. Treatment of concentrate here on the factors that define the specificity Colombian, and that therefore could sustain a plausible explanation in front of a comparative perspective. It also sought to find the reasons that allow you to understand the way in which development is ou r war, i.e. the as. For example, any explanation that focus solely on the level of the political regime can help you understand why we live as long a coexistence between democracy and conflict, or that we are witnessing a s ubnational so marked variation in the dynamics of this. 4 Francisco Gutiérrez, Gerd Schönwalder, Economic Liberalization and Political Viole nce: Utopia or Dystopia Manifesto By?, London: Pluto Press, 2010. In fact, many countries had t ransited through toward the peace to neoliberal horse designs. The interactions between these openings and the mobili zation from below have been studied by Elisabeth Wood, Forging democracy from below. Insurgent transitions in South Afr ica and El Salvador, Cambridge University Press, 2000, 5 There are already many work on the topic. See for example J. Patrice McSherry, P redatory states. Operation Condor and covert war in Latin America, Rowman & Littlefield, 2012 Therefore, presented a narrative that does not come from strictly sequential way , for instance, by considering events year by year or consecutive presidential terms. Simply, i discuss in two large blocks the condit ions associated with the differentiating phenomena which i shall explain. Beginning b y the origins, highlighting five factors (inheritances from the violence, land inequality created through th e political allocation of property rights, institutional exclusions of the peasant ry by below the level of the political regime, and beleaguered centrifugal dynamics within the political system, and the reopening of the access to the private provision of security). After, i concentrated on the persistence; there i choose five other key factors , which developed that allowed the origins (or overlap them), and analyzed their mutual interactions. These factors are: drug trafficking, patterns of guerrilla violence against civilians, massive private provision of security, articulation of this t o strategic directions of national agencies, and dense articulation between legal and illegal actors within the political system. The consequences for the country are devastating, t hing that illustrated in the section on victimization. But at the same time important meeting exit doors . Paolo Rossi said in his book extraordinary6 that the researchers were divided be tween "spiders", who looked at the overview and the major trends, and the "ants", who worked on the floor with all the details of the material at hand. I imagine that it wou ld be best to try to combine the virtues of both styles. Regardless of that achieve such an ideal is possible, given the design of this exercise is inevitab le here "talk as spider" and skip the empirical support of many assertions, and intermediate s teps in the reasoning. That is why I refer with some frequency to my work that deal w ith similar problems, and where they are empirical references and the more detailed analyzes related to some of the propositions that underpin the narrative: not by vanity of author, which is one of the most abhorrent, but from a sense of respon sibility for ant. But of course I support also continuously in the already wide and rich pano rama that offer the Colombian social sciences. 6 Paolo Rossi, the philosophers and the machines, 1400-1700. Barcelona: New Coll ection Work, 1966 Well not notice that I have not wanted to here simply to make amanuensis of a su ccession of horrors. This text is written as a bid for peace. This implies to criticize all the actors in the conflict, but with the expectation to help se arch for civilized ways to exit the. Even if you are right, this can be very painful. One of the founder s of the science policy, Ostrogorsky, said in his classic study on the parties that he hoped that all the actors on who he was talking about will be a little insatisfechos7: that was the key symptom that he would be quiet. Saved all the proportions, i have the same expectations. Ostrogorski 7 Moisei, Democracy and the organization of political parties, trans actions Publishers, 1981 8 To visualize this is sufficient to read the diaries of Che Guevara. See "The d iaries of Che in Bolivia", editions The Cave, 1966, s.l. 9 Dew Londono Botero, trade unionism and Economic Policy, Bogotá D. C: Fedesarroll o, 1986. 10 Maria Alejandra Vélez, FARC and ELN. Evolution and territorial expansion, degre e thesis at the Faculty of Economics at the University of the Andes, 1999. This confirms an intuition a pioneer of Le grand: see Catherine Legrand, Frontier Expansion and Peasant Protest in Colombia, 1850 1936, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986 11 Walter Joe Broderick, the guerrilla fighter invisible, Bogotá: Intermediate, 20 00, p. 156 12 Another version of this thesis is that the origin of our conflict is associat ed with the "absence of populism". For a critique, see Francisco Gutiérrez, the orangutan with sacoleva. One hundred years of democracy and repression in Colombia (1910-2010), Bogotá: IEPRI-Penguin Random House Publishing Group, 2014. 13 Daniel Pecaut, " Colombia: violence and democracy ", Political Analysis, 13, Bogotá: IEPRI, 1991 p. 37

2. ON THE ORIGINS OF THE CONFLICT The Colombian guerrillas of marxist inspiration were created in the early years of the 1960s . In that sense, there is not much difference between Colombia and the rest of Latin America, where appeared by then many insurgencies motivated and revolutionary speeches from the Soviet Union, China, Vietnam and Cuba. In this early period, the majority of the Latin American guerrillas acted in the midst of a great aislamiento8. In Colombia was presented a similar phenomenon. Except episodes as in Marquetalia, the guerrillas were developed outside of the main de bates of a country that is modernized and urbanized rapidly and whose levels of social mobilization increased so visible9. As has been shown Velez, the bulk of the guerrilla activity are development early in the peripheries demographic and territorial the country10. This led to that in many cases will be brought forward in Colombi a that has called Broderick "a fantasy war"11. However, and in contrast with our neighbors, in Colombia the guerrillas survived in a manner not imaginary, but fairly tangible. Tap understand why. A first explanation that is now routinely offered is the closure of the country.12 Front regime. But it, as it has noticed Pecaut, does not pass any com parative examination serio13. In relationship to the whole of the continent, the Colombian political regime was without a doubt among the most open. The country had a strong tradition of construction and development of liberal institutions, and although the closures of the Face were not insignificant, were much lower than those of most of the neighboring countries. The Colombian g uerrillas were able to survive and become challenges not imaginary but real not because of the close of the regime, but thanks to five major factors:

2.1 STAFF SKILLS AND contrary to our neighbors, here the experience in guerrilla warfare had an impor tant tradition. The country was just emerging from a period of murderous dictatorship s, which extends from the end of 1949 until well into the 1950s. Exterminator during this cycle, the respective governments launched massive attacks against the civilian populat ion, often with territorial objectives (populations or regions that they belonged to the wrong d emographic), and built , it fueled violent networks or promoted in the attended by political leaders , civil, and members of security agencies to attack, expropriating and humiliate people who were considered adversaries or that they were simply in the wrong pla ce at the wrong time. It is true that the liberal guerrillas that were developed more or less spontaneously to resist this onslaught would eventually develop similar pra ctices 14; but at the same time were also made to a multitude of skills of survival. 14 Carlos Miguel Ortiz, State and subversion in Colombia. Violence in 50 years t he Quindio, Bogotá: Cerec - Cider, 1985; Carlos Miguel Ortiz, " The liberal guerrillas in the years 50 and 6 0 in Quindio", in Yearbook of Colombian Social History and Culture, Bogotá, National University of C olombia ed, 1985. 15 See the reflection of Carlos Lleras Restrepo in full National Front: after th e violence "has never been able to speak that there is a general peace, complete and solid". Carlos L leras Restrepo, toward the restoration of democracy and social change, Bogotá: Planet, 1999, p. 451. The phrase is still tragically force. 16 Gutiérrez, op. cit. , 2014 The exterminator cycle leaves a mortgage that has not yet been evaluated apropiadamente15. The mortgage is also institutional, crystallised in issues suc h as the literally thousands of decrees issued under a state of emergency, which were finally absorbed as part of the daily operation of the apparatus of the estado16. But wh ere it is most visible is in the creation of social conditions favorable to armed activity contrary to the rule, or simply unfamiliar to him. For example, generated numero us blood debts

, which have developed a dynamic of its own. As ever affirm very general Rojas Pinilla, the Violence in Colombia can also be seen as a combinatio n of "great hatred and petty squabbles"17. Add to this the mass destruction of lives and properties, which led to hundreds of thousands of Colombians irrepa rable damage , arousing among many victims feelings that could go from humiliation to the hatred and the desire for revenge. In different regions we are with social bases peasant ravaged by violence, and at the same time willing to p rovide --as a matter of pure survival18-- illegal support to forces opposed to the stat e. Had been forged in the field networks of sociability articulated to projects of armed resistance, which ultimately were fundamental to the takeoff of the guerrilla projects of the decade of 196019. No less important is that during the cycle will be forged a la rge staff of specialists in violence, which operated under the protection of both the trad itional parties of the nuevos20. It is from experiences like these that the affirmation of Sánchez --according to which the combination of all forms of struggle was not, in the Colombian context, an invention of the communists, but the adoption of a practice already extended 21-- acquire meaning. Those specialists not only burdened with long paths that the involved in unspeakable horrors --often in quality of both victim s and victimizers--, but had acquired skills during years of confrontation . They had learned of the guerrilla war in manuals not soviet, Chinese or Vietnamese, but in the field experience. Even more, they knew how to interact with the local authorities to ensure out a mantle of benevolent neutrality, outside protection more or less open, to its activity. 17 Quoted in James Henderson, when Colombia he bled. A study of violence in the metropolis and the province, Bogotá: Salva Liarte Publishers, 1984, p. 247 18 Ortiz quotes a liberal saying that is "ashamed of the guerrillas", but who be lieved that "if we were absentcorpses". Ortiz, Op cit. , 1985, p. 211. 19 On the crucial importance of these, see Paul Staniland, Networks of rebellion . Explaining insurgent cohesion and collapse, Cornell University Press, 2014. 20 Gonzalo Sánchez and Donny Meertens, bandits, "whitened and peasants: The case o f the violence in Colombia , Bogotá: Ancora Publishers, 1983. 21 Gonzalo Sánchez. La Guerre et politique in Kenjara, Paris: L'Harmattan, 1998

2.2 INEQUITY BUILT THROUGH THE ALLOCATION POLICY OF THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY The second factor was the existence of a great land inequality created and proce ssed through the political allocation of property rights on the land. This is "the atomic bomb of institutional designs" in the country. The key players responsibl e for allocating and specification of property rights (the canonical example are notaries) have been linked directly and without mediations at partisan politics competitive. Even more, in the institutional landscape prior to the National Fro nt, those same politicians that put to notaries and mayors also had a crucial role in the appointment of ju dges and policemen subnational, so they could operate on the set of local life to ensure access to land protected by coercion and impunity. This fired two conflicting trends, in the still caught the country: on the one hand, the steady accumulation of land by large landowners through a combination of political contacts, sophisticated lawyers, and violence22; and on the other hand , the creation of very strong incentives for the specialists in violence will be enriched in exactly the same manera23. That is to say, on the one hand and co ncentration by another upward social mobility, both tied to the land, the use of violence, and to the competitive politics . You cannot give an account of the colombian oscillation in the 20th century between "hot peace" (with high levels of violence and murderous brawls local) an d open conflict without fully understand the implications of this design. 22 In the case of the Bellacruz Ranch, an official of Incora finds the next expr ession fortunate: "usurper mania" of the landowners through legal quibbling and force. But of cour se this kind of proclivities are fixed institutionally. See Camilo Gomez Duran, a lawyer of wast elands, Report on the situation in the municipalities of La Gloria and Tamalameque in relation to the sites which seeks to Alberto Marulanda Grillo. Commission ordered by resolution 0371 of 1960. Incora, General Services Division, Microfilm File. 23 It should be noted that the technology required for this pattern of allocatio n of rights is relatively simple, and that the barriers to entry are low with such that the agent be prone to the risk. Francisco Gutiérrez, the orangutan with sacoleva. One hundred years of democracy and repression in Colombia (1910-2 010), Bogotá: IEPRIPenguin Random House Publishing Group, 2014. 24 Catherine Legrand, op. cit. There are two other tracks that linked the issue of the land to the origins of t he conflict. On the one hand , the ongoing expansion of the agrarian frontier through successive waves of occ upation by settlers, who gradually were expelled, through a combination of strength, political manipulation and chicanery legal, by landowners who had both the ability and the incentive to hacerlo24. This expansion is article w ith various types of economy throughout the 20th century --coffee, livestock, coca25 --, but the basic mechanism exhibits a surprising amount of continuity. As has been argued L egrand, Molano and Fajardo26 this necessarily produces a quantum of violence, especially if one bears in mind that the main point of reference for legal access to the rights of property was the presence fisica27. On the other hand, the link between political power and g reat land ownership , which produced --and continues to produce--brutal regional closures and locale s28. It is not true that the traditional parties have been ventriloquists dolls of the landowners, and when you are reviewing the files that they talk about these parties is that their directories were populated more by lawyers, professors and lawyers that by rich rural. However, for long periods and in many regions the landowners were unable to make their service to those politicians and bureaucrats to the few civilians of their areas of influence, as well as to the police and security agencies. 25 Alfredo Molano, Forest Inside: an oral history of the colonization of the Gua viare, Bogotá: Salva Liarte Publishers, 1987 26 Dario Fajardo, to spread peace, Bogotá: Unibiblios, 2002 27 In the case of the wastelands, occupation. Gutiérrez, op. cit. , 2014 28 Alejandro Reyes, landlordism and political power, history of the cattle ranch es of Sucre, Bogotá: CINEP 1976; Alejandro Reyes, warriors and peasants: the dispossession of the lan d in Colombia, Bogotá: Ed. Standard 2009 29 Fernan Gonzalez; Ingrid Bolivar and Teófilo Vasquez, political violence in Colo mbia. In the fragmented nation to the construction of the State, Bogotá: CINEP, 2002. Fernan Gonzalez presents a general framework for understanding construction of the state and territory in Gonzalez F. , power and violence in Colombia, Bogotá: Odecofi, 2014. 30 Paul Oquist, violence, conflict and policy in Colombia, Bogotá: Institute of Co lombian studies/Banco Popular , 1978 The attentive reader will no doubt noticed that we need from the three factors t o understand why the earth has been so central to the Colombian conflict. The spontaneous reactio n opposite to this is to think that has been developed in the middle of the instit utional vacuum: where there is no state. And, in effect, there is much in favor of this hypothes is. As we shall see in the next section, one cannot understand the persistence of our conflict without mete r in the explanation the institutional gaps generated by the type of territorial occupati on that was developed in the pais29. However, the bulk of the lethal activity during the violence took place in the coffee axis (as you will see Oquist30), and the cycle of the c ounter-insurgent in the departments of Antioquia , above all, or Santander and the Valley: in the heart of the economic and institutional development of the country. In other words, our confl icts seem to have been due to two logical institutional, one related to the proverbial "absence of the state"31 and another with the specific form that you purchased y our presencia32. The three factors outlined here --concentration through the political allocation of proper ty rights, inherently violent expansion of the agricultural frontier, and articulation betw een local authorities and large agrarian property -- can give an account of this dua lism. 31 Doesn't really matter much to the exposure that this graphical expression qui te a bit inaccurate, as had been mentioned by several authors see for example González, Bolivar and Vasque z, op. Cit 2002. 32 For the case of violence, this is clearly seen in Mary Roldán, blood and fire. The violence in Antioquia 1946-1953, Bogotá: ICANH, 2002 33 and in the developing world. In fact, remained well during fifteen years. 34 Cannot be regarded as a is of limited, etc. ; but in any case inclusion. The fact that a social reform in the long run does not have significant economic impacts or sustainable does not mean that the ir political effects specifically are irrelevant. In the other direction it could b e argued that the voltage reappeared periodically even though so much more problematic after the front, and i think s ome, but that does not weaken the proposition that presented here.

2.3 CLOSURES POLITICAL: A RECONSIDERATION I argued above that in terms of political regime and liberal institutions, Colom bia was during the National Front in the category of the most open countries of Amer ica Latina33. However, during the same Front were inherited, and/or built various fo rms of representation below the level of definition of the regime were remarkably exclusive, and that in particular were installed in the country a bias anti-farm er of large proportions. It should be noted that during the National Front that bias was in dynamic tension with forces favorable to the inclusion34. The obvious example is the development of the fiction that the Colombian peasant s --in both social sector defined by a certain place in the world of production-- was adequately represented by forms of vertical integration as the guilds of the economic field. Some of these were created during the Front; others were reaffirmed then as key partners of the economic policy. It was assumed that represented as a whole to the inhabitants of the field, and they have spoken for decades on behalf of them; but the interests of the peasants were completely out of the picture. In fact, the public activity of such guilds, including the period of the same face, has had as one of its basic components the opposition to any policy of redistribution of assets by the state. The model of vertical integrati on of agrarian economies could have come from the National Federation of Coffee Gro wers, but with all the limits and problems that the original could have had one has to admit that it supported in tenure patterns and forms of production very different to the other guilds of the field. Already at the beginning of the face, when a parliamentary commiss ion to discuss what would be the agrarian reform of 196135 invited the voices of the relevant country to express themselves, it would have been able to notice a serious vacuum of representation: marched spokespersons of the parties, the national and regional guilds, and some unions (UTC and CTC). There was no change in who will speak on behalf of the peasants themselves . The creation of the National Association of Peasant Farmers during the agraria n reform of 1968 created some important dynamics of mobilization in interaction with the estado36, but after the Pact of rural areas in 1972 were exhausted them than ks to a systematic combination of violence and exclusion. The result is that in the late 1970s, the state no longer had an interface to interact with the peasants. After, the ministry of agriculture established significant relationships almost exclusively with the guilds, which otherwise would take over the years, the bulk of its staff leader. The processing of social demands of the peasantry --by far the social sector hardest hit by the violence, and then who would suffer most during the war against-insurgent -- was blocked during fifteen years. This lock is overlaying the inequity that material already in the 1960s was very high, and th e categorical differences imposed via policy and enforcement in different regions through the mechanisms discussed in the previous point. It is this juxtaposition of ineq uities what Stewart has called "horizontal inequality"37, guiding plausibly as one of the factors that could help explain the origin of the wars civiles38. In Colombia , the horizontal inequality that suffered the peasants was a breeding ground for 35 to the effect, see in the annals of the Congress of 1959 and 1960, the creati on of the National Agrarian Committee Committee to advise the government on the study of the legislative and executive measures related to the reform of the social structureagrarian , Decree 2061 of 1960. Offi cial Journal, number 30318, on August 31 of 1960. p. 1-2. 36 Leon Zamosc, the agrarian question and the peasant movement in Colombia. Stru ggles of the National Association of Peasant Farmers (ANUC), Bogotá: United Nations Institute for social development -CINEP, 1987 37 French Stewart, Horizontal inequalities and Conflict: Understanding Group Vio lence in multiethnic societies, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008 38 for a brilliant operationalization of this intuition, see, Lars-Erik CEDERMAN and Gleditsch, Kristian Skrede, Halvard Buhaug. Inequality, grievances, and civil war. Cambridg e University Press, 2013 not necessarily a mass resistance but if of various forms of disconnect with the world of the institutions, as well as rebellion39; and how much will be worsened during the conflict. 39 That include, critically, the income to illegal groups. People relatively sat isfied with their situation develop levels of risk aversion that prevent them from seeking alternatives such as this. 40 This assertion, correctly i believe, does not imply the wrong proposition acc ording to which any form of subnational police has to result in violence and indiscipline. Op. cit. , Gutier rez 2014, the orangutan with sacoleva 41 to thank Eduardo Pizarro me pointed out the exact date of this medida11111111 11111111111. See for example 42 Gustavo Gallon, the Republic of the weapons. Relations betwee n state and armed forces in Colombia 1960-1980, Bogotá: CINEP, 1983

2.4 PROVISION OF THE PRIVATE COERCIÓN/SECURITY during most of the 20th century, a good part of the provision of security and th e supply of state coercion step by the hands of policemen subnational, that in many regio ns were articulated in a straightforward manner, as an instrument of private agents , to partisan struggles , heavy factional fighting and social. This form of provision of security/coerci on was to the violent and porosa40. The horror of the violence had as protagonist subnational to the policemen that acted as coordinators and legitimators of radicalized civil networks.

The National Front ended with the subnational policemen with the major reform of 195941, but instead recreation the private provision of security through decrees issued during the governments of Valencia and Lleras42 that established the figu re of self-defense. In them, the army was responsible for receiving the demands of private security of the population, which would lend the counterinsurgent war of its specific institutional framework , and in the long run would unleash dynamics similar to those of the Violence (attacks against the civilian population coordinated or enabled by state securit y agencies , but with broad participation of private agents). The Front had already assimi lated, estatizandolas, other forms of private provision of security --the rural DAS is an important example --, but with the creation of the figure of the autodefensas unidas de left the c onditions under which the state would respond to the challenge through guerrilla networks civilians - state, as it had done yesterday. The consequences will be discussed in the next section .

2.5 SYSTEM political cronyism/PAROCHIAL Finally, the Colombian political system evolved from a moderately statist program, which was intended to ensure that the traditional parties act a s transmission belt between the central state and the regions through the articulation of various micro-covenants by the development, orientation toward a more parochial and orie nted to express the territorial demands of elites. The enloquecedoramente complex game of factio ns within the Front led to what became known as the contemporary "immobility": the scope modest, or the failure as they lived many contemporaries, of the great social reforms that were in the center of the Front's program, and which are not limited to, but always passed by, the agrarian reform. This in turn is expressed in a rapid loss of credibility and support to the front and their leaders, of which the emblematic example are the dramatic elections in 197043. Much more than the rural guerrillas, was the M19 which expressed by armed route that dislocation between political sy stem and society. 43 For the details and analysis of the implications i refer to Francisco Gutiérrez , what the wind? The political parties and democracy in Colombia 1958-2006. Bogota: Editorial Nor ma, 2007

These five factors --inheritance cycle of an exterminator, land inequality built through the political allocation of property rights, horizontal exclusions of peasants, the have kept the door open for the private provision of security , and the powerful parochial tendencies of the Colombian political system that l ed to a dislocation between society and politics -- not only were important factors pro-conflict, but that were combined to generate a historical sequence that woul d be directly associated with our fall into a civil war itself. The sequence begins with the start of the two major processes of agrarian reform (19 61 and 1968), which produce a re-alignment of forces both within the political system a s within the economic elites. In essence, the country faces the problem of choosin g between agrarian reform in the country village, which is basically what proposes a sector of the political elites, and colonisation, the counter of some guild spokespersons and factions of the traditional parties. With the defeat of the reforms, it imposes de facto -- and also institutionally--colonizing the alternative. This in turn leads to a settlement of new regions in which there are neither market nor state. A simple illustration of this demographic dynamism "weatherproof" is as follows. While that between the censuses of 1973 and 2005 the population of the country almost doubl ed, the of the eight departments of the south that prior to 1991 were commissaries or police stations more than t ripled (Arauca, Casanare, Putumayo, Amazonas, Guainia, Guaviare, Vaupes and Vichada). Even more, to the extent that the population density in these areas remains very low, the c enters of the political system have no incentive to make them public goods. And the regional coalitions that are built there will be the proclivities, the prece dents and the incentives that will be provided to themselves of such property, starting wi th the security. There are, of course, an element of contingency here; in reality, the confluence between the random and the need to collect the successful formula of Jacques Mon od44. Because it is precisely when this is happening, the country is articulating the global market for illicit substances. This colossal impact power to regional coalitions that are giving their cry for independence, because now they also count with funding and specialists in violence without having to go through the center of the system po litico45. All this brings us to the next section. 44 Jacques Monod, chance and necessity, Barcelona: Tusquets, 1981 45 an interesting insight of the implications of this shock is located in James Henderson: Victim of globalization . The story of how the drug trafficking destroyed the peace in Colombia, Bogotá: M an of the century, 2012

3. PERSISTENCE 3.1 . BASIC QUESTIONS , therefore, between the late 1970s and early 1980s, Colombia was , since any reasonable standard, in a state of civil war. They were also placed all the conditions for which scaling will continue. The dynamic forces th at gave rise to the conflict, and which I described in the previous paragraph, were still present. The chain of fear and hatred generated by the cross-violence has been lengthened and strengthened. The productive structure of the country, and the rules for the occ upation of the territory by the society and the state, had been profoundly transformed with the articulation of the country to the global economy of the drug trafficking. The political system was in full centrifugal drift, which moved the centers of power to regional coalitions insurgency increasingly formed by a combination of legal and ilegales46 agents. 46 Gutiérrez, Op. Cit. , 2007 It is clear that these factors operated in favor of the development and escalati on of conflict . And with all this, the persistence of the Colombian civil war continues to rai se questions easy to articulate but difficult to answer. Why have we had a war so long? Societies with regimes much more closed, more exclusive, or with fractures more visible - in the political and symbolic--, gained access to the p eace, or witnessed a military victory by one of the parties involved. Colombia, a country development of medium-low, without large chasms ethnic, linguistic or religious, and with liberal institutions that evil that operate well, has not escaped the scope of t he confrontation. Where is the answer? There is another deceptively simple question that relates to the previous: why was the war in the way in which? Why , for example, not undermined democracy (in fact we are witnessing a spectacular opening in 1991), but instead support so massively in the private provision of coercion and security? I shall raise here that there were five major factors that in a whole contribute d substantially to the conflict persists and further developed, without producing a final winner , without allowing the peace, and at the same time without destabilizing the cou ntry's democratic arrangements : drug trafficking, the repertoires of violence against civilians used by the gu errillas -- in particular the abduction--, development increasingly broad and powerful patte rns of private provision of security, the confluence between them and the strategic dir ection of various state agencies, and the evolution of the political system. It considers each of the dimensions separately, and then I will concentrate on the interaction between th em.

3.2 . THE BIG FIVE FACTORS OF THE Persistence

3.2.1 LMOST As you know, the economy of the illicit substances had already become relevant i n the country since the 1970s, giving rise to the "bonanza marimbera" and the massive influx o f illegal capital through mechanisms such as the "one-stop shop sinister"47. Howev er, it was only in the first half of the 1980s that the country became a first line player in the world market for coca. 47 Daniel Pecaut, Chronicle of four decades of Colombian politics, Bogotá: ed. Nor ma.2006, p 236 48 See for example Fernan Gonzalez "Peopling and social conflict in Colombian hi story", in To read the Policy, Tomo1, Bogotá: CINEP, 1997, p. 71-94. Of course, with large difference s within the "center" and "periphery", both regional (Adolfo Meisel Rock, why do we need a regional ec onomic policy in Colombia", working papers on regional economy, No. 100 Bogotá: Bank of the Repu blic, December 2007) and social (José Antonio Ocampo, between the reforms and the confli ct: Economy, governance and conflict in Colombia, Bogotá: Editorial Norma, 2004) 49 This is further reinforced with the mining boom. 50 To the extent that the populations were migratory flows from various parts of the country. This had several fundamental implications. Deepened the centrifugal tendencies of the political system, since the regional coalitions no longer in need of the political center to access funding or specialists in violence. In terms of state presence, increase the dualism Colombian territorial. The geographical cen ter -- whose core was the Andean world -- had high population density and at least partial access to state services, but he was surrounded by a periphery with inversas48 features. With the rise of the coca economy, the periphery was popula ting and won in relevance economica49. But on the other hand continued without having access to the state, nor to markets with a minimum of regulation and institutionalization, nor even to basic forms o f capital 50 as. That is to say, this expansion of the agricultural frontier generated a n ew fracture in terms of

"right to state," to use the eloquent expression of Garcia and Espinosa51. In effect, the territories in which it was initially installed the coca economy were sufficiently populated to have significant demands, but at the same time sufficiently uninhabited as to the political system had no incentive to provide public goods. In these conditions, the inhabitants of these territori es often entered, without major alternatives, the diagrams of governance rebel52 or to th e dynamics of classes predatory policies that could escape without problems on any regulatory control. 51 Mauricio Garcia and Jose Rafael Villegas Espinosa, the right to state. The le gal effects of the apartheid colombian institutional, Bogotá: justicedepartment, 2013. 52 Cherian Zachariah Mampilly, Rebel Rulers: Insurgent Governance and Civilian L ife during war, Cornell University Press , 2011. 53 William Ramirez Tobon (1996): "a peasantry illicit? ", Political Analysis doe s not. 29 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER, pp. 54-62 54 Maria Clemencia Ramírez, between the State and the guerrillas. Identity and cit izenship in the movement of the coca farmers of Putumayo, Bogotá: ICANH, 2001 55 Maria Clara Torres Bustamante, State and coca in the Colombian border. The ca se of Putumayo, Bogotá: CINEP, 2011 56 Juan Guillermo Ferro Medina and Graciela Uribe Ramon, the order of the war, t he FARC-EP: between the organization and policy, Bogotá: EYEBROW 2003 57 a good way to visualize this is by making a comparison between their structur es and of the armed forces , made by the FARC members in International Commission of the FARC EP/Colombia : "FARC EP are a belligerent force" The social consequences of the progress of the cultivation of coca were not despicable. The basic point of departure is that the coca created a "peasantry i llicit"53 which by definition had no possibility of processing legally their demands on the state. The outlawi ng of broad sectors of society, as well as whole territories, gender complex social dynamics54 and institucionales55, which blocked the circuit of informatio n and goods between the central state and those regions and social sectors, and deepen ed the locks already dramatic representation --as I explained in the section 2-- that suffere d from the peasants. No less important, the coca economy had great consequences of war. The FARC took the decision to be linked to it at the end of the decade of 197056 . This with the time would give it access to enormous resources to develop the highly militaristic model on which it built this Organization, especially from its 7th Congress in 1982. The FARC wanted to build as a ejercito57, and this had not bee n https://www.google.com.co/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=3&cad=rja&uact= 8&ved=0CCY QFjAC&url=http% 3A% 2F%2Fwww.abpnoticias.com%2Fboletin_temporal%2Fcontenido%2Fli bros%2Fbeli gerancia_FARCEP. doc&ei=ZWBuVNlewqSDBJrhgdgG&usg=AFQjCNGv5UwhfSVhtTNav2jEic9OnNKZKg&sig2 = 9CFC XUBfo3eICIywRiZrQ&BVM=bv.80185997,d.exy, consulted on 19 November 2014. The non- state armed groups can be classified in a continuum between army and network, and the FARC are loca ted at the left end of this spectrum. See Francisco Gutierrez and Antonio Giustozzi (2010): Networks and hangout: Structuring rebellion in Colombia and Afghanistan, Studies in conflict a nd terrorism vol. 33 Do not. 9 2010 Pp. 815-835. For a comparison between the FARC and other armed groups in Co lombia's conflict, see Francisco Gutiérrez, 2008: telling the difference: guerrillas and paramilitarie s in the Colombian war, politics and society vol. 36 Did not. 1, pp. 3-34 58 cited in: Report submitted by the social foundation to the inter-american comm ission on human rights in its 100th regular session, available at: http://www.google.com.co/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=0CBsQFjAA& url=http%3 A% 2F%2Fwww.proyectossocialesdirectos.org%2Findex.php%2Fes%2Fpublicaciones%2Fcat egory%2F7- construction-of-the-peace% 3Fdownload% 3D25 % 3Aalgo-todaviaocurrira& ei=s55vVPGSL8qVNsiCgNAB&usg=AFQjCNFmruXNV2EMAGt967X4cEPToNoR0w&sig2 =GV 8on3E2VAoCl0aOiFXSFQ, September 1998. Apparently, the figure does not discrimina te by organization. 59 See below. 60 Mario Aguilera Penalty, counterpower, justice guerrilla, Bogotá: IEPRI-Penguin Random House Publishing Group, 2014; Mario Aguilera Sentence " Keys and distortions of the di sciplinary regime guerrilla", Political Analysis . No. 78, 2013 cp 45/62 been able to achieve without access to major funding sources. The phenomenon is, by its very nature , difficult to estimate. In accordance with the Inter-agency Committee on combat ing the finances of the subversion, in 1994 the guerrillas were receiving 219 billio n pesos for drug trafficking, and 685 in 199658. Such estimates should be taken with a lot m ore than a grain of salt, but the orders of magnitude are basically those. There is a discussion on the modalities of insertion of the FARC in the coca economy, but regardless of its outcome we know that he had a triple effect in the develop ment of the militaristic model adopted by the FARC and that explains a good part of its abil ity to supervivencia59. First and foremost, gave him enormous resources to weapons, ran ch, logistics and process of expansion. To the extent that the fronts and blocks transferred finan cial contributions to the secretariat, the monies of the coca served relatively evenly to this escalation of the organization. Immediately, allowed him to become the regulatory authority of economies for which by definition could not operate the state. Therefore, the FARC could act as a local authority, in some cases regional, which provided various forms of order and rudimentary forms of justici a60. In the end, both the enormous income as the regulatory role allowed him to the F ARC increase their recruitment capability, a critical variable to which I shall retu rn below. 3.2.2 PATTERNS OF VIOLENCE AGAINST civilians, the phase of transit to the civil war itself was characterized by a sharp increase i n the kidnapping. The most important database of abduction, the figures and Conceptos61, contains information about the social characteristics of the victim s. According to her, abductions attributed to the FARC 51% were against state offic ials , 39% against people who were in the agricultural sector, and 33% against people who were in the comercio62. Similarly, both preliminary quantitative evid ence63 as qualitative evidence strongly suggest that among the main victims of the increase in activity abductor were farmers, some other rural economic elites, officials, and politicians of the regions. Given the plac e of the white man in the world of production and the policy, it is not surprising that the abduction issu e has been politicized in the act, mobilizing guilds of the production, spokespersons for t he security agencies, and representatives of the parties, about proposals such as t he death penalty for kidnappers. 61 CNMH. A truth kidnapped: forty years of abduction statistics 1970-2010. Bogot a: Imprimerie Nationale , 20 June 2013. Investigation by figures and concepts: Cesar Caballero. Accordin g to this research , were abducted at least once 39058 people between 1970 and 2010

62 These variables have a lot more than 50% of missing data, so the figures ment ioned here should be treated purely indicative. 63 I think that these and many other figures contain substantive underestimates. CNMH 64: a society kidnapped. Bogota: National Printing Press, 2013. Investigati on by figures and concepts: Cesar Caballero 65 This is a version that wield with any frequency different people, among other the paramilitaries themselves. The increase in the industry call the kidnapping64 gave him a character extremely ruthless to the armed conflict, by linking the general reasons for the insurgency with the heritage and personal safety of those involved. The threat of abduction catapulted him into a set of proclivities already pre-existi ng in a specific sector of the rural elites, which resulted in a homicidal violence crystallised in the paramilitarism. Of course, it is not certain the version according to which the paramilitary violence outside only defensive, or oriented toward only against the secuestradores65. All the evidences are going in the opposite direction. What ha ppened was roughly as follows. Some sectors of the rural elites acted on economies highly coercive66and given the characteristics of their production wer e exposed to attacks against their property67 and properties. In addition, did not have access to many public goods, given the specific features of the nature of the occupation of the territory by the Colombian state. Elites were vulnerables68. Had to change the proclivities, traditions and resources to respond to the challenges faced by way of an extremely violent and punitive. As soon as they are presented the stimulus "adeq uate", came the reply that it was to be expected; and directed not only against the guerrill as, but against a whole amount of targets including the legal left, social leaders and human rights defenders, to leaders of the traditional parties who did not accept the drift punitive, but also to victims of their violence oportunista69. 66 Barrington Moore Jr, social origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and p easant in the making of the Modern World, Beacon Press, 1993; Jeffrey Paige, Agrarian Revolution. Social Movements and Export Agriculture in the underdeveloped world, New York: The Free Press, 1975 67 Think of mobile assets, which can therefore be stolen, destroyed, etc. 68 Gutiérrez, Op. Cit. , 2014. 69 Already spearheading a coercive apparatus these leaders could promote or allo w the sexual violence, the theft of land, etc.

3.2.3 PERFORMACE OF THE PRIVATE COERCIÓN/SECURITY Colombia has a long tradition in terms of private provision of coercion/security. The subnational policemen who served until 1962 expressed persistently private interests, both political (partisan and heavy factional fighting) as wel l as economic, and were one of the protagonists of the violence. The paramilitaries of the period [again st]insurgent has, in connection with that experience, of both continuity and change. It was - -as that--a phenomenon anchored in demands of local and regional, but enabled nationally. Obvious examples of local and regional demand: the founders and lead ers of the paramilitary units were especially vulnerable to the elites that I talked about above. Enabled nationally: throughout its bloody saga, the Colombian paramilitarism was totally illegal only during a period of up to eight years. Until 1989 was covered by the set of instruments that allowed the creatio n of legal self-defense forces, and from 1994 until 1999 by the security operative s known to the public under the name of CONVIVIR.

3.2.4 Convergences: THE PARAMILITARY PHENOMENON growth of paramilitary support in four large players. In the first place, the in subordination of rural elites legal --for example landowners ranchers--, who acted in a position of hostility and helplessness and custom faced threats from armed conflict. Secondly, the insubordination of illegal elites, particularly but not only the narcotraficantes70. In a similar m anner to the laws, but for very different reasons, the elites could not access illegal, a t least in theory, to the systematic protection which required the State. It should be r emembered that Colombia was formally in a global war against the narco. Naturally, this influenced , or captured, various sectors of the political system as well as state agencies , but that is another problem. The issue of background here is the ability of a so cial actor to require the state provision of security in an open, legal and stable; and the narcos by definition could not do so. Therefore, the accrued through the market of prot ection or privados71 agents. Thirdly, large sectors of the political system promoted the paramilitarism, for ideological reasons, in order to expel the guer rillas to protect personally, to be linked with initiatives of national agencies, or simply to harass their rivals within the system. The majority of the agents invo lved in this kind of process seems to have acted from a combination of the above motivos72. 70 See cases like Victor Carranza http://www.verdadabierta.com/component/content /article/36- heads/note 4524-victor-Carranza-pattern-that-never-touched-the-justice and http: //www.verdadabierta.com/lasvictimas/ 3906, consulted on November 19 of 2014. 71 In both cases, there was an overlap with state agents. 72 For a good example of this, see Francisco Leal and Andres Davila, patronage: the political system and its regional expression, Bogotá: Third World Editors-IEPRI,1990 The common feature of all three previous forms of agency is that are solidly rooted in the world of the local. But they were national entities of the State that provided both the vertebral column as the ideology to the entire experiencia73. Paramilitarism was not a phenomenon that simply "le step the country". But neither was it a result arranged via some kind of master plan where they will participate in all the elites or the "system". It was the product of dynamic and political traditions of the staff, who made that centrist coalitions at the nati onal level to permit or encourage the designs that enabled the interaction between local actors violent and nation al agencies . For example, although the demands by the creation of a figure similar to what the dessert were the Convivir came from extremists in the regions, the world of the large livestock and security circles, its adoption at the national level corresp onded to political forces that perfectly conventional, in moments of acute political comp etition , chose to adopt it as a strategy of supervivencia74. 73 AND in many cases also documented the organizational initiative, giving stren gth to resentments and scattered forces. 74 For details, Op cit. , Gutierrez, 2014, the orang utan with sacoleva. 75 Mauricio Romero, and paramilitary Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia 1982-2003, Bogotá: Editorial Planet Colombia, 2003 already 76 There are many evidences of this, from both the judicial sector and t he academic world. See for example Aldo Civico, not to disclose until the persons concerned are dea d. The wars of Doblecero, Bogotá: Intermediate Publishers, 2009; also William Ramirez Tobon, Uraba, the unce rtain confines of a crisis, Bogotá: Planet, 1997 In particular, the state security agencies were articulated increasingly to the action of the paramilitaries, creating in many regions of cooperation relations increasingly d ense , that had elements of both inertia and active promotion by important actors. As has been demonstrated Romero75, orientation strategically insurgency leaders of sectors in the public force married very well with the dem ands of security of various local and rural elites. But this was given in a context in which it --the public force -- was under a system of checks and balances that was spreading and, that, of course, made a qualitative leap with the Constitution of 1991. The solution to the dilemma was the development of a coercive apparatus that was private to its expansion with a de facto complicity for years, and that in several regions are expressed in terms of coordinated action more or less explicit and permanente76. Of course , this only could occur in the hand of a weakening, or of adulteration, democratic mechanisms of control of the public forces of the civiles77. 77 AND led to a steady flow of institutional initiatives geared toward weakening the civil system of controls. See for example Francisco Leal Buitrago, the national security to the drift. The National Front, on a cold-war era", Bogota, Uniandes Editions, 2002. 78 For the evidence and the underlying reasons, see Gutiérrez 2014, chapter 4 79 See, Juan David Velasco, parapolitics revised: coalitions of class, weapons a nd business in the Colombian province (2002 2006). Thesis for the Master's Degree in Political Studies at the Institu te of Political Studies and International Relations IEPRI - Universidad Nacional de Co lombia, 2014 80 Leah Carroll, Violent Democratization: Social Movements, elites, and Politics in rural Colombias War Zones, 1984-2008. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2011 Saying this does not mean take the thesis completely unsustainable according to which all the decision-makers state, members of the security agencies, political or operators have buoyed the paramilitarism. No one can deny that the relationship between the state , the political and paramilitary activity has been compleja78. Several political leaders, national and regional, opposed, or at least tacitly resisted, penetration and influence paramilitar79. Vast sections of the judicial system, even in the moments of grea test influence and power of paramilitarism, fought. Thousands of soldiers, policemen and officers continued to be adhere to basic rules of legali ty and honor. It is not true either that the paramilitaries has captured the whole of a comple x state that substantially increased its capacity to develop public policies, which in the 1990s grew steadily, and that with the 1991 Constitution provided for instruments to combat illegal agents and to resist penetration. Nor is it holds the idea that the state has managed paramilitary activity in the whole of the puppeteer to the Guignol. But the paramilitary activity if he could act during its existence as a strategic ally of the state, on the basis of designs, corporate policies and strategies that they enab led. This has allowed for the mass deployment of various forms of private use of viol ence proestatal.

Such confluence between national and local interests in the development of param ilitary activity led to the mass destruction of human lives and properties. The tragic annihilation of the Patriotic Union80 cannot be explained without und erstanding it. But she also had several additional effects very important and that have not been highli ghted as deserved, if one wants to understand properly the persistence of our conflict . By their very complexity, the forms of punitive action and violent lined up around the paramilitarism expressed very unstable coalitions. Very soon, so they began to fight among themselves. See, for example, the Table 1, where it lists some of the major clashes inter-paramilitaries. Even more, although a few paramilitary units embraced81 the project to build a private army antisubversivo, with levels of discipline and formalization of the chain of comm and relatively altos82, in most cases formed flat structures and lax, with low division of labor, in which the deployment of everyday violence opportu nist -- from the theft of land until the sexual attacks--were more the norm than the exc eption. In addition to batter the population, the very frequent violence opportunistic - -that is to say, not ordered by the organization but advanced to fill individual goals of its members 83 serious gender problems of collective action between the paramilitaries and t heir political supporters and/or social. 81 In general without success, given the social characteristics of these busines ses. 82 A good example of this is found in civic, op. cit. , 2009 83 Elisabeth Jean Wood, "Variation of sexual violence during war", Politics & So ciety vol. 34 Do not. 3, 2006, pp. 307-341. 84 War between paramilitary groups for the Tolima, Portal VerdadAbierta, http://ww w.verdadabierta.com/justiciay- peace/accusations/ 555-block-Tolima/ 5193-war-between-paramilitary-by-the-Tolima , consulted on 24 November 2014

TABLE 1 - EXAMPLES OF CONFRONTATIONS INTER-PARAMILITARY YEARS WHERE? WHO COMPETE?

BASIC CHARACTERISTICS between 1999- 2001 North Tolima in front of Omar Isaza of the Autodefensas Unidas de Magdalena Medio (ACMM) Group of Ramon Isaza, against the block Tolima (AUC)84 competition by territorial dominion 1999- 2002 Magdalena Hernan Giraldo Vs, The Clan of the Rojas- Carlos Castaño and Jorge 40 85 Control of the Sierra Nevada, drug trafficking routes, relationship with agencies of national and international security

2002- 2004 Valle de Aburrá Don Berna Office of Envigado - Cacique Nutibara Bloc and Double Zero , Metro Block86 Control of municipalities in Antioquia , and communes of Medellin, presence of the narcos in the paramilitary coalition

2003- 2004 Eastern Plains Miguel Arroyabe and Martin Llanos87 territorial dominion and competition for resources 1992- 2004 Magdalena Medio El Aguila And Sain Sotelo88 dispute by the command of the Cundinamarca Block

85 Ariel Ávila, Hot border between Colombia and Venezuela. Bogota: Debate-Fundacio n Rainbow. 2012; Also, battles of Hernán Giraldo, and how it ended subjected to Jorge 40 , Portal Verd adAbierta, http://www.verdadabierta.com/la-historia/244-la-historia/auc/2803-las-batallas-d e-hernan-giraldo-y-comotermino- subject-to-Jorge-40, viewed 20 November 2014 86 Civic, op. cit. , 2009 87 so was the war between Martin and Miguel Llanos Arroyave. Portal VerdadAbierta , http://www.verdadabierta.com/component/content/article/2052 , consulted November 20 2014 88 Judgment against Luis Eduardo Cifuentes, alias El Aguila and others. Superior Court of Bogotá, Hall of Justice and Peace. http://www.profis.com.co/anexos/documentos/JusticiayPaz/jurisprudencia/SaladeJus ticiaPaz/2014.09.01%20 Judgment% 20Luis% 20Eduardo% 20Cifuentes% 20and% 20other% 20 % 28Block% 20Cundin amarca%29.pdf, accessed 20 november 2014

3.2.5 POLITICAL SYSTEM with the full development of the centrifugal tendencies, mainly affecting the ma in advantage of the system, the liberal, the center of the political action moved t o the municipalities. This was more or less in parallel to a municipal decentralization, which increas e the efficiency, legitimacy and capabilities of the municipalities that had with tech nocracy, development and public opinion, but that instead presented to territorial units more weak and located in the periphery to a number of risks and dangers. To have own resources and higher margins of decision, the mayors became booties appetizing. Various primero89 guerrillas and the paramilitaries after, poured its action on the cont rol of the municipalities. The most dramatic result of this was the murder of an entire amo unt of the burgomaster, councillors and members of parliament, accused of serving th e enemy or to oppose the construction project of the illegal territorial shift. 89 See for example the statements on the "withholding" of mayors and their objec tives in: Marta Haernecker, ELN. Drive that multiplies, 1988., available at: http://www.rebelion.org/docs/90 192.pdf 90 still do not know the reasons behind this differential behavior. An interesti ng hypothesis is in op. cit, Velasco, 2014. 91 Op. cit. , Gutierrez, 2007 92 I Do Not Know some work to make a systematic evaluation and general of the mu tual relations between armed and electoral dynamics. A first interesting approach is located in Miguel Garcia and Gary Hoskin, political participation and war in Colombia. An analysis of the 2002 ele ctions, Crisis States Program , Working Paper No. 38, 2003, available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/28229/1/wp3 8.pdf. But the capture of the village was not only through the force. Many of the local political actors served as a good degree, and not by any threat, the dominant actor illegal. Once again, we find numerous examples of opposition, active or passive, to this, paying enormous costs (that were from the tranquilit y staff until the life)90. For these reasons and others, the relationships between polit ical and non-state armed groups also became extremely complex. In some cases, politicians used the armed actor to brutalize and restrict --sometimes delete of all--to his opponent or faccional partisan. In others, they formed complex networks but fragile political-armed, which the unravel produced hatchings of violence. As such netwo rks had electoral support, came to swell the capital of the national parties, given the logic of capturing the vote feature colombiano91 political system. In some regions of the country, this and the actors in the conflict were articulated through very dense networks of interaction. Perhaps the best example of this is the paramilitaries of the At lantic coast. Something similar --but much more unstable and more limited -- is seen in the so uthern part of the country, with the guerrillas. This is not to say that the elections have become a simple funct ion of the armed struggle. Certainly, that kind of direct relationship is observed in s ome tragic cases. But in many others gave the opposite: the people voted against the dominant armed group in the region92. If you want to say, however, that policy, violence and assignment of property rights returned to take part of a single complex. In other words, one of the fundamental promises of the Constitution of 1991 -- ensure that the policy as a whole re-fit inside the legality -- were never able to put into practice. And what name in the section on the origins "the atomic bomb" of Colombia's institutions are active in a striking way, generating the same class of structures and balances that had done formerly. In many regions, actors with simultaneous access to specialists in violence, sophisticated lawyers and n otaries, acquired preponderance, and managed to build territorial domains that during som e time guaranteed them the impunity. It is no coincidence that the dynamics of disposse ssion have had massive impacts that are on the north coast and in the Urabá region, where the par amilitaries, along with rural elites and politicians who were part of the coalition, corresponded to this profile basico93. In terms of persistence, this means that the war was creating --track violence opportunist -- incentives for its own perpetuation. See for example 93 Center of Historical Memory, justice and peace. Land and terr itories in the versions of the paramilitaries, Bogotá, Imprimerie Nationale, 2012 94 See for example Center of Historical Memory, our life has been our struggle. Resistance and memory in the indigenous Cauca, Bogotá, Imprimerie Nationale, 2012

3.3 INTERACTIONS, BALANCES AND contexts in the previous subsections present the "staging": the constituent elements that help to explain the persistence of the Colombian conflict. Now step to the dynamics, i.e. to the interaction between them and their consequences. The articulation of the FARC with the drug economy and its promotion of the industry of kidnapping for ransom allo wed him to finance a highly militaristic model of occupation of the territory, through ideological distinctly separate units of the population, disciplined, and with a firm and clear chain of command. The other side of the coin of the model was the growing disjunction between the military effectiveness and legitimacy, which was already evident in the early 1990s in all the opinion polls, but that in the new century has acquired the character istics of a political catastrophe. Once more, the militaristic orientation cost tears of blood to broad sectors of the civilian population: social organizations too autonomas94, religious sectors, to forms of political agency which in its time will be uncomfortable. A look at the data about local politicians murdered by the FARC, or to the massacres and/or abductions by that organizacion 95. Obviously, these attacks on various sectors of the population could justify from a violent speech and authoritarian, which often led to a double victimizati on (the de facto, followed by a discursive disqualification). But the turning poin t in terms of persistence was that such gender organizational solution at the same time the ab ility to survive , and the need --track military actions of territorial control--to carry out actions that brutally victimized to the population and produced rejection and ha tred between broad sectors of it. 95 See for example the report of the National Center of Historical Memory, "Enou gh is Enough!: memories of war and dignity, Bogotá: Imprimerie Nationale, 2013 96 See for example Steven Dudley, weapons and polls: history of a political geno cide, Bogotá: Planet, 2008 97 The other guerrillas could also be extremely violent, and be inspired by a mo re authoritarian model. But its ability to fire and operational, as well as their d iscipline, were much lower than those of the FARC . Another indirect consequence of the manner in which the models of subarctic war in Colombia was the destruction of the partisan political tissue associated with the FARC. In its origins, the FARC appeared as part of the communist family pro-soviet. The precise form of such a partnership has generated some debate, but this is no t important for this exposure. What matters is that in the various strands of marxist orthodoxy guerrilla warfare was an instrument of the party. The homicida l destruction of the political and social organizations of the communist family --including those which resulted from peace agreements-- was autonomizando to the FARC turning them into a political apparatus-self-contained and subtracting military authority to the mil itants in that (the family) who remained in the legalidad96, reinforcing the logical militarists had well unrestricted development since the 1990s. With the advance of the paramilitary movement, the pure and harsh rules of the w ar tended to favor the FARC over the other guerrillas, and therefore prize within the challenges to the state to militarista97 model. Paramilitarism was a form of private violence and punitive that was "take away the water from the fish". Thi s strategy was a severe blow to various guerrillas who had opted for other deployment models in the territory. Although the FARC were also beaten, PDP. and could survive much better on the offensive paramilitar98. Is that the FARC were not a "fish", and therefore they could survive with very little water. With this I do not imply in the least that the FARC has not had significant social bases. Despite its extreme isolatio n in the polls, in the cultivation world local networks and various forms of participation. What I mean is that their relationship with such media was mediat ed by the authority and strength. In the logic raised by Weinstein99, the group had ac cess to so many financial and military resources that did not depend on, in the apparatu s, of large civil media. Therefore, the "option "paramilitary" term by selecting to turn a guerrilla development that took the form-army, making it increasingly apparatus in a significant and highly structured, with its own ideology and a de nse internal culture , but with growing links with the weak logical from the outside world. 98 Would come to be beaten after, but by the action of the public force, after w hich it will pass by a significant strengthening and technological escalation. But the FARC grew steadily until at least 1999-2000. 99 Valid within certain limits. Jeremy Weinstein, Inside Rebellion: The Politics of insurgent violence, Cambridge University Press, 2006. 100 Except in special operations. For a systematic description of the full pictu re and the analysis of their implications , see Gutiérrez , telling the difference op. cit. 101 Maria Eugenia Pinto Borrego, Andres Vergara Ballen, Yilberto The Huerta Perc ipiano, Diagnosis of the reintegration program in Colombia: mechanisms for encouraging the voluntary individual reintegration, files of macroeconomics,National Planning Department 211, 2002. 102 See: José Fernando Isaza and Diogenes Fields, "dynamic models of war: the Colo mbian conflict", Magazine of the Colombian Academy of Exact, Physical and Natural Sciences. 29 (2005), 133-14 8. As notice Isaza and fields, this result holds even if is deducted by the severe pol lution that Something similar can be seen with respect to the dynamics of the recruitment by the FARC. These have some organizational features that make it extraordinarily demanding: militancy for life, daily activity highly structured , non-payment of their miembros100, etc. . In addition, they have traditionally been the most irregular force that has fought in the conflict colombiano101. Well, lose m embers regularly by death, abandonment, or capture. If one incorporates the theme of th e rotation of staff observable in the FARC can understand the magnitude of the social problem on which has been developed the Colombian war. This guerrilla group had over the years a very significant number of dropouts, catches and low. Therefore, the reader shou ld keep in mind the following simple but fundamental fact: with these rates of rotation, the FAR C had not had the slightest ability to survive if they had not had simultaneously a very high ability to reclutamiento102. This, of course, they could also have the official figures, for example, including numerous instances of "false positi ves", etc. , the reader should note that, as well as there are sources of over-estimation of the amount of staff turnover, there are other of underestimation (for example, people who leave the organization but aren't repor ted to a state agency , abandonment by wounds, etc. ). 103 Beginning with the pioneering work of Alejandro Reyes, the purchase of land by drug traffickers, illicit drugs in Colombia. Bogota, Ministry of Justice-UNDP-planet, 1997 depends on the militaristic model adopted by the FARC -- that means developing s kills related to high levels of division of labor, such as organization and method--, but such characteristics would not have been able to operate if the Colombian countr yside had not lived through a deep crisis and a terrible destruction of its social fabric during the period of the war. The brutal concentration of ownership of dynamic product of massive displacement and dispossession, the institutional fractures in those regions wit h large illicit crops , the lack of an institutional order minimum for the field, they allowed her to produce the proverbial breeding ground favorable for recruitment. The poor distribution and assignment of property rights on the land also was, in fact, at the center of the perpetuation of the conflict. As they ad vanced , it generated three phenomena. In the first place, the illegal investment in la nd. By its very nature is difficult to quantify, but it is not credible that has been margi nal. All the systematic qualitative description that we have at hand suggests that it was of great magnitud103. The reasons are simple. The conflict decreased the price of land in many regions . The state has lacked instruments to observe the earth, and the property taxes until well into the 1990s was extremely low, even by Latin American standards . Not to mention the weakness of the cadastre. All these factors have made the earth an ideal investment for the illegal money. A inexpensive lan d , which was paid very little in taxes, and that was beyond the weak observation instruments with the available to the state, was an ideal way to launder money. Illegal buyers that lacked open access to the security of the state had to resor t to various forms of private protection, and therefore were articulated in a natural way to territorial the logic of the armed actors. The fact that the paramilitaries outside a private network of local actors with a long-standing tradition of land grabbing, and that your little cohesion, weak chain of command and punitive orientation you accommodate massive forms of violence, opportunist made the dispossession became an offense in large-scale in Colombia104. Symptomatically, we also proper quantification of the phenomenon, but it is likely that this severely underestimated. The punitive violence of paramilitarism not only genera ted a massive accumulation of the earth--generally, although not always, opportunistic violence--, but that resulted in the mass destruction of the agricultural social organizations --violence strategic, but articulated by the l ogic of parochial rural elites--, deepening the maximum representation of the locks of the peasants and the state s isolation in the field. Symptomatically, when some decision-makers and technocrats played with the idea of importing to Colombia the model of the peruvian rondas campesinas, ended up driving the Convivir, with its implications of privatization without control of the coercion, illegality, homicidal violence an d articulation with the narcotrafico105. Already at this time, the state simply did not have many legal agents with which interact in the field. 104 Not all wars generate the same patterns of violence against civilians. Elisa beth Jean Wood, Armed Groups and Sexual Violence: When Is Wartime Monkfish Rare? politics and soci ety 37, no. 1 (March 2009): 131 61. In Latin America it appears that there are few conflicts with a magnitude of dispossession that is approaching so far in the Colombian. Gutierrez (accepted for publication in Political Analysis ): organizational structure of the paramilitaries and property rights in the fie ld (1982-2007) 105 examples of the original terms of the debate are set out in the time, securit y operatives in black and white, published on 11 December 1994, available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-262391, consulted November 15 2014 do not propose here, of course, a hagiography of the rondas campesinas. There is an extensive literature on their negative consequences. Simply found that constituted a form of action enti rely distinct from the that we see here. On the rounds, see Orin Starn, Reflections on rondas campesina s, rural protest and new social movements. Lima: IEP, 1991; Carlos Degregori, José Co ronel, Ponciano del Pino and Orin Starn, the rondas campesinas and the defeat of Sendero Luminoso, Lima: IEP- /National University of San Cristobal de Huamanga, 1996 106 Rincon John Jairo Garcia, "What about the earth where this? Versions of the paramilitaries on earth-territory and the delivery of goods for repair of victims in the framework of the Justice and Peace Process in Colom bia (2007- 2009 ) ". Revista Colombiana of Sociology, 33 (1), (2010) 125-174 107 An evaluation of these uses can be found at: Francisco Gutierrez, "Property, security, and dispossession. The case of paramilitary""Magazine Socio-Jur remedies Studies 16 (1) (2014) pp. 43-7 4. Secondly, the great agrarian property became a military resource clave106. She, for example, he had a great centrality in the endeavors paramilit aries of the decades of 1980, 1990 and 2000; invest in land often was the step prior t o the installation in a territory. The land served as caleta for weapons, illegal coca and tracks. Was formed in place of training, center of torture and comun107 fossa. It was a point of convergence for the political power, and in particular for the development of al liances, treaties were signed , meeting place semi-legal, etc. ; thus returned the scenario in which the actor was linked to armed parties, elected officials and various state bureaucracies. Thirdly, became to be a focal point for continued disputes and reconfigurations of the local power. To those who criticize prophylactically the institutional arrangeme nts that can leave the peace agreement we must remind that it is difficult to imagine a more antipropiedad design that which has been introduced to the rural land in Colombia. Access to land can be obtained through mechanisms universalist, as the market or rules of the game established publicly by the state. But the allocation can be reached also by mea ns of particularist mechanisms. The inherently unstable nature, pro-violence and quote unquote from the latter is widely established in the literatura108. To the extent that i t could acquire land by means of a combination of networks of friends, political i nfluences , sophisticated teams of lawyers and coercion --the weight of each component varied depending on the time and the region--all of these actors were exposed to various forms of expropriation. 108 Douglass North, John Joseph Wallis, Barry Weingast, violence and social orde rs. A conceptual framework for interpreting recorded human history, Cambridge University Press. 2009. Also: Yoram Amnon Barzel, Economic analysis of property rights, Cambridge University Press. 1997. For the specific issue of property rights on the ground in developing countries: Daniel Fitzpatrick, 'Evolution and chaos in Property Rights Systems: The Third World Tragedy of contested Access", the Yale Law Journal. 115 Pp. 946- 1046 2006 for a study of relevant case, Stephen Haber, Noel Maurer, Armando Razo, The politics o f property rights, Cambridge University Press, 2003. 109 See Rodrigo Garcia alias Double Zero, http://doblecero.blogspirit.com/archiv e/2006/06/index.html, consulted on 16 June 2014. This is the description of a terrible murderer, privi leged observer and in the long run victim of these dynamics, Double Zero, on the way in which their colleagues dist ributed the territorial power . It is the own Double Zero who offers the characterization of "feudal". And this brings me to a final comment. All these forms of violence were permeated with false by very severe problems of collective action and territorial fractures. They were supported in fragile coalitions in which agents interacted legal and illegal, with interests that often conflictual and wearing to continue d clashes, some of which, as I pointed out above, tomboy in armed conflict . The paramilitaries served to many actors --in technical jargon, were the agent s of different main--whose interests were not always compatible. The territorial coor dination for the actors involved in the violence pro-state was extremely difficult, among other things by their weakness and the organizational way "feudal" --that married very well with the economies on the acting-- in that distributed the territorio109. Conseq uently, that --the private violence pro-state--suffered endemically of co-ordination problems , fragility of the coalitions, principal-agent, and vertical integration, which made it to the time extremely murderer and extremely inefficient. To clear any ambiguity that we want to create, rejection without loopholes any repression murderer, disproportionate and illega l, is effective or not . But anarchy generated by the paramilitary groups and the massive privatization of the use of force is a key variable in understanding the nature very prolonged of the Colombian co nflict, why was the demobilization of paramilitary groups, and some of the processes of institutional reconfiguration that followed this.

3.4 SUMMARY AND OUTPUTS as it attempts to respond to the question of why the Colombian conflict has been so long, highlight five fundamental factors: drug trafficking, specific patterns of viole nce against civilians by the guerrillas (in particular the abduction), the massive development of private forms of security provision related to a certain type of elites, the articulation of such modalities with government bureaucracies (especially but not only armed), and the outlawing of the political system in the course of armed co nflict . After I discussed some of the main ways in which interacted, showing how generated stable emergent properties that overlapped with the reasons originating in and became additional factors favorable to the persistenc e. Note that this step helps to explain two key aspects of the Colombian conflict. First of all, the fact that he was able to develop without resorting to a brutal and authoritarian centralization of power (what happened was quite the opposite) . The Colombian war was not associated with the closure, but to clashes between the elites110 endemic. And second, that the regional variation of conflict in all its expressions has been so brusca111: it was by design because the violent action was conceived, constructe d and 110 See Philip Mauceri, "State, elites and counterinsurgency: a preliminary comp arison between Colombia and Peru", Colombia not International. 52 (2001) pp. 46-64. In that sense, there is perhaps inaccurate draw a contrast between the net too much violence and war (against)insurgent. 111 For a thorough analysis of the specificities of our regional context, see Teóf ilo Vasquez, Andres Vargas, Jorge A. Restrepo (editors), an old war in a new context. Conflic t and territory in the south of Colombia, Bogotá: Editorial Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, 2011. For an anal ysis of the differences inter- and intra-group of patterns of violence against civilians, see Francisco Gutierrez and Elizabeth Wood, The Puzzle of Patchy Convergence: Violence in Colombia's Civil War, presented at the Conference on Paramilitaries, AUC, and Civil Defense Forces in civil wars, Yale University , October 19th, 2013. 112 These serious problems of integration of coalitions will reveal in the publi c and private statement late of Carlos Castaño: "Drug trafficking we divided and sank ". Cited in Javier M ontañez, Julian Bolivar, Paul Sevillano, Ernesto Baez, social and political thought of th e Bolivar Central Block developed from the interaction between a set of local actors and national agenci es . The result in terms of human costs is devastating. As has been pointed out several observers, the democratic Colombia experienced a human tragedy that can only be equated in its dimensions to the terrorist of the dictatorships in the style of Argentina or Guatemalan. I hope that while I am well aware of the underlying log ical to the phenomenon, the reader will not stop surprising to remember that this was in parallel with a vigorous democratic opening in 1991 --imperfect, as are all, but no less genuine--, a modest economic growth but continuous, growth of the state, and the modernization of many of their agencies. As well as large demogra phic and social changes , starting with the accelerated urbanization --and tragic, in the extent to whic h was catalyzed by a aggression al rojo vivo directed especially against the peasants, indigenous and afro--. And precisely all this led to the routes that have been allowed to a credible peace process. The massive privatization of the use of force has disrup ted the state in many fundamental ways. Launched contradiction their forms of occupation of th e territory --supported insurgency in coalitions that tended to include drug deale rs and other illegal actors-- with its international legitimacy, which required dissociated f rom the narcos: i.e. dislocated the two basic dimensions of sovereignty. Also undermined the int ernational legitimacy of the country through the generation of unsustainable levels of violence. Building the outlawing of the political system. By the problems generated in ter ms of coalitions, collective action, principal-agent and vertical integration, also op ened windows of opportunity to challenges that were able to develop organizational fo rms systematic and efficient. All of the above explains in large part by the demobil ization paramilitar112, and twice attempted to modernize the state and demarcation of th e AUC, Santa Fe de Ralito: 2005. Obviously, the coexistence of chestnut with drug trafficking came from long-standing , as in other part sibilinamente suggest the authors of the printed above. 113 Among other things because the irregular force did not have the slightest op portunity to climb technologically its activity at the same step that the state. 114 Between 1958 and 2012, the conflict has caused 218,094 violent deaths, CMH, Enough is Enough!, 2012 Op. Cit private provision of security that occurs in parallel to it. That, in principle, was endowed with an important positive potential. However, this attempt could not succeed as long as it was associated with a political project with strong violent procli vities and antidemocratic, that is supported in exactly the same coalitions and in the same world that had generated the massive privatization of security and the proscript ion, equally massive, of the political system. At the same time, the incarnation of the challenge to the rule that ended up bei ng the illegal force that managed to stay in better conditions and more time due to the hard laws of the war, ran aground in a contradiction which cannot be resolved due to two factors. On the one hand, the militarist solution led to a catastrophic deficit, getting worse all the time, o f legitimacy to confront an increasingly urban population and away from the foundational reasons in which was inspired by this challenge. And on the other hand, given the asymmetries inherent to the irr egular warfare, it was not easy to face a more integrated response, less dependent on private forms of coercion and therefore less longeth for their instability and desorganizacion113. All of this draws a clear path of output: an output that can be extremely benefi cial to the country. The simple question is whether the factors will prevail of persiste nce, still present, or the logic of civilization.

4 THE CONFLICT AND ITS VICTIMS This brief section is not intended to, nor could I claim, provide a description of the entire set of violence suffered by the population during our war. The National Center for Historical Memory has already done interesantes114 approximations, that are a mu st for any consistent progress that is made from now. Here you simply presented some of the most eloquent data, and emphasized very important outcomes that have escaped the attention of the majority of the commen tators. Tap warn, however, that the quantifications of the Colombian society are still imperfect and are based on samples of convenience, so that have circulated in the country many assertions that cannot be, nor should be don e. For example, based on samples of convenience very imperfect and with the charact eristics of the database with the data that we have, it is necessary to be very cautious in making estimates on proportions attributable to different perpetradores115. Anything you say in this section: a. This in essence based on the single registe r of victims (RUV), which for the majority of offenses is probably the best source in the country 116; and b. it is marked by this spirit of caution. 115 I am preparing a report on the subject. For example, the variable that has the Presunto_Victimizante RUV contains 1128881 homicides, of which 70.5 5 % are missing values ; 166591 disappearances, of which 80.83 % are missing values; and 6292497, of wh ich 39.63 % are missing values (own calculations on the RUV the court September 30 2 014). Conclusion: with the percentages of missing values, and the manner in which they are categor ized the alleged victimizantes, is neither wise nor correct make pronouncements on proportions of crimes attributable to each armed actor. 116 Not always. For example, in the case of abduction, see the work of the CNMH on kidnapping, op. cit. . 117 Http://www.observatoriodetierras.org/ The displacement punishment to no less than 6 million people according to the RU V (see Table 2). However, the category of "displacement" is still very wide, and inclu des various forms of involvement, ranging from the economic disruption in the region that he lived in the shifted until the dispossession coercive, passing by intimidatio n. With respect to many of these categories, such as the peasants who lost their land (nots), it is very possible that the few attempts and figures that we have are a gross underestimation. It is worth noting that many of the dispossessed have been revi ctimizados numerous times. What is probably the only poll reported between them, in effect, high levels of fear when confronted with a pot ential revictimizacion117. The RUV account more than 1 million victims of lethal because of the conflict. Apparentl y, the RUV includes only killed civilians, so this figure you shortfall the killed in comba t. Perhaps the person who can be called the great "crime underground" of the Colombian conflict, the disap pearance forzada118, also has staggering proportions. We have already suffered more than 150 000 disappearances. Once again, i have powerful reasons to believe that this constit utes a severe understatement. One of the highest expressions of the degradation of the conflict are the misnamed "false positives", i.e. the killing of innocent villagers for submi ssion as members of the guerrilla movement. Often, these murders were the product of the interaction between members of the security forces and paramilitary groups. 118 Carlos Miguel Ortiz, Rules and dimensions of the forced disappearance in Col ombia, Bogotá: National Center for Historical Memory, 2014, available at: http://www.centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/descargas/informes2014/desaparicion-f orzada/Tomo-I.pdf 119 did not include events that are so obvious dramatic underestimates, as offen ses against sexual integrity . The abduction came to acquire in the context of our war, as he noticed the press in due time, industrial dimensions (37,000 cases according to the RUV). Althoug h the principle mainly affected economic elites, political and other preferred targets of the guerrillas --which of course makes it no more excusable--, term beating many other sectors of the population through mechanisms such as the so-called "miracu lous catches" . We have no reliable figure minimally on sexual violence, but case studies and other qualitative evidence suggest that specific actors during certain periods and in specific regions used war as a tool, or simply allowed to sexually attack its members to the civilian population, especially in the context of punitive operations. TABLE 2 - SOME FORMS OF VICTIMIZACIÓN IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE RUV (Court September 30, 2014) 119 FACT PEOPLE forced disappearance 152,455

6,044,151 Displacement murder 931,720 antipersonnel mines/unexploded ordnance/explosive device 11,777 Loss of movable or immovable property 88,567

37,464 Kidnapping Linking Children and Adolescents 7,722 Literally millions of peasants suffered the theft and/or destruction of your bel ongings , their household and their animals granja120. These millions who had to leave abruptly removed from their lands and/or people arrived to the cities to live in areas that lacked skills and safety nets to ensure their survival . Many territorial units that were receiving massive it took many years to develop policies with respect to the displaced population, or did not do so at a ll. Tens or hundreds of thousands of people were completely outside the consideration of public policy, even in positive law and important (holders with respect to restitution in the Act 1448, for example)121. By the way: the fi gures suggest that there was a large territorial concentration of the victimization of civilians; t his holds if you make the analysis year to year or for different periods, and using different units of analisis122. This gives the country a voice of hope, but another alarm. The h ope is that a good work of the agencies of the state could operate on the critical c ases with great effects. The alarm is that many of the horrors that occurred could ha ve been avoided if someone with the ability to decide had unwilling or unable to act in time. Some 120 of these losses are referenced in the RUPTA; see also Luis Jorge Garay (Director) measurement and valuation of the land and property abandoned or stripped to the displaced population in Colombia", Bogotá: Follow-up Commission to public policy on forced displacement , 2011, available at: http://www.coljuristas.org/documentos/adicionales/inf_tierras_2010 -2011_01_06.pdf 121 despite advances such as for example the have included victims of the agents of the state. 122 This is: the graphic of victimization that have the municipality as the unit of analysis have long queues to the right , and many values to zero. Francisco Gutierrez Sanin and Elisabeth Jean Wood, 20 14. Variation in violence by paramilitary groups in Colombia. Paper presented at the annual mee ting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, D.C. , 29 August 2014 The conflict destroyed on a massive scale social fabric, positive traditions, an d networks of trust. To the extent that was associated with a sharp increase in the criminalization o f public life and the property on the land, also had a deleterious effect on the confidence of Colombians in their fellow citizens and in institutions . One of the problems less analyzed our conflict is the impact that had on the political system. Gender great tragedies and numerous distortions. Here I wi ll confine myself to highlight the possibly the three fundamental. First, the simple brutal bloodletting of thousands and thousands of political leaders, civic and s ocial. The destruction of the Patriotic Union must be first on the list of any enumeration of damage by this concept of rubro123. That this politicide has been able to commit to eye s, without major impediments to the perpetrators, interrogates so severe the existing prote ction mechanisms in our country to various forms of political opposition and social activism. Something similar could be said about the thousands of deaths t hat have124 the National Association of Peasant Farmers and other social organizations in th e field, the organized indigenous, afro-Colombians, and sindicatos125. There is much more clear. The murder of MEPS and councillors uncomfortable for the FARC, the paramilitary forces and other guerrilla movements , through various forms of "gun plan", has not been quantified, but seems to have been significant. The destruction of Hope, Peace and Freedom at th e hands of a coalition of various guerrilla forces prominente126 is another example. Not to mention the hundreds, or thousands, of mayors and local authorities who have been killed , abducted or missing, threatened by armed actors in different directions. Think about the reader not o nly in the human tragedy, but in the huge potential civic, skills, abilities and energies of participation in the public, that were abruptly mutilated in the course of these decades. 123 Op cit Carroll 2011; Op cit, Dudley 2008 124 and continue. 125 See for example Carlos Miguel Ortiz, acknowledging the past. Build the futur e. Report on violence against trade unionists and unionized workers, UNDP Colombia, 2011, available at: http://www.pnud.org.co/2012/informe_sindicalismo.pdf 126 Alvaro Villarraga Sarmiento and Nelson Places Child, to rebuild the dreams. A history of the EPL, Bogotá: Foundation democratic culture. 1994. See, for example 127 Claudia Lopez (ed. ), and have claimed the homeland how poli tical mafia and reconfigured the Colombian State, Bogotá: CNAI-Random House Mondadori, Bogotá, 2010; Mauritius Romero,2007. Parapolitics: the path of the expansion and the paramilitary politi cal agreements , Bogota, Corporation New Rainbow; Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson and Rafael Santos-Villagran , the monopoly of violence: evidence from Colombia, Working Paper, Harvard University, 2009 Secondly, the massification of the entry of illegal dynamic agents and the political system to which I referred in section 3. The two most spectacular exam ples of this --and on which there is already strong in judicial decisions--are the proce ss and the parapolitica127 8000. But the banning of public activity goes far beyond, and in volves the transfer of powers to territorial coalitions that have access to the private coercion. To the extent that the skills of our centrism is traditionally based on the coordination of coalitions and territorial networks, the massive entry of illegal agents and very violent to them networks neutralized the civilising e ffects of that (the centrism). In third place, and in relation to the foregoing, it is de velopment of an interaction term between weapons and votes. There are many examples of thi s. One of them is the struggle for the mayors, referenced above. Parapolitics is another n otable case , covering different territorios128. Many disputes between different groups in t he course of the armed conflict will be developed through the selective assassination of political leaders or social of a side or otro129. Sometimes, such murders were promoted by a political faction against its competitor, but implemented by the armed group of shift. That is to say, the armed struggle term revolve to the endemic conflicts heavy factional fighting in Colombian Politics. All this has generated a profoun d and persistent distortion of the mechanisms of representation. 128 In the web page of the Electoral Observation Mission there are some excellen t papers on electoral risk. http://issuu.com/misionobservacionelectoralmoe 129 In fact, this also affected to religious leaders, but there is very little s ystematic work on the subject as to be able to include it here. Dew 130 penalty, Monica Stop, Santiago Zuleta, agricultural rules in Colombia or the eternal déjà vu toward concentration and dispossession: an analysis of the legal rules on the Colombian Agro (1991-20 10) is expected ), Revista de Estudios Socio-Jur remedies vol. 16 Do not. 1 2014, pp. 122-166 131 Francisco Gutiérrez, " Extreme inequality: A Political consideration. Rural Po licies in Colombia, 2002- 2009 " in Morten Bergsmo, César Rodríguez-Garavito, Paul Kalmanovitz and Maria Paula Saff on (editors), distributive justice in transitions, FICHL, 2010, available at: http://www.fichl.org/fileadmin/fichl/documents/FICHL_6_web.pdf, pp. 215-257 132 It should be noted that since 2010 there began a process of recovery limited but real. By definition, the conflict undermines the sovereignty of the state. The shatter the unified framework that requires any public interaction, the weakening of the sov ereignty generates, or reinforces, large social exclusions. In Colombia, the war deepened the horizontal inequality anti-peasant. The obvious example is the confluence betwee n the security demands of rural elites and the strategic directions of the state security forces , which gave origin or reinforced a strategic alliance between the two parties. Joined to this new type of legal biases that they were accumulating on persistently excluyentes130 designs. With the serious mutilation of what remaine d of agrarian institutions in the country in the early years of the decade of 2000131 , closed the circulo132.

According to estimates from various sources, Colombia could be sacrificing sever al percentage points of GDP by being at war. These assertions are not necessarily s olid, but constitute a first reference point. Highlighted in change here three economic co nsequences of the war . In the first place, for the purposes set out in the previous subsections, to m ake stable presence in certain regions, the agents they have to obtain access to forms of private security, political contacts, and sophisticated lawyers: that i s to say, they have to incur transaction costs prohibitive. The incentives for them to do so they ar e there: a very poor infra-structure and staffing of public goods, great lack of human ca pital , chronic violence and threats, and institutional arrangements for allocation of property rights that pass directly by the political system. This is not only a dynamic that tends to self-reproduce, but that weighs as a slab on the prospects for economic growth of the country. Secondly, it has deepened the dualism and territorial economic model that affects the Colombian development, a s well as the other paises133. But perhaps the fundamental negative effect is that it has brought in many regions, a concentration of the earth to blood and fuego134. In doing so, seems to have been strongly associated with increased inequity agrarian, which has reached levels implausible (with the indicator of the Gini already approaching dangerously clos e to 0.9135 ), reinforcing the juxtaposition of exclusions that have drawn the Colombian peasants -- too frequently through the simple physical destruction--the game of the representation. All of this has created the conditions for that will continue to be able to these regional coalitions that have played one of the leading roles in these decades o f destruction. 133 Alexander Gerschenkron, economic backwardness in historical perspective, Bel knap Press, 1962. Once more, for an early observation about the relationship between tenure patterns an d backwardness in Colombia and Latin America, see Legrand, op. cit. , 134 for the case of the Catatumbo, see Sonia Uribe, " Transformations of land te nure and land use in rural areas affected by the Colombian armed conflict. The case in Tibú, Norte de Santander (20 00- 2010) ", Revista de Estudios Socio-Jur remedies vol. 16 Do not. 1 (2014) pp. 243 -283. 135 Studies in this match and specialists. See for example: Several, "Atlas of t he distribution of property in rural Colombia", IGAC, 2012; Ibanez Ana Maria, Juan Carlos Muñoz, the persisten ce of the concentration of land in Colombia: What happened between 2000 and 2009 ", available at: http://jcmunozmora.webuda.com/papers/ Ibanez-Munoz _2010.pdf

5. CONCLUSIONS Note that many common explanations on the origin and development of the Colombia n conflict are unable to give an account of basic factors and package, such as the large democratic openings that lived the country during the period, the numerous proce sses of modernisation they went through various state agencies, the stability of our liberal institutions etc. ; and much less of the regional variation of the confl ict, or the severe problems of collective action that have suffered all their actors, beginning wit h the economic and political elites. We find along this story with many social outcasts, but never, or very rarely, with a "system" guided by a unitary logic and able to devise a master plan of inflexible compliance. The narrative that presented here if you can explain these apparent anomalies an d pass some basic comparative tests. Why is no less alarming. From the point of view of the civilian population, the worst contrast in that collection of contrasts that define to Colombia is perhaps the inability of our liberal institutions to ensure universally a minimum of political civilization. As long as the link between weapons and the policy that brutal anomaly will continue. A central task for fut ure generations of Colombians will be systematically removed. Is it feasible that task? I believe that if. Throughout this text, analyze socia l and institutional factors relevant associated with the origin and persistence of the Colombian conflict . When evaluating the critical aspects of them, we find ourselves with many improvements (just think of the Constitution of 1991), but also in many cases with continuity, and also with worsening radical (for example, land inequality). This is not to say that our conflict constitutes a balance or a immovable closed dynamic and perfectly self-contained. As is so vividly illustrated the ongoing peace process, there are exit doors. That the solutions to the problems which have accumulated over the years are complex and difficult to implement sho uld not in misleading to anyone of your purpose pacifist. It is currently the worst enem y of transit to a viable society, democratic, inclusive and with strong economic grow th is the continuation of the conflict. This is not an accident: the section on persistence asserting that many of the features that made our war a phenomenon at the same time so tremendously stable and so destructive came from emergent properties that were the result of the interaction between structures and socio-economic pattern s of violence. And these properties acted after on the structures, empeorandolas. A simple example is the activation of private violence punitive, that leads to t he accumulation of violent land. The general framework that will allow the country directed toward overcoming of the active factors of origin and persistence --and in that context the term "transition" ca n be filled with content--only one will be able to build and use it properly throu gh the weapon of criticism, because the criticism of weapons has already had time to de monstrate the full measure of its ability to produce horrors and at the same time all his impotence to generate so cial change (in fact: the ability to lock it). True: nobody with a minimum of intellectual honesty can ensure the success of this operation, given the right c onditions so that we can begin to implement it. But what if is guaranteed , on the other hand, is that to persist in the path of war will continue accumulating horrors, humiliation, destruction and locks. An armed struggle at the service of the social status quo and political1 1 Translation Alberto Valencia Gutierrez, professor at the Universidad del Valle , Cali. Daniel Pecaut

Preliminary comments even when it comes to events that are considered historical ruptures of scale, such as the great revolutions or the great wars, that oblige us to consid er without a shadow of a doubt that there is a "before" and "after", the debate on the origins or on the multiplicity of causes never closes. Conversely, there are major mutations such as the advent of modernity, or, more recently the of globalization, which do not refer to a specific event but transformed social relations and the percep tion of the world . For the rest, make reference to the issue of "causes" and the "origin" refers mo st often to attribute to the "context" or "structures" a direct responsibility for the events as if it were possible to think the latter regardless of the social actors who through his intervention interpreted and transformed the c ontext.

In the recent history of Colombia is without doubt can evoke some breaks. This i s the case of events as the assassination of Gaitan or "violence". In the collective memory it is considered that these developments have given rise to a "before" and an "a fter". However , while it has foundation talk about events in the first case, the same is not t rue in what you have to do with the phenomena of violence because it is not known wh en begin or when they end and behave in an obvious way a multiplicity of heterogeneous dimensions, are being carried out in areas isolated from each othe r in many aspects and have an uncertain drive. Moreover, it is very strong and the sense o f rupture, a sense of continuity is not least as regards the modes of domination o r the operation of the institutions. The same factors can be invoked to explain both the breakdowns as the continuities.

The bet is even greater when it comes to account for the phenomena of violence a nd armed conflict of the last few decades. It is not by chance that you used the terms " violence" and "armed conflict": both terms coexist permanently and establish resonances between if. The "causes" are without place to doubts multiple and mul tiply over time. What is the cause in a phase can be converted to result in another. Once the fighting is generalizing are converted into context. In reality it is becoming less possible to analyze this last regardless of the actors: when it comes to organizations that seek objectives by appealing to the use of force, the exclusive reference to a situation "object ive" is prior very insufficient. The dynamics of their interactions becomes a foreground.

In many ways i think it is desirable to avoid a reading which favors uniquely the continuities, regardless of whether they come in relation to the context or with the actors. The metamorphosis of the Colombian society during the previous decades are evident. While social inequalities do not diminish, its imp lications if they are modified. The agrarian problem remains, of course, a background of violence, but its characteristics have undergone many changes. In terms of the a ctors , their transformations are not less significant: the guerrillas of today do not have many things in common with those of yesterday. The expediency, as is often the c ase, it is yielding to a teleological vision according to which the current situation is the inevitable o utcome of the past, leaving aside the inflections unpredictable and the uncertainties t hat accompany the decisions of all the protagonists.

In the same way it seems to me necessary input does not assimilate the actors actual political guidance to the social actors. The guerrillas claimed without p lace to doubts of the social movements. Although sometimes there is a relationship between the two , no shortage of examples of tension between the two phenomena. Otherwise, the phases in which the armed conf lict has a greater resonance barely if coincides with those in which social movements coming to the fore.

In summary, would pose an unreasonable risk to try to offer from now a indisputable interpretation on the armed conflict. Not only because it is still in force and do not have the necessary distance, but because it is inevitable that is subject to a variety of decrypts, even of decrypts contradictory: this is the condition for the pnp major conflict in the logic of democratic deliberation.

In accordance with the plan that has been agreed for the completion of these rep orts, I am going to refer to the origins of the conflict, to the reasons of its extension and the effects on the civilian population. Also agree with this plan i will put the emphasis on th e contexts and the interactions between the protagonists, rather than on the characteristics and evolution of these char acters.

I. Partisan Identities, liberal model of development and violence

1. The agrarian question, continuities and discontinuities

It is inevitable you start by the agrarian questions since they form the backdro p to the social tensions more intense since the 1920s - even from before - until today; t hey are converted in several important moments in peasant mobilizations, feed the protest movements of the 1920-1936, are found in the heart of the violence of the 1950s, cause mobilizations in the years 1960-1975, underlie the emergence of the various guerrilla groups at the same time, and have subsequently been invoked constantly by these guerrillas as the justification fo r their actions . Even before its official foundation, the FARC were constructed in 1964 its pro gram with reference to injustices of agricultural structures. That is to say the land issues seem to have, as a result of its continuity, a "structural ".

The factors of continuity are well known and we will limit ourselves here to sum marize the main . The struggles for the appropriation of the land have been constant and revolve mainly around the appropriation of the wasteland: the large domains is appropriated from the principle of the lion's share at the expense of the indigenous protected areas b ut, more generally , at the expense of the farmer property. The legal regulations were constantly violated; political influences contributed to this but also the use o f force to expel the various categories of rural workers. The concentration of lan d has always been particularly strong, under the form, in particular , of vast domains of cattle-ranching, and the phenomenon has remained until now: as we will see, the armed conflict has been allowed to the paramilitary gro ups and their allies seize of millions of hectares, which has led the concentration to paroxismo2. 2 In 2002, 0.4 % of the properties of more than 500 has occupy 46.5 % of the lan d while 67.6 % of the properties with less than 5 has been dealing with the 4.2 % (cf. Juan Camilo Re strepo and Andres Bernal Morales, the agrarian question . Earth and post-conflict situations in Colombia, Bogota, Penguin Random House, 2014). 3 Cf. the various works of Alfredo Molano. 4 Cf. Juan Camilo Restrepo and Andres Bernal Morales, ibid. It should be noted t hat this affects, even, areas such as the coffee, where the titles could have existed at the beginning, but the divisions among the heirs have resulted in the loss of its validity.

Another constant has to do with the phenomena of the migratory flows toward peasant regions even little occupied. Unlike the at the beginning of the twentieth century presided over the colonization of areas of coffee production, that without being peaceful, gave rise to the formation of a peasantry small and medium relatively stable, the flows of colonization that were submitted since 1950, were often accompanied by violent c onflict. While the State through the INCORA tried to develop some few programs for distribution of land, in most cases the settlers were abandoned to their fate. The pressure of the holders of capital economic and political, with recourse to force many times3, causes its shift toward regions increasingly remote, isolated by the general of the commercial circuits and where, with the exception of the networks of the traditional parties, official i nstitutions were characterized by their absence. It is not surprising, therefore, that these settlers have accepted many times the protection of the core guerrillas. Violence and colonization go h and in hand with much frequency in this manner.

Another factor that contributes to this is the frequent absence of property titl es. This absence, which has not been immune to the agrarian conflicts since the 1930s, has never been surpassed since then. According to recent studies, 47% of the sites lack titles in good and due forma4. The cadastral records do not exist in all the departments and in many places are dubious -notaries often have ratified the illegal expropriations-. This situation is not only source of violence but that involves access to citizenship to the extent that this happens in large part by the recognition of the possession of the goods, as already stated Locke5. The peasan try is thus doomed to a dual condition of neglect: a poverty much more pronounced than that of the urban population and a citizenship uncertain. Framework 5 Palaces has shown very well to the 1930s in the book of who is the e arth? Property, politicization and peasant protest in the 1930s, Bogotá, Universidad de Los Andes, 2012.

However, the discontinuities are no less significant. From one stage to another , the modalities of agrarian mobilization evolve and the links between them are not evident in any way. Make agrarian movements of 1925 - 1936 the origin of the mobilizations of the 1960s, and of these the source of th e armed struggle , it is questionable to say the least.

One cannot speak of a real movement in the years 1925-1960 in the Sumapaz and certain parts of the Tolima, which combines social demands and the reference to communist political identities or Gaitanistas; however this only has to do with a region and, in essence, with a period. The phase of upheaval in the violence rep resents a break more than a continuity. Under the National Front, the differentiations w ithin the peasant world become increasingly net: agricultural wage workers permanent or seasonal, small landowners, landless peasants, settlers stable or unstable: the conjunction cannot be more fragile. The experience of the ANUC in 1971- 1975, which we shall refer later, constitutes a test: multiple factors undoubtedly contribute to its division but one of them is precisely the heteroge neity of the participants. Otherwise, the movement reached the highest amplitude in the departments that Atlantic, little touched by the violence, are on the other hand those where the issue of the earth are posed by the far greater acuity and the large t racts dedicated to livestock occupy the greater surface area.

Moreover, the problem comes from the reinforcement of a capitalist agriculture m uch more productive than the peasant agriculture. The recent progress of crops such as palm oil increasingly accentuate the pressures on the land. On the contrary, the peasant agriculture is confronted with the trade liberalization measures, especi ally when it comes to food crops. This applies equally to the cultivation of coffee due to the varieties and methods much more expensive than those used before, as well as a link to a international competition increasing -since 1980, the part of the coffee in Colo mbian exports has declined sharply, by what other -. The employment of wage-labor may even be affected as is the case with the production of cotton.

In the 1980s, the expansion of coca crops introduces a new differentiation, even taking into account that a tiny portion of the proceeds of this production - subject to sudden changes-, remains in the hands of the growers - which are not all peasants -, its amount is higher than the previously perceiv ed. The question of the allocation of the land passed to a second level provisionally for them: the problem of security is the most predominant. And in effect sooner or later find themselves trapped in the conflict, even more so in the contested areas by the various armed factio ns .

In fact, the manner in which they are posed by the agrarian problems has been tr ansformed almost everywhere by the expansion of the armed conflict. In this field, more than in any other , the data "structural" cannot be separated from the interactions between the or ganizations. This will be one of the central themes of the last parts of the report.

However, an observation is imposed. Or the agricultural problems of the phenomen a of violence or derivatives of the armed conflict are sufficient to explain by thems elves other specificity of Colombia: the place that the rural country has remained in the political life . The fact deserves special attention: the part of the rural population has been steadily decreasing in relation to the urban population: of the 2/3 that Colombia was in 1920, fell to less than 30% in recent years. One of the reasons for this is probably t he impact of the partisan tradition. Although this has helped to make more fragile the symbol ic of the national unity, also have the effect of making widely relax mechanisms of power in the control networks of rural society. Despite the recent collapse of the two parties, continues to prevail a high level of "ruralisation" of political life. This is valid in what it has to do with the me chanisms of power, but is no less valid for the mechanisms of "countervailing power" that arise regularly, especially when new peripheries are added to the above. All this obviously taking into account that what constitutes the "Peripheries" is not the geographic remoteness but the fact that the institutions are particularly deficient in this area . Between the agrarian problems must also be taken into account the permanence o f the mechanisms of power in the rural world.

2. The creation of forms of social and political domination in the years 1930-19 40

Many of the traits that singularize Colombian history, in relation to that of ma ny very important countries of Latin America, they are present without place to dou bts since before 1930 . Among these, the most notable are the "tyrannic regime", i.e. , the prevalence of the civilian elite on the military institution, and the precariousness of the symbolic national. Ho wever, you can consider that in the years 1930 -1940 accentuates the differences in the extent to which consolidate these two traits through the incorporation of a population to the tr aditional parties and the accession of the elites to a liberal model of development. Charge entry to these two traits the phenomena of violence that marked the following ye ars would be a little hasty. The less you can consider that contribute to the buildi ng of a context that makes them possible.

The period of the Great Depression and World War II is marked in many Latin American countries by the crisis of the schema agro-exporter and the polic ies of industrialization, the transformation of the role of the State, the rise of nationalist claims. The Armed Forces or a technocracy public are often the actor s involved . The rotation can be authoritarian aspect; and in some cases also, very quickly or with a lag, you can take a populist tone,. The principle of legitimacy that is invoked at that time itself is not the political liberalism, accused of having its basis in a substrate individualistic, but the access of th e masses of people to a social citizenship or, in any case, national.

Occurs in a totally different way in Colombia. Instead of weakening, the framework of the population by the two traditional parties are becoming increasi ngly important to acquire the appearance of two opposing political cultures; the conservatives are calling on the proximity with the Catholic Church, both presidents of the consti tution of individual and collective identities . In both organizations, are far from presenting a cohesion without failure: at its base, rest in networks manipulated by local l ords; at the top , both the Conservative Party as the Liberal Party are constantly traversed by deep divisions related to the policy measures that they advocate. But this is not an obstacle: the accessions partisan are robust e nough to replace the reference to a common citizenship.

However, on the eve of the crisis of 1929, there was reason to believe that thes e accessions were susceptible of partisan weaken, especially by the liberal side. The agraria n conflicts , the emergence of formations dissidents as the JOIN of Gaitan or the Communist Party , the impatience of certain intellectual elites, seemed to be its premonitory si gns . But the coming to power of the Liberal Party in 1930 produces the accession of the most progressive sectors of this party to the illusion that under his leadership is going to be operated a modernization similar to that of the neighboring count ries. The hopes are increased even more with the arrival of the presidency in 1934 by Alfonso Lopez Pumarejo with its slogan of the "Revolution in progress". In fact the pol itical transformations that his government conducts are impressive in many ways : deletion of the reference to God in the preamble of the Constitution, establis hment of the universal male suffrage, educational reforms. But the social reforms have even greater impact among the popular classes. The government is not content to recog nize the trade union rights but that it gives the impression that supports their claims. Moreover, in 1936 an agrarian reform aimed at offering a solution to the ongoing conflicts : to put in the foreground the "social function of property", this reform favors in particular, the division of some large extensions devoted to the coffe e, commits a change of status of certain categories of apareceros. These measures achieve decrease momentarily the intensity of the conflicts but quickly collide with the opposition of the large landowners and are revised some time after until the point that only have a symbolic significance. Moreover, since the end of 1937, the government refuses to continue with its reforms. This does not mean that the whole of these reforms will be sufficient for the po pular sectors of the Liberal Party did have the impression that this is a transformation of a whole. Since its accession to this party is becoming increas ingly important . The young Communist Party, officially formed in 1930, after having been forced to implement in a first moment the line of "class against class", the price of many internal convulsions, is not left behind to hold the "revolution" in which it perceives a "" to the Colombian: for a decade, preaches th e "class collaboration" and behaves almost as a simple fraction of the Liberal Par ty .

The strengthening of the partisan identification is also delivered by the side o f the Conservative Party. On the other hand, the alternation of power in 1930 had been translated into many departments in the phenomena of violence as the liberals were the posts that had the conservatives: for nearly three years these confrontations resulted in several thousands of dead and fed the conviction of the conservative s that the new power is only based on the force. But the inflection is toward decisive 1936 due to the echoes of the Spanish Civil War. The majority of the Conservative Party, led by Laureano Gómez, is not content to invoke the defense of the sacred foundations of social order in front of the reform of López Pumarejo, but sympathizes with the Franco field, picks up on its own account the diatribes of the extreme right in Europe against the liberal democracy and puts into question the legitimacy of governments that it claimed. While the complaints take as a priority an ideological shift, are in spite of everything less brutal than those developed in many European countries. But the mix between old cultures partisan, which had been fed the violence mentioned a little further up, with modern ideological content, you can become explosive.

As is well known the other trait that characterizes this period in Colombia is t he consolidation of a liberal model of development. The schema agro exporter, in which the coffee is the main part , is not in question; the economic intervention of the State is still very limit ed and very inferior to that which prevails in countries of similar level of develo pment ; the private economic elites take widely economic management and give it a very orthodox orientation. That's not all: even the management of social remains largely in the hands of these elites. The government of López Pumarejo not carried out a true institutionalization of social relationships: th e measures in this field will only appear in 1944-1945 and they are going to be swept away by the storm that follows. The main industrial pole, the pole Antioquia, makes the paternalism his doctrine and the National Federation of Coffee Growers takes in charge of the adequacy of the production areas .

The stability of a model for the development of this nature would have had littl e chance to be maintained without the framework of the traditional parties. They are two sid es of the same reality. Economic elites are divided between the two parties in such a way that they differ very little or nothing in regard to their economic guidelines . The resistance against the reforms lopistas comes from both the privileged liberals and their conservative counterparts. The division of the parties only i f you have an immediate impact on the economy and allows you to channel the passions of the masses of people by a different road to social claims.

The two elements combine to serve as a basis for a precariousness of the State t hat is manifested in many other planes and not only in the economy. The "tyrannic regime" isn't trans lated only by the little prestige and by the lack of military forces; it affects a lot more to the police, reduced in its conformation to local police, often improvised and at the mercy of small political bosses. It is clear that the Stat e in these conditions is far from being able to exercise any authority whatever on the greater part of the territory and, even, that they will be able to maintain the monopoly of violence legitima6. 6 On the fragmentation of the powers, the question of State and the phenomena of violence, cf. Fernan Gonzalez Gonzalez, power and violence in Colombia, Bogota, ODECOFI-CINEP, 2014.

The weak institutionalization of social relations has numerous lasting consequen ces . We will mention only four: the appeal of the elites to various forms of privatized violence remains a possibility in the case of social disputes; develo pment conducive to the maintenance of social inequalities, or rather the contrary, it presupposes 7; the relationship of all sectors with the State, but on all of the popular cla sses , remains ambivalent: all were addressed to the State when they are in high dema nd meet but at the same time all denounce their inability to answer them. The doubt about the legitimacy of the institutions makes it possible the invocation of the right to rebellion, in line with the previous guerrillas. 7 Wages rather decreased during the period of liberal governments. 8 Cf. In particular the comments from Malcolm deas to this purpose in violent ex changes, Bogotá, Taurus, 1999.

In sum, contrary to what happens in many other countries, the global crisis lead s rather to a strengthening of liberal democracy and liberal model of development. At no time did the State as such aims to establish a domain on the society. But the political and social divisions that traverse the State opens up the possibility that come to light the vulnerabilities of this operation.

3. The Gaitanismo and Violence 1945-1964

Now let's look at the stage of "violence". Without doubt, this can be interpret ed partially from two contexts mentioned above: the agrarian structures that favor the emergence o f chronic clashes and the political and economic model based on the partisan passions and the maintenance of inequalities. However violence introduces a break higher. It is often done in the phenomena of violence a colombian frame continues that part of the civil wars of the nineteenth centur y and the War of a Thousand Days, encompasses the agrarian conflicts of the 1920-1930, and leads to the episode of violence. With just title the historians have emphasized the enormous differences: civil wars come into play on all forces directed by members of the elite, the agrarian conflicts had only a limited number of deaths, not partisan passions prevented Colombia known after 1903 several decades of rel ative paz8. The "violence" means a break. The 200.000 deaths attributed to it are themselves an expression of its magnitude, but are even more so the atrociti es and the forced displacement of the accompanying. The "violence" is also characte rized by the heterogeneity of the phenomena that combines geographical fragmentation of the confrontations to which it gives rise to the fact that largely escapes the control of the elites.

The term of "violence" that designates this period does not cease to be ambiguou s as it makes us understand that it is unleashing forces that obey only to the passions and interests of the moment and in this way allows you to hide its instigators, and acknowledge exclusively to the masses, especially in rural areas, which were dri ven by the confrontation and to which incriminates them for their ignorance, as well as by its barbarity.

What is certain is that the episode disorder a large part of society, leaving ma rks real and imaginary that still survive, as well as the conviction of broad sector s of the violence and not the rule of law governs the social relations. From there to make of this phenomenon, the origin of the recent armed conflict would be to carry out a simplification that sidestepping many nuances, even considering that it is true that a guerrill a warfare as the FARC comes directly from there.

The violence began in 1946 after the election of the conservative Mariano Ospina Perez . In 1947 had already produced about 14,000 dead. But as the violence precedent of 1930 had shown, any type of carrier was alternation of bloody clash es and the most affected departments were the same that had been affected fifteen years before. You might think, therefore, that it is only traditional forms of violence . But this alternation occurs at a particular juncture: the rise of a populist mobilization unprecedented, behind Jorge Eliécer Gaitán; and a against mobilization that complains of a Catholic fundamentalism, behind Laurean o Gomez. Since then, the violence is exacerbated: in 1948 reaches close to 43,000 dead, in 1950 more than 50.0009 . 9 The figures are taken from the book by Paul Oquist, violence, conflict and pol icy in Colombia, Bogota, Banco Popular , 1978.

The populism Gaitanista has many similarities with the populism of the neighbori ng countries: called the people against the oligarchy, the rejection of the liberal democracy, the reference to

State intervention, the extreme customization of the relationship with the leader. But differs from these in some important points. Gaitán during a time, it tries to be above the partisan division, but in 1947 is part of new in it and to assume the leadership of the Liberal Party ends to give more intensity than ever. It is not surprising that the nationalist dimension of their speeches is rather shy since this division continues to make problematic the symbolic national. This is , incidentally, of populism that can be called second-generation: appears after the Revolution of López, and whatever may have been the disappointments that this is no longer, a large part of the popular sectors have the feeling of having already acceded to the citizenship. This is the case for the m ajority of the trade unions and urban Gaitan does not cease to call into question its link with the traditional liberal leaders and even the "privileges" that would have been able to achieve. In concordance with the suppression of the strikes on the part of the government, t he campaign Gaitan contributes in this manner from 1947 to the weakening of the trade unions. It is not by chance that Gaitan is almost always directed to the people as if this, left to their own for ces, could not become a political subject.

The Communist Party is also affected by the crisis. It remains faithful to Lopez , achieves consolidate its presence in the media workers and artisans, and deals w ith key positions in the CTC, the only confederation recognized. But the Gaitanismo is in their eyes a fo rm of fascism, in the manner of the peronists. And in this way a large part of their s upporters, that accompany with fervor the Gaitanistas campaigns, leave. In the name of marxist orthodoxy, the communists are being marginalized in this way the most powerful movement of the urban masses that has been known in Colombia.

The assassination of Gaitan on April 9 1948 is followed by the Bogotazo and othe r local insurrections. The Gaitanismo movement as he never had an organization and did not survive to their leader , even if most of the popular sectors of the Liberal Party, especially those who had been hostile, demanding of their ranks from that moment and believe that his disappearance is a "revolution frustrated". However these events cause panic in all the elites regardless of their party affiliation, relive the mass spectrum of the dangerous and the conscience of a social abyss. Powered by the climate of the Cold War, communism becomes a central component of the policy. All these factors contribute to the official repression that destroys wh at remained of trade unionism and other urban organizations. The Communist Party for its par t is declared illegal until 1958.

These events precipitated on all the fall in a widespread violence. The neutrali zation of the urban organizations is precisely one of their conditions. The phenomena of violence spread quickly in the rural areas to the extent that institutions are there more deficient. Nearly three quarters of the population remain rural. However, the paradox, as we have said previously, is that the displacement of the political scene toward the rural Col ombia is carried out at the time that begins to accelerate the urbanization and industrialization . This offset is maintained and endures despite the fact that Colombia is now an urban country.

In 1948 and 1949 the violence reached a level such that one could say that the r ule of law is collapsing. The closing of the Congress in 1949 and, shortly after, the decis ion of the Liberal Party not to participate in the presidential elections, leaving the fiel d open to Laureano Gómez, represent the milestones of this drift. The process of the latter can be considered without a doubt in the category of the authoritarian projects. With the assimila tion of liberalism and communism and with the aspiration to return to the Church its role of guarantor of social order, seek to establish a corporate system. This purpose quickly loses its strength: at no time can consolidate their own authority over the Conservative Party, which is crossed by many divisions, and even less, strengthen the authority of the central State on the various de facto powers. Th e best illustration of this is the semiprivatizacion Police for the benefit of conservative activists , the famous "chulavitas. This certainly does not mean that the government does not engage in the practices of violence, directly or through the governors and mayors; but it is a fact that the dynamics of violence outside of their hands to a large extent. Before this, the liberals and communist guerrilla s earn increasing force and begin to worry more and more to the own liberal elites, to the extent that the resigned to their fate. The loss of control over the situation explains the feeling of relief almost una nimous that it welcomes the coup d'état of general Rojas Pinilla in June of 1953, a character very close to the conservatives. In the months that followed by almost all the liberal guer rillas will demobilize , even some communist guerrillas. However, its aura of peacemaker does not survive to the fact that in 1955, motivated by his anti-communism and b y the United States , decided to launch major and bloody military operations on peasant zones controlled by the communists. The honeymoon with the elites reaches its end, when Rojas Pinilla tries to create its own political organization with a view to a new mandate, and with the support of former Gaitanistas even. Its peaceful overthrow in May of 1957 is as celebrated as what had been its access to power four years bef ore.

The phenomena of violence are not interrupted by this completely, but that are p rolonged , in particular in the regions, in the form of a gangsterism, half way between the social and the political.

Would it be possible, despite their fragmentation and the diversity of its manif estations, define a reference that is common to all these phenomena? It seems to me that, e specially at the beginning , you can only consider the reference to the two partisan identities that make i t possible for an imaginary "friend-enemy", click presence in almost the whole of society. In this direction, the violence assumes the aspect of a civil war; but from ther e you can not conclude that do not become part of the phenomena that other dimensions refer to realities as diverse as the agrarian conflicts, old or recent; strategies of appropriation of resources in the coffee regions at the time that benefit from t he rise of prices of production; the clashes between migratory flows, as is the case of Tolima and boyacenses among Antiochians, etc.

At the places where they are had been able to consolidate a prior process of org anization in the framework of the struggle promoted by the rural population, the latter can more easily cope with the violence of the authorities: this is what happens for example in t he Sumapaz where the agrarian movements, influenced by the Communist Party, interve nes to prevent the outbreak of conservative police, and is willing to accept arrangemen ts with the landowners. This is also what is produced in the south of the Tolima where i ndigenous peoples have a long tradition of resistance. But these situations are rather exceptional: in most regions, populations can build forms of solidarity elementary, as the neighborhood councils, but did not manage to be a means of autonomous collective intervention. Partisan networks, manipulated by t he "whitened or by local lords, establish a control to which the inhabitants hardly escape. A fortiori that is what happens in the juncture of the violence, in whic h the improvised leaders add to the already existing ones in order to impose its disci pline. The constant movement of colonization translates into a large number of disputes, no t only with those who have political influence, but among the settlers themselves. Wher e the prosperity is relatively defined, as in the coffee regions, individualism tend easily to prevail at the expense of collective action.

The violence has finally two complementary effects: accentuates on behalf of the ids partisan accessions voluntary or forced to all kinds of privatized networks; it causes a fractionation, even a dislocation of the popula tion, which tends to prevent more than ever its transformation into actor.

However, the violence leads simultaneously to the constitution of a liberal and communist resistance to a considerable extent, which is reflected in particular in the emergence of numerous guerrillas. The phenomenon is often part of the tradition of revolt against an illegitimate regime, but in other cases it refers to ability t o take charge of social demands.

However, it is astonishing that the guerrillas do not escape the fragmentation t hat characterizes the set of the phenomena of violence. Attempts at coordination made, especially by the guerrillas under the influence of the Communist Party, only achieve succe ss precarious, at least until the end of the 1950s. The guerrillas more important i s called the Liberal Party. Among the latter, the guerrillas of the Eastern plains have the troops more numerous and not hesitate when it comes to attack the milit ary forces . Its prestige also comes from the fact that had been emancipated from the large landowners progressively liberal and liberal political elites unt il the point of proclaiming in 1953 some "laws" that implied agrarian transformations. This does not preclud e these guerrillas have also been for a long time prisoner of "localism" and internal rivalries.

Among the liberal guerrillas and the Communist guerrillas hostilities are freque nt. However , a number of communist guerrilla, starting by Manuel Marulanda Vélez , began his career in the liberal groups. But since 1951 the relationship betwee n "clean" and "common", to resume the terms that they themselves use, and the disp utes over control of the territories, harden. With the coming to power of Rojas Pinilla, political di fferences are evident: the vast majority of the liberal guerrillas demobilizing but the communist guerrilla refuse to do so. The military offensive launched in 1955 by the government against the latter reinforces for a long time their option to keep a defense capability. Further, during the years following the old liberal guerrillas, with the support of local politicians, are endeavoring to ta ke advantage of their positions and kill some of his paintings. The consequence of this is that when ringing the hour of the National Front, the communists rural are forced to retreat back to certain areas. In some of them, as in the Sumapaz, the reticence with regard to the continuation of armed struggle are explicit in addition. Not to mention that the leadership of the Party is still interested in recovering, in time, its influenc e on the working class and does not want his future is exclusively in the hands of the autodefensas campesinas.

In general the violence represented a large part of the country a vast dislocati on of the rural world. Camilo Torres wrote a famous article in which he argues that the peasantry had managed to conquer greater autonomy and a greater awareness of the ir rights in relation to the elites10. The result at that time I seem to be much different. The insertion in the party affiliations was consolidated more than ever before and, by this same track, the social domination of the ruling classes. The liberal model of development has no t stopped but that, on the contrary, was consolidated. The high prices of coffee between 1 949 and 1954 ensured the "guilds" and to the elites of the two parties, which assumed by comm on 10 " The violence and social change," critical thinking, no. February 1 1967. According to his direction, a unprecedented influence. In summary, the society m et in a shock but extreme power structures remained intact and without the possibility o f splintering.

The popular rural sectors suffered a deep trauma whose traces emerge at all time s . As in most of the massacres of masses, had the feeling that they had been mobilized on everything by the desire to defend itself from the other field , before they could realize that had been fighting between similar -already that nothing could differentiate a socially conservative peasant farmer of a liberal-, and that they had done to the account of "other", that is to say, the political lead ers denounced by Gaitan.

In this way the memory becomes very often in the memory of humiliation and gives rise to a feeling of rage that produces the temptation to take revenge for the arms. The lesson of the violence is also to know that the institutions are based on relations of force and, therefore, that it is legitimate to use force t o combat them.

5. Does the National Front: a closed system?

In 1958, after the interim of the Military Junta, the formula of the National Fr ont. Approved by an overwhelming majority, anxious to turn the page of the violence a nd the dictatorship, this covenant established by 16 years the rotating presidency of t he two traditional parties and sharing it among them of the public posts, and attaches to them the monopoly of political representation. In fact, the formula presented in many ways, the as pect of a restoration that refers to three decades ago. The same political leaders, even the most involved in the violence (Laureano Gomez in the first place), orch estrate its implementation. To seat more solidly his authority cover of heaping criticis m on the "dictatorship" of Rojas Pinilla, and to renew the tradition of "Civilist", highl ights the ineptitude of the military to mix into the political thing. In return they care to evoke its r esponsibility for the tragedy of violence and its reconciliation produces the feeling that this is a covenant of oblivion. Nothing or almost nothing is done in favor of th e countless victims . The fight against the "gangsterism", this degraded mode of violence which unti l 2004 sowing terror in certain regions, allows them even abanderarse the role as defen ders of the common values. The few rehabilitation plans for areas that the peasants are particularly numerous for having lost their lands and other property, are not comparable in any way to the expected agrarian reform. U nder the auspices of the Alliance for Progress a timid agrarian reform outlined in 1961, but the resistors that it finds, and the lack of firmness on the part of the governm ent, the reduce from very soon, and in the best of cases, to a modest accompaniment of some movements of colonization. In summary, the National Front firmed before all the social status quo and the laissez-faire in the world of agriculture.

However the limitations inherent in the political formula are above all raise th e protest of many sectors, which do not take too long to see there a variant of an authoritarian regime , and even a mentiz of the regime's claim to stand as a rule of law. The fact that the proclamation of the "state of siege" in your join ts more various, either to rule by decree until 1967 the laws represent a majority of 2/3 which is a challenge - to deal with strikes and other social protests or , even, to resolve the economic problems regular, is rapidly becoming the symbol of the recourse to the arbitrary: the exception becomes the rule. The violent repression by the Public Force, or by private agents, of the vindictive actions occurs with great frequency.

Finally, the theoretical impossibility of that third parties will participate in elections is not more than the complement more visible in this table.

All these aspects suggest, from the creation of the National Front, many radical ized sectors to proclaim that to transform the situation there is no way other than the armed struggle. Only a minority is linked to it, although in the late 1960's this conviction is shared by a large part of the view. The representation of the National Front as a closed system and purely repressive becomes a vulgate which repeats indefinitely. However, it is desirable qualifying it. And to begin not to confuse the 14 years from 1958 to 1972, during which the formula is in full force, with the 18 years following. In this second phase, although the formula is attenuates partially, t he collapse of the system and the rule of law is self-evident. The situation is even more explosive because, in fact and not in law, prolonging the monopoly of the two parties, and third parties are reduced to the minimum. The Vulgate projected easily all the defects of the second stage on the first; but also in this case t he discontinuities are significant.

During the first phase the formula can boast at least some exitos11. The most im portant is to have put an end to the violence of the previous years, which translates in to a progressive reduction in the rates of homicides that, in 1971-1972, reaching its lowest level. The partisan passions are appeases, sharing "pinpoint " of jobs decreases litigation. The counterpart of this is certainly a patronage that penetrates by all parties and the abstention that reaches many ti mes very high proportions, 60% and even more. However, we must not forget that that abstention was always very important, even during the rise of Gaitanismo, and cannot always be equated with a rejection of the system. The most remarkable, on the contrary, is that even devoid of passion, the accessions partisan persist and remain in force during the second fase12. Another success lies in a certain economic modernizati on , particularly present during the mandate of Llera Carlos Restrepo: influenced by the theories of the ECLAC, decided to escape the pressures of the parties on the basis of the so-called a technocracy very qualified, do not hesitate to back up the liber al model of development and to give the State a role in the industrialization engine; it is about even, (on this aspect will be back later), the relaunch of the problematic of th e agrarian reform. 11 Francisco Gutiérrez, what the wind? The political parties and democracy in Colo mbia (1958- 2002), Bogota, Rule, 2007. 12 Patricia Finch of Lewin, towns, regions and parties, Bogotá, CEREC, 1989.

No less significant are the cultural changes that occur. Despite its commitments with the Conservative Party and with Rojas Pinilla, the Catholic Church at the b eginning as one of the pillars of the National Front; however, fails to put brake to the societal changes that accompany the practice of birth control, to the educational advances, deprovincialization intellectual and artistic. Careful esp ecially to preserve the discipline in the ranges of a clergy shocked by the Second Vatic an Council , it proves to be increasingly unable to frame the new earths urbanas13. 13 Contrary to the Church in Brazil and other countries, the Church does not fav or the creation of "base communities", that would make possible the maintenance of the relationship with the popular classes. 14 In the left-wing currents the contrast between the participating in the elect ions, as the Communist Party , and the abstainers, is very virulent.

While the Vulgate is debatable, the reason is that the National Front does not m ean the disappearance of the opposition parties, nor for the autonomous social movements . In addition to the two traditional parties were constantly engaged to divisions that had deep historical roots, the National Front for more than te n years he was confronted with powerful opposition parties, the first and the MRL ANAPO subsequently.

Dissent of the Liberal Party, formed in 1958 by Alfonso Lopez Michelsen, the son of the leader of the Revolution in progress", the MRL rejects the principle of alternation presidential, denounces the immobility of the social regime and applauds the Cub an Revolution in its infancy. In 1962, in violation of the rule of alternation which stated th at the shift was a conservative, Alfonso Lopez Michelsen is launched as a candidate and gets in spite of everything a third of the votes. The MRL offers you a means of expression to rebellious sectors, in the first rank of which are many of the former members of the liberal guerrillas or communists, and the inhabitants of t he areas where these latter were implanted. Under the label of the MRL, the Communist Party also participates in the elections and achieves that elected some local candidates; in this way you can leave the exclusion who had beaten him and , far from considering how secondary the electoral work, gives you the greatest importancia14. The adve nture of the MRL ended around 1966 when Alfonso Lopez Michelsen returns to the ranks of the liberal party. The MRL label remains however the coverage of many opposition sectors. Since the beginning of the 1960s, another opposition party claimed the conservat ive party begins to make progress, the ANAPO, led by General Rojas Pinilla. With the use o f a speech at the same time conservative and populist, which associates the defens e of the interests most backward with the demagogic promises, manages to attract from 1966 to the urban poor, some of them liberal demographics. Rojas Pinilla assumes the candidate in the presidential elections of 1970. The result causes a real tu rmoil : achieves equated with the candidate of the National Front and many believe tha t only thanks to the fraud is achievement tip the balance in favor of the latter. The abstention under significantly and, in a city like Bogota, the vote is the expression of a polarization as had not been produced ever since Gaitan. The ANAPO barely if y ou are able to survive this medium success but, as was the case during the mobilization Gait anista, a large part of the elites discovers with panic the anger of the masses. The Com munist Party unknown, once again, a mass phenomenon; although it is true that it is difficult to adhere to the one who had banned and had attacked their rural strongholds.

Also the social movements are extremely intense. At the exit of years of destruc tion and repression , the trade union organizations emerge and multiply their actions: strikes often very long and hard (in the Valle del Cauca, region that hosted many of the refugees , these strikes exploited since 1959), general strike threats, hunger strikes, movements of homeless people. The regime makes it many efforts to retain control of the two confederations that grouped to the greater part of the trade unions, but other groups are vying for the field, including a confederation linked to the Co mmunist Party that, without being officially recognized, is very present in core activities. Vindictive pressures are so strong that the government often is forced to make c oncessions as in 1965, giving new social rights. But very often resort to the repression.

Social strife are permanent, as is to be expected in rural regions. The multiple streams of colonization make the disputes around the wasteland and the conditions of agricultural workers are recurrent. The occupation of Urabá in the late 1960s, favored by the rise of the banana plantations is an illustration : fifteen years after the region is going to be one of the worst scenarios of the armed conflict. But the peasant mobilisation is the more impressive that develops from 1972 to 1975, primarily in the departments of the Caribbean zone who suffer ed relatively little violence. This mobilization comprised of peasant farmers that the government of President Carlos Lleras Restrepo organized with the name of Farmers Association of Users, to rela unch the agrarian reform. The movement quickly escapes into the hands of its initiato rs and embarks on an unprecedented campaign of occupation of the land of livestock: estimated at close to 100,000 the number of participants and in more than 500 the number of occupied land in 197115. However, in 1993-1994, the movement begins to dislocated. The brutal repression -tens of dead - it has the greatest responsibility . But the heterogeneity of the farmers involved, and the rivalries between the Maoist vanguards, Trotskyites, etc. that is disputing the address, also have the ir part in an outcome that allows the government abandon any type of draft a true agrarian reform. It should be noted that once more the Communist Pa rty did not want to be linked to a mass movement: rejecting the "adventurism" of other avant-garde, you prefer separated from radical currents of the ANUC and support a moderate line. 15 CF. Leon Zamosc, "peasant struggles in Colombia", political analysis, No. 15, Bogotá, 1992.

6. The Cuban revolution and the birth of the guerrilla

If the Vulgate on the National Front is widely is imposed because the establishm ent of the formula virtually coincides with the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. In man y places of Latin American social movements arise from left, and shortly after, cores of guerrilla warfare that sooner or later deliver the pretext for the organizati on of authoritarian regimes. The experience of violence and guerrilla struggle seems t o designate to Colombia as a scenario particularly favorable for the formation of new guerrillas, this time revolutionary resolutely.

The American administration, determined to put a stripe by all means the Cuban influences, and the leaders of the National Front, more aligned than ever in their recommendations, share the apprehension that this must be as well. Although the Colombian Armed Forces remain particularly weak despite the involvement of one of its units in the , you have all the freedom to act against the "subversion": another phase of the "tyrannic regime" is that in effect the civil ian power does not interfere with the "maintenance of law and order", such as Alberto Lleras Camargo had proclaimed at the beginnin g of the National Front.

From 1959-1960 appears between the university youth, in particular, an effervesc ence of radical ideas. All that there are involved does not come from the popular cla sses. From one day to other young people from many times of traditional media are link ed with various ideologies of rupture, the Guevarism first, and then the , Tr otskyism or other "isms". In many ways, this radicalisation gives the feeling of a religious conversion with all the sectarianism that it is: the children of famil ies laureanistas are not the last to join all the currents in vogue.

Some do not take too long, in application of the theories of the Guevarist foci, in effectively creating core guerrillas waiting to link former guerrilla fighters of the violence. One of the earliest examples is the MOEC (Student Worker Peasant Movement) that launches several makeshift initiatives that fail almost i mmediately: the murder in 1961 of the leader of the MOEC, Antonio Larrota, by a guerrilla of the previous era, symbolizes the fact that there is no continuity between the two moments of the g uerrillas. Other installed kernels in the distant suburbs do not have better luck.

In the mid 1960s are formed in counterpart that guerrilla organizations in the f ollowing decades confer to the armed struggle a central role: the FARC, faithful to the Orthodox Communist Party; the ELN that claimed the Guevarism; the EPL that claim ed Maoist thesis. A little later, after the 1970 elections, the M-19 appears with a rejection of dogmatism and a called on all to a bolivarian nationalism.

All these organizations, with the exception of the M-19, are implanted in rural areas and make the effort to build on its recent past of resistance and in some of their former leaders . However, only the FARC have strong farmer bases formed in several years in the strategies of self-defense.

The brutal attack launched in 1964 by the Army against the database in Marquetal ia and, subsequently, against other colonies peasant framed by the communists, stigmatized as "independent republics", marks an important shift. While the vict ims of these attacks are little numerous, the event strengthens the strategies of se lf-defense and its application on the part of the settler populations forced to desplazarse16. It is also the starting point of the story that heroic Manuel Mar ulanda and Jacobo Arenas, both leaders, are going to write and to be converted to the brevi ary of their recruits . Officially the FARC are constituted as such in 1966; however, it imposes the story of the FARC according to which the armed conflict began in 1964. This story becomes quasi-official and is the one that lets you say in 2014 that Colombia is experie ncing a conflict in fifty years. 16 The expression "colonization navy" is often used to evoke the displacements t hat occur in the context of the FARC in its early stages.

However, the FARC preserved for a long time its strategy of self-defense. During ten years only carry out rare offensive actions against the army and remain subordinate to a Communist Party devoted to follow the guidelines of the Soviet party . Mistrustful with regard to all the "aventurerismos", the Party also wary of the proclamations of the Tricontinental Conference in Havana in 1967: the cool reception given there to his envoys shows that the Party is consi dered "revisionist". Certainly, is proud of having taken since 1961, the thesis of th e "combination of all forms of struggle". But still considers the cores peasants in arms on everything as a political support and as a protection in cas e of need. What is essential to your party continues to be extending its presence in the world of workers and improve the results you get in the elections.

Moreover, radical currents and the new guerrilla organizations often shared the same criticism with regard to the Communist Party. One of the points of disagree ment refers to the electoral participation of the Party. The rupture sino-soviet contributes to add more than a factor to these antagonisms. Trained at its incep tion in Cuba, the ELN is formed especially with the model of the "focus". The linking o f Camilo Torres and many other priests, some Spaniards, guarantees you a prestige insurance. Although gets support in the urban world, this does not detract from favoring local action between the peasants and shows much more offensive than the FARC. The sectarianism of its leader leads however to multiple internal executions and, fi nally, to their isolation. In 1973, a military operation almost achieves its disappeara nce, and only forty of their fighters escape. Wanting to follow the model of the Long March of Mao, the EPL concentrates its efforts in the peasantry of areas of San Jorge and the Unis, which encourages them to renounce the mercantile exchanges. This group ver y soon gives reverse due to the military repression, but also to the crisis of the ANUC and t o the reticence is among the peasantry.

The balance of the armed struggle at the end of the 1970s, both military and pol itical, it is therefore not flattering in this date. The FARC have only a little more than 900 combatants, fitted with a rudimentary weapons. In contradiction with what the supporters of the armed struggle had planned, the aftermath of the violence had not been sufficient to cause mass linking among rural populations of the region where the guerrillas had been established. Contrary to what it is supposed, the experience of violence does not predispose the peasant population to adhere to t he prospect of another experience of armed struggle, except in a few cases. It is no coincidence that at the end of the 1970s the only guerrilla group that reaches out to impact the public opinion is the M-19, in the moments in which launches urban operations.

However, this is the time to open the second phase of the National Front characterized by the growing discredit of the system. The disappointments that m anifest themselves during the mandate of Alfonso Lopez Michelsen are as intense as the hopes which had awakened his election in 1974. In spite of certain measures to respond to popular expectations, such as the recognition of the CSTC, the communist liberal confederation, the dismantling of the Agrarian Reform Institut e, the appropriation of the sharp rise in the price of coffee by the largest growers, the acceleration of inflation , help to create a deep social malaise. To all this we must add the increasing flow of capital "doubtful" that irrigate the legal economy wi th the blessing of the government. Strikes and urban movements (civic strikes that require an improvement of services) multiplican17. This upset leads to the September 14 1977 in a general strike protegé of all the major unions and that, in some neighborhoods, took the appearance of an insurrection, repress ed in blood and fire. Described as "small April 9" by López Michelsen, the event is interpreted by a part of the elites as a symptom of the progress of the "subversion". The hardening of the emergency measures, initiated by López Michelsen is continued by his successor Julio Cesar Turbay: the "Statute of secu rity" adopted in 1978 allows the detention of the suspects of rebellion, and opens the way to the trivialization of the arbitrariness. The measure hits particularly those suspected of sympathy with the M-19. 17 The number of strikes reaches its highest point in 1975, with 246. Drops to l ess than 70 in the late 1970s, under the effect of repression. If raise again during the period of Belisario Betancur (16 8 in 1985), this is mainly due to the protests against the violence in the name of the "righ t to life".

In parallel, the traditional parties lose the little cohesion that preserved. Th e abstention reached record figures many times, such as in Bogota in the elections for Congress in 1976, which comes to 80 8 %. In place of the historical leaders and signific ant long-standing regional potentates are imposed, called "barons", that make up huge clientele on the basis of multiple bonuses and sometimes of the intimidation. National elections are now conducted on the basis of the transactions with these barons and the availability of financial resources is ce ntral . This is not more than one of the aspects of institutional breakdown associated drug trafficking in particular.

Of all forms is important to note that social mobilizations and armed struggles tend to evolve in the opposite direction. The first does not cease to progress w hile the latter tend to decrease. At least this proves that not necessarily leave agreement and that the armed struggle is not a continuous process: in 1975 his f uture strengthening is not easily predictable. II. Drug Trafficking, commotion and institutional expansion of the armed conflic t

1. The irruption of the drug trafficking as a new context

The main factor of the mutation is, to our eyes, the expansion of drug trafficki ng. The greater part of the analysis mentioned this factor but as one among others and w ithout putting it in the heart of the problem, as if there was a risk to mitigate the political chara cter of the armed conflict, even to support the vision of Alvaro Uribe according to which th e conflict is reduced to a mass phenomenon of crime. OR as if this will mean justify the "w ar on drugs " of the known failure and the disastrous consequences.

However it is difficult to deny that drug trafficking has a major responsibility in the strengthening of all actors involved in the armed conflict, the drug traffickers in the first place, but also the guerrillas, the paramilitaries , the gangs of organized crime. Without doubt, the drug trafficking is not the only element to consider: the rise of other resources, such as oil and mining also ensures the strengthening of these actors, as is shown by the example of the ELN. This can also be extended to the consolidation of an agriculture that relies on domestic and international capital and that is determined to eliminate all the o bstacles. This proliferation of new resources is inseparable from a spatial transformation : the Colombian economy develops from new peripheries that correspond to the poles of production that appear, and these suburbs beyond now more than ever to the influ ence of the central State.

Why not subscribe the reasoning of Paul Collier for which the internal armed con flict would be referred to the recent benefits linked to the appropriation of primary goods rather than social purposes, political or ideological. This reductionism misses the complexity of the situations. It seems to us essential to make a detour via institutional shocks caused first and foremost by the drug economy. The first signs of this economy appear, as I have already stated, since the mid- 1970s , when it begins to form; at that time it is on all of the marijuana that goes relatively unnoticed. However at the same time corruption progresses, the porosity between what is legal and what is illegal is incremente d, the provisions that undermine the rule of law will accumulate. Gradually the dirty money affects all sectors and irrigates entire portions of the official economy. The u niverse of the consumption extends beyond their regular participants. A character like Pablo Es cobar comes at a given time to embody a model of success and to stimulate a kind of illusion populist and nationalist. While this money helps to Colombia to avoid t he effects of the "lost decade" of the neighboring countries, the political cost is exorbitant shows.

However, this is nothing compared to what is produced in the 1980s. Terrorism , blind or selective, promoted by the Medellin cartel on all measures to block the extradition, he managed to shake the regime. The strategy of corruption promoted by his counterpart in Cali has no less perverse effects. The institutio nal breakdown resulting in the paralysis of whole sectors of the judiciary under the effects o f terror and corruption; in the collusion of members of the political class, of th e secret services (DAS etc. ) and of the forces of order with the traffickers; and multiplication of paramilitary organizations. Take shape in this way an archipelago of powers of fact in which intersect forces legal and illegal .

In the mid-1980s, this set of players begins to beat the human rights defenders and political figures in the foreground. In only two years, between 1989 and 1990, three candidates in the presidential elections are killed includi ng Luis Carlos Galan, the favorite.

The trafficking causes at the same time sociological disorders on an unprecedent ed scale in the urban world; is spreading among young people in deprived neighborhoods a culture of violence in everyday life, stimulated by Pablo Escobar, which distr ibutes premiums between the hitmen and rewards for the murder of a policeman. In 1990- 1991 the homicide rate in Medellin reaches a world record. The political content of this culture is not self-evident. The gangs of Medellín appear, according to the times, such as simple gangs and combos that are waging war against those of the neighboring districts , such as militias linked to the guerrillas and, later, as auxiliary to the paramilitaries.

The impact of drug trafficking is added at the end of the 1970s the M-19. The in ternational situation is no stranger to this fact. The Sandinista victory and the conflicts in Central America give a new impetus to the revolutionary movements. In contrast with the guerrill as which preceded it, the M-19 is intended to not only act in the cities, but also carry out spectacular initiatives, in the style of the Tupamaros, for in this wa y face militarily the public force. With the rejection of any type of sectarianism, the M-19 has success in a work of seduction of the sectors most mo tley, from those belonging to the urban peripheries until the middle classes and the f ractions of the intellectual elite. In a better way than other guerrilla movements, achieves spr ead the vision of a National Front as local version of the authoritarian regimes, which leave no oth er exit that the armed struggle. The practices which inaugurates, incidentally, as the f requent recourse to the kidnappings, are going almost unnoticed as their occasional collaborations with drug traffickers . In coincidence with the terror produced by the latter, the spectacular hits that the M-19 carried out in fact contribute to undermine the little legitimacy to the regime retains. The disaster of the operation in November of 1985 at the Palace of Justice certainly mark the end of its popularity, but how the armed forces intervene further obscure the image of the regime and the military.

The shock institutional leaves the field open to all the sectors that have military capabilities. The drug traffickers, obviously, to inaugurate repertoire s of violent practices that had not been returned to present from the violence, and that the used not o nly against their "adversaries" but also to settle accounts among them; the paramilitaries that, dispersed groups formed by the narcos, become very quickly in forces more or less coordinated that they serve as an instrument or a prolongati on of the narcos; sectors of the security forces and the local political class whose members are i n collusion with the paramilitaries the way to cope with anything they consider a sign of th e subversion, as is the case of the area of Puerto Boyaca, that allows one to see the alliances that weave; but without forgetting The guerrillas, that extend its territorial p resence and its military capacity.

All this certainly mark the beginning of a new era. The elements of continuity n ot obviously missing. Those who come from the traces of the violence or are a conse quence of the precariousness of the State are still present; which are the result of socia l inequality and the concentration of the earth are becoming more and more, as well as the social disorganization, which touches not only to the new peripheries but also r ural to the urban peripheries. In this sense, the discontinuities are patents. The most obvious is that the division of the traditional parties now plays a very secondary role and, in consequence, the conflict does not compromise of entry to the majority of the po pulation. In this way does not make sense to speak of "civil war": it may be that, according to intern ational standards, the number of people killed between the combatants justifies the use of this des ignation , a fortiori, when one considers the enormous number of civilian casualties. How ever , it is not a conflict that is based on religious motivations, ethnic or regional. And when it is possible the civilian population strives rather by be l eft out of the conflict. Another element of discontinuity is that the "objective factors" alrea dy only have an indirect impact: are constituted as such through the strategies of the actors that they claim, and incorporate to their arguments and their objectives. Moreover, various work established that violence protean art, called "regular", such as the one that appears on the homicide rates, is widely correlated with th e deployment of armed organizations.

Anyway, the increase in the power of the FARC is inseparable from the rise of th e coca economy during the years 1980-1990. Its deployment in the south and west of the country contributes, in fact, the development of the crops, because the protects against incursions by armed force.

In addition, thanks to this activity, the guerrilla is DOTA a social basis much broader than the one that had until that time. Protects and encompassed thousands of people, attracted by the mirage of income in the economy, they avoid in this way be subjected, as had happened in the beginning, to a situation of anomie or abuses of traffick ers

. The JAC (Community Action Boards) allow very frequently to the FARC take the demands of the inhabitants. It should be noted that the FARC derived fr om this activity substantial financial resources, because they are no longer satisf ied with taxes to the growers. The "", promoted by the United States, has the effect of decreased production in Bolivia and Peru, and allows you to become Colombia, toward 1974, the largest producer of cocaine, while serving as an intermediary i n the traffic. The FARC, which controlled secondarily poppy plantations much more modest tend to increasingly called upon to intervene in all the stages of format ion and the commercialization of the cocaine, with the exception of the routes of access to consumer markets .

By doing this the FARC entering into competition with the drug traffickers who, by his side, control the activity until the end. During a time, not lack of cooperation between them. The laboratories and the tracks of the narcos installed very often in the areas of the FARC , requiring the payment of commissions. The sale of local producers associated w ith the guerrillas is carried out in the municipal capitals, controlled by the traff ickers. But this cooperation ends by attenuated from the moment that the paramilitaries undertake an open war against the guerrillas.

The income of the FARC from drugs become significant, especially if you add those who obtained by extortion and kidnapping, converted into routine practice and that, in certain years, reported both as coca. Its expansion, thus, is not surprising. We know that during his VII Conference in 1982 added the letters EP (People's Army) to its acronym and adopted a strategic plan aimed to take power in eight years.

Although the ELN refuses during this period to become involved in drugs and stri ves in many places for organizing the population, benefit from many times of the sympathies of the local clergy, the resources extracted from the extortion to mining companies all ow you to perform by their side numerous armed actions. Even in the late 1980s the latter are more frequent than those of the FARC. By the side of the EPL it should be noted that its implantation in the banana plantation zone of Urabá also translates into an in crease in their power.

The progress of the guerrillas they are tied to your diagnosis of the state of s pirit of the "masses" and the political system. Do not hesitate to say that the masses are cl ose to a general insurrection and the political system is so perverted that his only chan ce is the collapse .

2. The blockade of political life: the extermination of the UP and the offensive of the paramilitaries

These perspectives explain why the FARC decide commit simultaneously in the political field itself.

In the framework of the "peace process" launched by the government of Belisario Betancur in 1982, signing a ceasefire in 1984 with the main guerrillas, with the exception of the ELN. While the M-19 and the EPL the break very soon, the FARC is adhering to it officially until 1987 .

With the creation in 1985 of the new party of the Patriotic Union (UP), in colla boration with the Communist Party, FARC clearly manifest their willingness to create a politic al force . Various commanders of the FARC take part in this new party and various sectors of the left stick also. In a short time the UP gets major successes . In alliance with the Communist Party achieved five seats in the senate and nin e representatives to the House. In the local elections of 1988, the first to be ca rried out under the modality of universal suffrage, win 23 mayors and removed many municipal councillors, in particular in the Urabá region and in the south of the c ountry, and even several seats in Congress. These achievements are sufficient to cause the concern of muc h of the political class.

The experience turns from that time in an unprecedented tragedy. The paramilitary groups, assisted by members of the forces of order and by politicia ns at all levels , undertake the systematic extermination of the tables and the militants of the UP. Estimates regarding the number of victims range from around 2,500 , which in cluded the greater part of the elect, including those elected to Congress, the presiden ts of the organization, countless trade union leaders and peasant leaders, an entire generation of young activists. Through the UP, the Communist Party is also severely weakened.

The massacre ends up convincing to the FARC that have no other option that the m ilitary path , because they have realized the magnitude of the army's opposition to the cease -fire . The government, by authorizing an operation against the headquarters of the FA RC Secretariat on 9 December 1990, the day of the election to the Constituent Assembly, does no t make another thing that would harden them in this conviction.

In addition, the ambiguities of the Party and of the FARC contribute to these se rial murders do not evoke a very large indignation in the view. The Party had continually reiterated the thesis of the "combination of all forms of struggle". The FARC are taking advantage of the cease-fire period to multiply their fronts. Its ideologist Jacobo Arenas publicly affirmed that political intervention is subordinated to the mili tary plan. The growth in the number of kidnappings, in spite of the commitments made by Manuel Marulanda, provokes strong reactions. Moreover, some distance is an increasingly noticeable between the FARC and some sectors of the Party and the UP. The option of the FAR C to give priority to a military strategy, which no longer has anything to do with self-defense, and to take into their own hands the definition of their political orientation, in fact mark the break with the lead role that previously attributed to the Party.

3. The sobering consequences of the political reforms of 1991

However, around the year 1990 the juncture seems favorable to a termination of t he armed struggle . In the first place, due to the international situation. The fall of the Berlin wall means the collapse of the communist orthodoxy. Maoism, become simple mode of authoritarian management, already produces no enthusiasm. The Sal vadoran war is in the process of completion, and the Guatemalan guerrilla gives signs of exh austion. To continue their struggle, the Colombian guerrillas are at risk of isolation, given that their battle does not have the same echo in the outside wo rld that these movements .

Secondly, due to the national economy. With the convening of a Constituent Assem bly in 1990, the governments of Virgilio Barco and César Gaviria, they realize the demobilization of the M-19, the greater part of the EPL and organiza tions as a minor influence the Quintín Lame and small groups. A sector of the ELN, the current Socialist, does the same thing in 1994. The facts do not cease to be ama zing. The regime's response to the multiple threats that surround is not a new hardening authoritarian but the adoption of a new letter, not content with clear features of the Constitution of 1886 and the National Front, favors a broad demo cratic opening and laid the foundations for a 'social state of law", which guarantees the right s of the individual , acknowledges the cultural minorities, reorganized the judiciary, stimulates th e political pluralism in the promotion of new parties, creates mechanisms of parti cipatory democracy , reinforces the decentralization measures, up to make Colombia one of the nations where the latter has gone further. In many ways this constitutional mutation is similar to that found in the countries of South Ameri ca, which had come out of the authoritarian regimes. The hope is even larger as the M-19, newl y demobilized, morphs into a political party that plays an important role in the C onstituent Assembly and it has the potential to become a third party influential. Many of the reasons for the guerrilla struggles seem to be fading.

The armed struggle, on the contrary, set out anew from way more intense. In spit e of the two meetings of the government with the FARC to return to launch a peace process, in Caracas in 1991 and in Tlaxcala, Mexico) in 1992, the conflict knows a continued escalat ion and increasingly dire.

The guerrillas may argue about various reasons. The political reforms had not be en accompanied by significant social reforms. The strong increase in public spending has few visible effects: decentralization makes this expense will be shared betw een multiple territorial entities that are concerned about primarily by their client eles. Favored by the multiplication of the micro games, the cronyism flourishes more t han ever . The political reforms coincide with measures of openness of the economy that l ead to the impoverishment of sections of the peasantry small and medium, and favor at the s ame time the conversion of the haciendas in extensive livestock farming. Although the lib eral model of development , in agony from the 1970s, is well buried, the "neoliberal turn " ensures the most powerful companies expansion conditions and represents by itself a threat of accentuation of inequalities: the complaint of "neoliberal ism " becomes one of the leitmotif of the left. Corruption does not reverse, on the contrary, during four years Colombia survives with a president Ernesto Samper, accused of having been elected thanks to funding from the Cali cartel. Once more the institutions seem to be point of collapse.

4. The intensification of the conflict from 1990 to 2005

From 1990 onwards the escalation of the conflict becomes ever more intense. We w ill not go into details here , but to summarize the different phases. The most important thing is to show the strategies of its protagonists and the role of the State.

In 1993, during the eighth Conference, the FARC ratify the military option, whic h is being acted upon by an offensive by a impressive scale, which is composed of actions to strengthen its territorial presence in the north of the country, the plan of closing the main metropolis, the attack against the military or police premises with the use of gas cylinders and all the damage "collateral", that there are massive operations that undertake hundreds of guerrillas against military units, the capture of hundreds of "prisoners" military.

In addition, from 1997 to 2002, the FARC are endeavoring in shaping "liberated t erritories " in the south of the country, that are conceived as the starting point of a "du al power ", based on the elimination or the expulsion of the legal authorities and member s of the parties linked to the regime. The number of murders in this perspective is echoed by the committed shortly before in other regions agai nst the militants of the up18. The success is such that large segments of the opinion that they believe t he guerrillas can effectively reach, sooner or later, to power. 18 Cf. the volume published by the CNMH and IEPRI guerrilla forces and civilian population. Trajectory of the FARC 1949 -2013, Bogota, 2013, p. 256: In Caquetá "between 1985 and 2005, the Liberal P arty had three times more victims than the UP". Mario Aguilera sentence can be read also guerrilla countervailing powe r and justice. Political fragmentation and order insurgent in Colombia (1952 -2003), Bogota, IE PRI, 2014.

The opening of negotiations by the government of Andrés Pastrana is not surprising : meet the demands of the FARC to demilitarize an area of 42,000 km² in the Caguán is something that seems to be inscribed on the order of things and at the beginn ing only produces a modest indignation.

The Armed Forces give proof in this period of a unpreparedness to deal with shares of these dimensions; poorly trained, devoid of modern weapons and strateg ic vision , seem to be constantly on the defensive. It is therefore not surprising that establish a collusion with the paramilitary groups, closing the eyes on their charges or taking part in them.

The strengthening of the paramilitaries is also another feature of the conflict. From the beginning the drug traffickers are in the foreground as its promoters. This influence is growing. In the early 1990s are at the head of the forces that, after having evicted the guerrillas of Urabá, launched raids against the fiefs of the FARC in the south, as well as against the fiefs of the ELN in t he Magdalena Medio . A step forward is also gives when Carlos Castano, a former member of the Medel lín cartel , begins to coordinate the various groups with the aim of reconquered a large part of the territory, based on the creation in 1996 of the ACU (Autodefensas Campesinas de Córdoba United), and then, in 1997, the AUC (United Self-defense Forces of Colombia). The methods employed are everywhere t he same : not so much a direct confrontation with the guerrillas, but the terror against the population, the massacres, forced disappearances, massive displacement.

The negotiations of the Caguán are prolonged for more than three years. Except in this region, the negotiations did not impede the continuation of military actions nor the guerrilla operations. In fact, the real change has to do with the armed forces : the adoption by the United States of the Plan Colombia goes hand in hand with a financial aid -exceeded only by the aid given to Israel and Egypt, and by the growth of the budget of defense of Colombia. In principle intended solely to the fight against drug trafficking , the US aid is quickly placed at the service of the fight against the guerrillas. The Armed Forces were equipped with little time fo r aerial means and a capacity of new mobility.

The military effects of all this will make you feel quickly. At a time when the guerrillas considered the possibility of moving to a phase of war of movement, are forced t o return to the methods of guerrilla warfare.

However, the failure of the negotiations of Caguan has to the FARC a very high p olitical cost . At any time knew capitalize a speech that seduce me the opinion and, as during the ceasefire of 1984, left the impression that they were looking first and foremost the continuation of the war. Since its estrangement with the Communist Party and the destruction of the UP, it became increasingly evident bypassing any type of work of political persuasion: although from 1993 tried to promote organizations such as the Bolivarian Movement, the clandestine Communist Party ( PC 3) or the Bolivarian Militia, the same hiding in which were kept they were prevente d from widen its influence far beyond the circle of the same guerrilla19. The vast majo rity of the opinion attributed to the FARC the responsibility for the failure of the Cag uan. However , this is not anything with respect to the anger that provoked the kidnappings, as a result of their actions: their number reaches a record between 2000 and 2002, and many are carri ed out at random from the roadblocks cynically calls " miraculous catches" -; others are of the implementation of a "law" of the guerri lla warfare against the privileged ; others are finally own a new category, the "political kidnappings ", aimed at facilitating, now is the time, the international recognition of the FARC as "belligerent party". No other practice contributes both to the rejection of the guerrilla movement, to the extent that achieves even hide the horror of the coun tless crimes 19 reference " Bolivarian " constitutes an attempt to develop a nationalist lang uage. perpetrated in that same time by the narco paramilitaries, which are even approv ed silently. The paramilitaries extended increasingly, and with total impunity, the ir intervention in almost the entire country.

In this way explains both the easy choice of Alvaro Uribe in 2002, consistently critical of the negotiations of the Caguán, as his re-election, under questionable conditions, in 2006 . With the momentum of the so-called " policy," Uribe asserts that it is possible to conclude with the guerrillas by appealing to the exclusiv e use of military force. By treating them as mere criminals or terrorists refuses to recognize the most m inimum political character.

During his two terms, Alvaro Uribe enjoys an unprecedented popularity, that comes from without doubts of their ability to produce the appearance of a direct democracy: in the "community councils", which meets every week in the municipalities of Colombia more marginal, deals with the problems of the "people" without passi ng through any political intermediary. The popularity comes mainly from the fact constantly refer to a dual adversary, the guerrillas and the Venezuela Chã¡vez, accused of being his accomplice , and put in scene the opposition "friend-enemy". To do this combines two elements of populi sm: the relationship between the leader and his audience and the nationalist fiber. However, the measures of social equality are absent, because its management favors deliberately to the mo st privileged and the more conservative values. But the guerrillas are obviously in difficulty: in internal conflicts, the correlation of political forces counts as much as the military correlation of forces.

In spite of the modernization of the Armed Forces, the guerrillas continue with their actions and only around 2008 are starting to suffer from notable setbacks: its h istoric leader, Manuel Marulanda, dies a natural death, several commanders are given low, and th e black series continues until 2011. In particular the "Mono Jojoy", one of the co mmanders of war in the eastern region, Alfonso Cano, the successor of Marulanda, fall one af ter another.

In this way the FARC must retreat into areas that exercise greater control and focus their efforts on the more recent areas of cultivation of drugs and in the

"strategic corridors", by the transporting cocaine and weapons. Drug trafficking , which has already been implicated equally the ELN, continues to play a key role and is one of the elements involved in the struggle with the paramilitaries or with the bands who take their relay. In many places the conflict knows, however, a process of degradation. Guerrillas, drug traffickers, paramilitary bands alterna ted between cooperation and confrontation in certain routes of marketing. FARC and the ELN a re delivered on several fronts in a real war with hundreds dead . To fill the gaps left by the many retirements and the defections - the strength of the FARC spend of 19,000 combatants in the peak of its offensive to 8,000 or 9,000 - still rely, and more than before, the recruitment of menores20. 20 This is not a novelty. Already in the past, had recruited children of less th an 10 years in their camps. 21 The Justice and Peace Law, which is chaired by the demobilization, establishe s penalties of six to eight years in prison, even to the leaders who admitted to having committed hundreds of murders. In 2008, Al varo Uribe decides to extradite to the United States several of the paramilitary more known , and in this way the subtracted to the Colombian justice. At that time begin to appear many scandals that undertake to Alvaro Uribe and its immediate surroundings. Criticized by the abuse of judicial institutions, Uribe is suspect on everything that they had left the field open to the paramili tary groups, even to have contributed to its expansion. The revelation of the "parapolitics" - a high percentage of the members of the Congress and of the elected regional that owed their election on an exclusive basis to the contribution of the paramilitaries -, and the support without flaws that attaches to the military paintings more committed, affect their image . Appointed as director of DAS to someone that shortly after it is discovered that is direct ly linked to one of the worst paramilitary organizations; and as the person responsible for presidential security to two generals appear related shortly after with the para militaries and drug trafficking. However, Uribe officially undertaken between 2003 and 2005 the demobilization of paramilitary organizations and takes as its point of reference this initiative to deny the accusations. But the conditions in which these demobilizations incurred are widely denounced by human rights defenders 21; various organizations remain in activity or are converted to bands that are now considered criminals -Bacrim" , which continues to cause significant forced displacement and murdering social leaders. A new scandal, known as the " false positives", broke out in 2008 when it is discovered that military, to prov ide better results , killed hundreds of marginal social masquerading as guerrillas.

The question of the responsibility of the State during the conflict was clearly raised from this time.

5. About the responsibilities of the State

The guerrillas are not the only ones to put the accent on the responsibilities o f the State and in this way in the political causes of the conflict. There are many actors from left and human rights organizations that share this point of view. In this framework refers often to the "State terrorism". The word appears, as h as been said, very questionable for the years of the National Front, and it seems to me that it simplifies things for the next period.

The fact that agents of the State, military, police or civilian staff are involved in a large number of crimes is out of discussion. Governments, for the rest, have admitted the responsibility of the State in several cases and have accepted the sentences that are derived from there. President Juan Manuel Santos has gone fur ther, recently, to recognize, in a general way, the numerous crimes attributable to th e agents of the State. The links between the security forces and the paramilitary narco are one of the most obvious manifestations. From a legal point of view, the lifting of an indictment against the State is thus inevitable.

From a historical point of view, what we cannot endorse the notion of "State ter rorism"? If the concept refers to a plan decided from above, formulated at least implicitly, and implemented in a systematic way in order to exterminate, not only the gueril las, but the civil opposition, many facts make it necessary to flesh it out. The Colombia n regime does not have at any time the aspect of a totalitarian regime and even the authoritarian regim e of a comparable to those who have wrought havoc in the Southern Cone countries. As ev idenced by the institutional changes made by the Constituent Assembly of 1991, the adherence to democratic procedures remains in force. By frequent and severe that have been th e attacks against the judiciary has never have led to a complete subordination with regard to the executive: the research and the decisions of the Supreme Cour t of Justice during the mandates of Alvaro Uribe we offer the test, like many of the decisions of the Constitutional Court, including the decision to reject the poss ibility of a third term of Alvaro Uribe. In the same way, although the crimes perpetrated by the Security Forces remain unpunished, the fact that more than 5,000 of the members of this force are the subject of investigations and, in some case s of convictions, including general known, even with an armed conflict vigente22, shows a huge difference in what happened in authoritarian regimes, even after the retu rn to democracy . 22 According to a report of the Attorney General, published in November 2014, th e exact number of members of the public force under investigation is 5,749 . From 2002 to 2014, 817 have been sentenced.

What characterized in many ways government policies against the armed conflict are the ups and downs of each presidential term. Attempts at negotiation with the guerrillas, accompanied by a cease fire for at least partial, have a co nsiderable duration . Some were crowned with success, among others, as we have seen, the case of the M-19 and a majority group of the EPL. It is true that the negotiations with the FARC and the ELN have clashed with strong oppositions by the Army or civilians of various elites, but these competitions are not sufficient to explai n the failures: the FARC and the ELN have given the impression that they want to maint ain their goals of expansion, and, on the other hand, the narco paramilitary groups removed pret exts for the hesitations of the governments to move to a new stadium, which they presented as a "counter-insurge ncy warfare ".

In the background is a feature of the Colombian State in long duration: his authority questioned and the fact that there has never been achieved hold a monopoly of legitimate violence . As we have said, the institutional regulations only had a limited validity, the violence had accentuated the trend to the territorial fr agmentation; the agreement of the National Front led to the civil power to leave their hands free to the military for the defense of public order, the rise of drug trafficking policy precipitated the collapse, the armed conflict ratified the framework of a part of the population by the armed actors. In summary, the power of the State had to accommodate a privatization of the violence.

In spite of everything, the State is not an actor as the other. Even if some tim es had been on the verge of collapse, at no time can be considered a failed state. However, governments, local or non-local, have allowed some of their own agents take part in the terror and have sometimes stimulated. Certainly the terror is not unique to their actions but their responsibility is clearly committed. Ho wever , the adjective "terrorist State" obviously cannot cover all aspects of government policy, that beyond its swings, continue to operate in a plurality of records, one of which is precisely the reference to democratic procedures.

For a long time to this precarious state has been asked of all. Not having the c apacity to respond to the demands of reason has been accusation, even when the armed actors have attempted to block their initiatives and sabotage their achievements. Assum ing the language of lawyers , in a situation of this nature the responsibility for their "actions" is easy to establish, but it is more difficult to identify the part th at comes from their "omissions": the past and the present are equally committed.

III. The civilian population between several fires

1. Some data

The Group of Historical Memory and a Single Registry of victims (RUV) has provid ed reliable data on the various categories of victims, but it is not necessary to n ame them here. It is sufficient to evoke their total number:23 near 7. The list of atroci ties committed includes massacres, selective killings, enforced disappearances, kidnappings, to rture, rape, but this list is not exhaustive. 23 The concept of victim was defined by the Law of victims and restitution of la nds. However, we may cite the data on the perpetrators of the massacres and the selec tive assassinations provided by these sources. In the 1982 massacres that took place between 1982 an d 1912, with a total of 11,751 victims, the perpetrators are, in a 58. 9 %, parami litary groups ; in a 17. 3 %, the guerrillas; in a 14. 8 %, unidentified groups; in a 7.9 %, the Public Force; in a 12 %, groups that include members of the security forces and the paramilitaries. In the selective attacks that occurred between 1981 and 2012 , with a total of 22,161 victims, its players are, in a 34 %, paramilitaries; in a 27 %, non-ident ified perpetrators ; in a 16. 8 %, guerrillas; in a 10. 1% Members of the public force; in a 6.15 %, unknown. From these figures you can clearly conclude that the paramili tary groups charged, and by far, the greatest responsibility in the massacres and assassinations. And the same is true in the case of enforced disappearances. On the other hand, the part of the guerrillas is much higher in what it has to do with the kidnapping, the attacks on the populations and infrastructures, the planting of mines.

Two other figures are particularly impressive: the forcibly displaced persons ar e six million - only the Sudan has known population displacement so considerable -and the land area that has changed hands, or that has been abandoned, reaches nearly fiv e million hectares. Also in this case the role of the paramilitaries predominates, and by a lot, especially in the second item24. 24 A recent study by the Social Action Foundation suggests that the responsibili ty of the guerrillas in the forced displacement, at least in certain stages, is equal to or superior to that of the paramilitary groups. 25 The number of the killed of the public force evolves from 699 in 2002 to 488 in 2011 (with a peak of 717 in 2005); the guerrillas of the given low ranges from 1,114 in 2022 and 507 in 2011 with peaks between 2005, 2006 and 2007 of 1,487 , 1,789 and 1,648 respectively. It should be noted that the anti-personnel mines have done 2,200 deaths between 2004 and 2014 (50% civilians and 50% members of t he public force).

It should be noted that the "specialization" of armed groups in each category of atrocities is quite relative. All have in common the fact that the confrontation is carried out by civilian population filed. The number of fighters killed importante25 certainly is, but the territorial strategies are mainly through the use of means against the civilian population, still the terror and the forced displacement the most c ommon. Although it is true that most of the wars, not only the civil wars, have the greatest number of casualties among civilians, in the colombian case se veral special notes should be emphasized from the beginning. Most of the actions is "selective": the protagonists do not have projects of "cleansing" of a global population as in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina or o f Rwanda, but that they acted on the basis of precise objectives, both political a nd economic . The social profile of the combatants on basis of the various fields is not ver y different for the rest: recruit often in different regions but come from similar way of social media more miserable. Some have careers winding that have led to be linked to different groups.

The armed conflict playing mainly certain regions, in the essential rural or outlying regions. It is true that the selective attacks and kidnappings are also presented in the cities and that the heads narcos have operated for a long time from cities l ike Medellín . The cities must be met on all with the flow of refugees that translates into growth of exorbitant neighborhoods of invasion and people without housing, sources of multiple problems and tensions. However, the armed conflict itself is now more than ever in the rural areas or strategic importance. This explains why a significant fraction of the urban population does not take c onscience of the dimension of the drama.

The territorial fragmentation remains an essential fact. What happens in Choco o r in Nariño is often perceived as occurring in another country. Armed organizations do not have a cohesion without fail: certainly the guerrillas are relatively cen tralized , but their fronts can have different behaviors, the paramilitaries have never been truly unified and Bacrim, even less.

All this cannot be reduced to a political opposition between two fields. Numerou s acts of violence have to do with actors "opportunistic", that do not have a political orientation , or that have very accessory, such as the large-scale organized crime or the narc os that have not been linked to the paramilitary groups. Other facts refer to the social disorganization, certainly favored by the conflict, but relatively indepe ndent . Although the paramilitaries continue to be presented as a counter-insurgency f orce , increasingly tend to give priority to the accumulation of economic capital and access to public-sector jobs.

The global data are there, in spite of all to show that the conflict has even mo re devastating effects that the violence, on much of the country. Not resting in dynamic mainly local and/or associated with the partisan identities, but combines local dynamics with strategies on a national scale, with claims both political a nd economic .

2. Civilians in the conflict

It is desirable in spite of all establish some nuances with respect to the asser tion that only civilians would be swept away by the conflict in self-defense. It is true that in areas of conflict a part of the civilians were inclined to sympathize wi th a field or the other, either by political conviction, by interest, or by a search for protection. Useless return on cores from long time ago socialized into the culture of guerrillas, or on the participants of movements of colonization, to w hich the guerrillas provide standards of organization. On the contrary, there is no l ack of examples of civilian populations , feeling threatened by the guerrillas, are willing to accept the guardianship of paramilitary groups and politicians linked to ellos26. Numer ous are also the circumstances in which prevails the need to accommodate the protagonist which controls the town, either by caution or either to ensure their survival . Without forgetting that, as in all the moments of shock, the occasion can be harnessed to fix personal accounts, allying themselves if it is necessary to the cause of any of the parties. 26 Well it seems that the protests of the inhabitants of the Middle Magdalena Re gion against the project of the Pastrana administration to provide a zone of clearance from the ELN was not only the effect of a manipulation.

However it cannot be argued that the deliberate participation of civilians in th e conflict is a very common scenario or that, when it occurs, that tends to perpetuate itse lf without difficulty. Everything changes in effect from the moment that the armed actors a re changing in a war in the territories that are vying for previously without havin g the support of the inhabitants. The use of fear, even terror, against the population, then beco mes the rule. Massacres and killings accompany the irruption of the paramilitaries . The guerrillas are sometimes in the same way and, in any case, reinforce the intimidation on the inhabitants. Some and others are struggling wi th the civilians suspected of having been in contact with the opponent. In the municipalities that are still in dispute are invisible set boundaries, at the same time physical and mental, w hose transit exposes itself to retaliation. The inhabitants do not can they rely on none of t he armed actors. The experience with the guerrillas may be particularly bitter. During the massac res committed by the paramilitaries, guerrillas do not bother to defend the population they are supposed to protect, but to ensure their own safety. It also happens that people recognize in a paramilitary to a former guerrilla fighter. The phenomenon of " toads" is no mere anecdote: in many ways, it is the concrete figure of terror. I n such a context , the mistrust ends by also affect all social relations ordinary: everyone has reasons to feel fear of the indiscretions of the neighbors or family. The law of silence that is installed is the manifestation of the dislocation of the solidarity, since each folds into the ne ed to survive.

The municipalities, as the scene of massacres perpetrated by some and others, an d subjected to a permanent terror, are abandoned by their inhabitants. San Carlos, municipality of 24,000 inhabitants in eastern Antioquia, is an example: it was initially under control of the FARC, a control disputed with the ELN, but then went to the domination of the paramilita ries : 20,000 of its inhabitants were forced, at least temporarily, to seek refuge in Medellin. The neighboring municipality of Granada has not had a lot more favo rable, stronghold of the ELN, the center of the village was destroyed during a car-bomb attack committed by the FARC, and shortly after, the paramilitaries resumed their control to blood and fire.

However, the attempts of collective resistance have not been lacking. In the lat e 1990s , the Church took the initiative in the "communities of peace" but these hardly have succeeded in slowing the atrocities. The agenda of the "Magdalena Medio" is an effort to associate development and pacification, but has not succeeded in preventing the paramilitaries' advances. Women's Organizations are now in many places to rebuild the social ties .

The populations of the Cauca nasa are probably those that present the most drama tic example of collective resistance: by relying on the rights that the Constitution of 1991 recognized them on their territories, have organized "systems of indigenous guard" non-violent to protect themselves from the intrusion of the armed actors. This has not been obstacle to the intrusion of military and paramilitary narco, and not least to the FARC . The region has always been one of the coveted territories by the guerrillas, e specially the M-19 and the FARC, not without violent clashes; and even more so since there are crops of coca and "corridors" of traffic of first importance. The prob lem raised overflows however the scope of the geographical location and has to do with the provision of the guerrillas to tolerate forms of autonomous action. Because not only the FARC have multiplied the criticism against the CRIC, which covers most of the local indigenous communities, but have continued to conduct operations and attacks against the latter, even today. It is as if the very idea of an autonomous social movement outside them unbearable.

Here is another consequence of the exacerbation of the armed conflict since 1980 . Social protest movements have become increasingly scarce. Without doubt the demo nstrations and strikes are still common in the 1980s and 1990s, but many of them are motivated by the protest against the killings of personalities or militant members of the forces of opposition to the regimen27. It is also true that important farmer marches took place between 1988 and 1989 as a response to the advances of the paramilitaries, and that other gears were developed between 1995 and 1996 in the regions affected by the fumigation and the coca crops. But rare are the protest mobilizations comparable to those of the 1970s and no movement on a nati onal scale , such as the September 14 1977, has produced a draft general strike in 1981 was thwarted quickly -. The proportion of workers in unions has fallen to the lowest level . It is clear that the main reason of this weakening of the 27 Cf. Luis Alberto Restrepo, "civic movements in the decade of the 80 ", in Franci sco Leal Buitrago and Leon Zamosc (editors), at the edge of chaos, Bogotá, IEPRI, 1990. vindictive actions is the intervention of the paramilitary force and of the publ ic: the social organizations have been completely decapitated. Any kind of initiative ca n end in a brutal response. The guerrillas, for their part, have been mistrusted b y the general social organizations when they have tried retain their autonomia28. The FARC have contributed to the farmer marches mentioned above , but also have treaty of manipulating with the risk of making them appear as manipulated and expose them to all forms of repression. 28 Various works published by the Group of Historical Memory provided examples o f these situations such as occurs with the removal order, dedicated to the resistance of the society of the workers of Carare (ATCC). 29 On the confrontations in mining regions, especially in the Chocó, you can see t he report by Frédéric Masse "illegal actors and extractive sector in Colombia", ILC Pax, Colombia, 201 2.

Armed conflict and social movements, such as we have said in the introduction, d o not combine easily. There may be moments of concert but they tend to be separated when the first takes the lead. And the neutralization of the social movements se rves above all to the objectives of the narco paramilitaries and their allies.

3. Toward the strengthening of inequalities

While the progress of the paramilitaries respond in a first phase of a strategy on all military, to recover the ground of the guerrillas, in a second time they also economic and political objectives.

The massive population movements allow them to accumulate land abandoned by the peasants or buy them at low cost to the landowners tired of kidnapping and e xtortion . Drug traffickers launder in this way their capitals. National entrepreneurs an d foreign companies take advantage of the situation in order to invest in modern plantations, such as Palma, they reach a quick boom. Large multinational companies are no longer obstacles to develop the mining activities since, with the pretext of the presence of the guerrillas, can resort to the ser vices of the paramilitary or thugs to subdue the resistance of the nativos29. The agrarian reform programs belong rather to the past. The concentration of land reached an unprecedented level for the benefit of the large tracts of livestock or of capitalist agriculture.

To promote this economic transformation, the old or the new drug traffickers are also secured to have the control of the local authorities. The "para-politic s" has been , certainly, in particular during the mandates of Alvaro Uribe, a project on a national scale: analysts have made reference to this effect to a process of "State capture"30. Although the judicial apparatus has been achieved in dismantl ing some of their most spectacular national expressions, is still unable to do so at the local lev el , where corruption and threats continue to be presented. Decentralization has no t done more to provide there the means of pressure of the illegal groups on the ad ministrations. The guerrillas are involved in a more modest scale, with the pretext of controll ing the management of the elect; the paramilitary groups and Bacrim operate in a more systematic manner to the extent that, strengthened by their access to the i nstitutions, they can "formalize" their interventions, such as occurs in the social security institute s where this "new class" has assumed the leadership in the departments of the Atla ntic Coast . 30 Numerous works have been devoted to this topic. Among the more recent, we ref er to the book, edited by Claudia Lopez Hernandez, and have claimed the homeland how political mafia and co nfigured the Colombian State , Bogota, new Iris Corporation, 2010.

Far from decreasing, the context of inequality evoked at the beginning of this r eport has not been exacerbated, both in the rural areas and in cities. Is this the reason why the armed conflict continues? In fact, in the poorest departments the conflict continues to show the features more acute: Choco, Nariño, Cauca and many others. However, these departments do not all have a past agrarian struggle s . In this regard, the most notable example is the Nariño, the department with a la rge proportion of small peasant owners, where there was no violence for a long time. More than the old inequalities, include new, which are linked many times to the fall in the price, as in the coffee growing areas in the years 1980 -homicide rates have increased and all armed groups have made inroads there - or as in the areas of crops and buildings where small farmers have been unable to cope with the economic opening. But while the inequalities a nd poverty often favor a social disorganization conducive to violence, as is seen in the cities, this disorganization does not necessarily lead to armed conflict . We need to emphasize it once more: the strategic calculations of the armed act ors are those who finally decide the conversion of border areas or mining areas in central places of confrontation. The exacerbation of inequalities is sooner or later the consequence, and the beneficiaries are the elites always or the new rich.

In addition to positions of political and economic power acquired by these two categories, also take advantage of the growing rejection of the view against the guerrillas. The rhetoric of Alvaro Uribe and the influence of the media are not the only fac tors. Although the paramilitaries and their allies are much more involved in the crime s of war, the tiredness of the population with respect to the armed conflict has been particularly expressed in complaints against the actions of the FARC and the ELN. The crimes of the par amilitaries have particularly affected the rural regions and, as we have seen, have not alwa ys aroused the indignation; abductions and the exactions of the seconds have given the impression that this affects potentially to the entire world and have attracted an anger which has been translated in several mass demonstrations. The guerrillas put in the fo reground the political objectives and this lends itself to a clear rejection; the paramil itaries, once demobilized, can be viewed as mere criminals, and a certain indulgence can be granted them.

The change in attitude is noticeable even in the controlled areas for a long tim e by the guerrillas. During the legislative and presidential elections of 2014 wer e numerous municipalities that, still doing part of their fiefdoms, voted in favor of the guidance "Uribista". Many testimonies also suggest that in the municipalities disputed for years by guerrillas and paramilitary, the people manifest a grudge even greater with respect to the first.

These are all signs of the rightward shift of the society as a result of decades of conflict. The guerrillas have lost the correlation of political force s much more than the military correlation of forces. A test, and not the least is the scepticism of the opinion in the face of the negotiations of the Havana.

Conclusion

In this report, the emphasis has been placed in the discontinuities: discontinui ties between the agrarian conflicts of the 1930s and the violence, discontinuities between the guerrilla warfare of the 1960s and the guerrillas in the 1980s.

If there is continuity, this has to do with the institutional context. The precariousness of the State, the weakness of the social security regulations, th e fragmentation of the territorial networks are maintained throughout these decades. The rise of drug t rafficking , however, has played an essential role in the deterioration of institutions, be cause that is the context in which an armed conflict, particularly more complex and intense, takes over from the old phenomena of violence. The challenge has to do now also with the management of mineral resources, that is, the capacity of the State to exerc ise its sovereignty over the new peripheries.

The paradox is that this armed conflict, as well as the violence has ended up by finally accentuate inequalities and social policies. As we have seen, are several historic opportunities in which neither the Communist Party nor the guerrillas have successfully capitalized the mobilizations of the masses in spite of always be ringing with the uprising of the masses. To close the space of social movements the conflict has favored a aggravation of the injustices. But not only this: has also contributed to deprive the rural population the sense of having rights, or to be citizens. The same sectors of the left, despite its relative weight in some cities , have not achieved very much influence on the events due to their divisions, in part related to his attitude to armed struggle.

On this point can be set at least one parallel with the violence: the result of both phenomena is a return to a social status quo. In this sense the two episode s, despite their differences, can appear as "functional" in relation to the consolidation o f the power of the ruling classes, old and new.

The fear experienced by many sectors with regard to a peace agreement comes in many ways from that smell that this type of agreement will leave the field fr ee to social and political demands, which had not been able to speak until now. The debt in the social field is vast and affects both the rural and urban world: refers not only to the damages resulting from the conflict, but unresolved probl ems for nearly a century. If the armed conflict comes to an end, Colombia would be confronted with challenges that would require a much more political will and con stant shared, that the manifested until now to deal with the conflict of the past few years . We can no longer appeal to a formula of the type National Front. It imposes a democratization that put an end to the clientelistic networks or armed power of the last few decades. MAPPING OF THE CONFLICT: interpretive GUIDELINES ON THE EVOLUTION OF THE COLOMBIAN CONFLICT IRREGULAR

Vicente Torrijos R. * ** * Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations at the Un iversidad del Rosario.

** The author gratefully acknowledges the collaboration of both the direct profe ssors Walter Arevalo, Andres Lopez Narvaez, Andres Perez Carvajal, and Juan David Otálora Sechague, of the Universidad del Ros ario, as professor Mauricio Reyes Betancur, of the National University of Colombia.

He also expressed his gratitude for the comments on the manuscript made teachers Carlos Murillo Zamora at the National University of Costa Rica; Louis Kriesberg, Syracuse Unive rsity; Ely Karmon of the Institute for Policy and Strategy, Herzliya, Israel, and Johan Galtung, T ranscend Peace University , Norway.

1- INTRODUCTION

This is a analytical and interpretive study on the nature of the conflict in Col ombia erratic . It is not interpretive because looking for collecting data, figures, listings or bibliographic citations on the case [already sufficiently referred to in previous work] but, through a relationship [analysis] of phenomena and variables, aims to offer a comprehensive vision and genuine on the evolution of the conflict. When speaking of this evolutionary dynamics what you want to show, mainly, it is the multidimensional nature of the multifactorial and conflict between the State and the two longest guerrillas and prominent, both defined as neo-marxist: the Revolutionary Armed Forces [Farc], and the National Liberation Army (ELN]. That means that this analysis is limited to the object of self-study of the Hist orical Commission of the conflict and their victims, which was installed in Havana, Cuba, on 21 Au gust 2014 [cf. Joint Communiqué # 40 of the negotiation between the Colombian governmen t and the Farc] and, therefore, is not a study on violence in Colombia. It is therefore a dissertation on the irregular conflict1 with the idea to highl ight the main strategic trends that have identified the conduct of both the State and subversion, with special attention toward the latter since it is the actor that breaks into the political system appreciably affecting its stability and functio nality. Jolle 1 Demmers, Theories of violent conflict, London: Routledge, 2012. In that sense, when we talk about irregular conflict, there was talk of a confro ntation that is not present in conventional mode between several States but that occurs in an asymmetrical m anner between actors [the Colombian State and the guerrilla groups]. This means that the capabilities of one and another are completely different but , also, that to be exploited conveniently, they reported, either the State or to the ins urgentes2, outstanding operational benefits, thereby reaching a conflict polimetrico: that in which the parties use creative part-and, always in accordance with the circumstances a nd the environment , the largest number of possibilities to achieve victory. 2 Max Manwaring and John Fischel, "insurgency and counter-insurgency: Toward a n ew analytical approach", Small Wars and insurgencies, 3:3 (1992), pp. 272-310. 3 John Keane, violence and democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 200 4. 4 Aparna Rao, Michael Bollig and Monika Böck (Editors), the practice of War: Produ ction, reproduction and communication of armed violence, Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2007. In other words, the subversive forces have not necessarily been weaker than the forces state because, in spite of not having combat aircraft or heavy artillery, can, for example, tactical assault that have strategic implications, especially if one takes into account that its structure politico-military, especially flexible adaptive [replaced by healthy competition, or fighting spirit very adjustable], empowers them to develop tasks of sociological nature [organization of the masses, international relations and articulated social networks to local and global scale] that can be much more pro fitable than the strictly military actions. Conversely, the state forces are adapted to this type of threat and develop, wit h the intermittent support of allied powers, insurgency initiatives [traditional and e xperimental ] that, having its origin in a democratic system [western, liberal, founded in the judeo-christian tradition], are geared to protect the citizen fro m the terroristas3 actions. Terrorist actions that, generally, they are often designed so that the insurgent s gain influence local, regional or cross-border at any cost, or affecting the civilian populatio n as a whole [the another, i.e. to those social sectors or individuals who do not agree with their views or with the political violence as political methodology4]. Of course, in the task of defending the democratic system, some members of the state forces were committing abuses that affect the legitimacy of the counterins urgency operations, excesses that coupled with the dysfunction induced by some state agents [ officials] or congressmen not only weaken the confidence of the citizens in thei r institutions, but that pushing many dissidents and naive to be incorporated in a n indirect manner [not armed insurgency] or [direct] by taking up arms to the subversive project. So, unlike the illegal armed organizations [OAI] that, by its very nature airtight only impose internal discipline and corrective measures intended to imp rove its effectiveness, the democratic political system autoajusta and, at the time that extends its capabil ities to administer justice , debugging their structures and try to improve their channels representative, p articipatory, entrepreneurs and globalizers. In this sense, the history of the conflict is based on the interests of a subver sive organizations that, in seeking to strengthen their positions and the lucrative illegal exploit ation of scarce resources, it was founded [with clear criteria of rationality 5 ] leveraging organizational expressions of gamonalismo, patrimonialism and voracit y of some national and regional elites, as well as the microvacios state power in a countr y which by its geocultural structure implies at least five different regional realities. 5 Brian Jackson, John Baker, Peter Chalk, Kim Future Las Vegas Mayor Ernie Cragi n, John Parachini and Horacio Trujillo, aptitude for destruction : Organizational learning and its implications for combating terrorism, Santa Mo nica: Rand Corporation , 2005. 6 Derek Gregory and Allan Pred (Editors), Violent geographies: Fear, terror, and political violence, London: Routledege, 2006. In any case, some illegal organizations that have tried, with all this, undermin e democracy and lead it toward an institutional framework of the authoritarianism itself marxist , which , as a whole, constitutes a true model of conflict centrifugal-centripetal, this is, from the local to the regions for fed back from the new scenarios microlocales passing by the complacent revolutionary regimes of the neighborhood , as well sucesivamente6. This means that the mentioned state microvacios are made even more visible in the extent to which, by trial and error, some circles and opinion leaders have promoted, cyclically [in a kind of historical movement oscillatory], the idea th at it is possible a negotiated solution with the guerrillas, some guerrillas that sufficiently powerful on both the use of force and in the management of their in come, lucid in the narrative and the renewal of the ideological discourse, and endowed with a remarkable strategic intelligence, have known how to convert the different exper iences of negotiation in the accumulation of knowledge and multiplication of requirements aimed at cogobernar the country.7. 7 Kristine Höglund, peace negotiations in the shadows of violence, Leiden: Brill, 2011. 8 Enrique Desmond and Daniel Goldstein, Violent democracies in Latin America, No rth Carolina: Duke University Press, 2010. As a result, such subversive groups have managed to bring the State to a kind of strategic immunodeficiency syndrome, that is, its acceptance as a political part ner valid cogobernar capacity in the country through the penetration of the centers of decision-making, the eventual convocation of a Constituent Assemb ly and the progressive spread, between the population and some elites, and a worldv iew based on the class struggle as the engine of history. In any case, and as previously noted, this document is based on the study parame ters defined by the Historical Commission of the conflict and their victims, starting with the causes and origins of the conflict [genesis and context], the factors that e xplain its evolutionary persistence [parameters], and the impacts and effects that this conflict has caused among the population. In short, this is the problem of the growing tension between a democracy perfectible [that, even, lived episodes own a Delegative democracy or illiberal in the ' 50s and at the end of the 708] and a subversive authoritarianism that defies the profound values on which has been consolidating the Colombian State. A voltage fed constantly by both externalities such as appetites of power [internal political and economic] that have plunged to society, since 1 964, in a violent conflict between the forces of the State and the subversive groups whose main characteristic is that they have privileged the rapacity and terrorism as a method of revolutio nary struggle and political interaction. Thus, it is the dynamics of the efforts both political and military undertaken against the subversion by part of a diverse society and plural interested in ref ining the climate of democratic governance that identifies this is, a climate in which con flicts can be solved through non-violent formulas, based on public and individual freedoms , and promote social development [Figure 1].

I - ORIGINS AND CAUSES : A CONFLICT POLIMÉTRICO

1- THE CONFLICT 2- A REPLY 3- DIMENSIONAL CONFLICT, > Long and armed with a variable intensity, ANTISISTÉMICA MULTIMODAL Complex MULTIFACTORIAL > > deprivation, dissatisfaction, > armed Authoritarianis m vrs. > Chronic, rooted, interleaved. impediment own. reformism democratic > ¿ irresolvable, intractable ? > Resentment, megalomania > narcissism politico-mi litary > beyond the asymmetry : Polimetria. > > Political Participation phases : ( 1 ) 1964-90 / ( 2 ) 1990-02 / not orthodo x. Violence ( 3 ) 2002-10 / ( 4 ) 2010-14 multiple. Imitation. > And > arbitrary Accumulation stigmas and stereotypes parasitic subversion

4- A CONFLICT CENTRIFUGAL-CENTRÍPETA

II - EVOLUTION AND Persistence THE CONFLICT

5- FERTILITY REVOLUTIONARY 6- TERRORISM SIMBIÓTICO 7- THE COMPREHENSIVE ACTION OF THE STATE AND SPREAD INDUCED TRANSVERSE AND RESILIENCE AND THE SYNDROME OF THE Culminating POINT OF VICTORY > Heuristics and homeostasis > Negotiating oscillatory Cycles 8- THE STRATEGIC IMMUNODEFICIENCY SYNDROME

III- IMPACT AND EFFECTS THE CONFLICT

9- SYNDROME 10- BELIEF SYSTEM 11- PERCEPTION OF VICTIMIZACIÓN CROSS. UNGOVERNABLE ACQUIRED, subversive AND SYNDROME RELATIONSHIP OF AN INCLUSIVE AND DISPOSALS AND BEHAVIORS OF Robin Hood. VICTIMIZACIÓN AND ITS TRANSFORMATION. DIVERTED.

12- THE EXTENSION IN PERSPECTIVE

TO > ADHERENCE TO DEMOCRACY [ ] democratic Success

B > OPPOSITION TO UNFAIR SYSTEM AND rapaciousness insurgent Success [ ]

Figure 1 : mapping of the conflict between the State and the OAI.

2- A CONFLICT POLIMÉTRICO: GENESIS AND CONTEXT OF THE CONFLICT Since its inception, the Colombian irregular conflict can be defined as a complex social situation in which the antagonists have simultaneously fought to gain control on the same set of scarce resources related to political power. It is a complex social situation because the adversaries do not respond, in the strict sense, to individual particularities of genetic type or atavistic, in such a way that cann ot be ruled out the tendency to associate the problem with a kind of cult of the force or to the death, as if the conflict was simply one more link in the long chain of structural violence that characterized to the Colombian political culture even before the proclamati on of the sovereign State. This means that the fact that it is a conflict that has been spread both in term s of time and space, the civilian population has been directly involved, either as the passive victim that absorbs the blows, as belligerent victim, this is shaping insurgency groups that, relegated to the State, or by using its ineff ectiveness, have tried to take justice into their own hands and have engaged in criminal beh avior . In other words, it is a conflict that from the first time has been called into q uestion the democratic governance, thus forcing the authorities to strengthen the contro l methods on the geographical areas where resources have been identified economically attr active . However, these resources are not only tangible resources and understanding goes beyond the economic practices extractivas9. 9 Karen Ballentine and Jake Sherman (Editors), the political economy of armed co nflict, Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2003. To be in game governance, not necessarily of the system as a whole, but of select areas of the national territory [in a State that, as noted above, has a geocultural structure which, far beyond the dramatic topography, makes you think , at least, in five macro-regions, or countries five different, that is, many centers, many suburbs], what springs to mind is that control resources and terri tories has been used by the OAI as a platform for daring to challenge the political pow er, or the channels and circuits of decision making that affects the society in the bro adest possible sense . In summary, this is a multiparameter conflict [which had to be interpreted by th e simultaneous consideration of multiple parameters, always changing] and can be better understood if observed through three well-defined components in terms of power: the attitudes and assumptions, the initiatives, and the interests, i.e. the antagoni sms as such.

2.1 . ATTITUDES, , INTERESTS AND FACTORS BELÍGENOS

From its origins, the insurgents have always assumed attitudes get tough as they assume that the State, such as a homogenous block [and not as regional elit es relatively connected but not inextricably articulated], has been controlled by a caste leader associated with the American imperialism and whose purpose has no t been another than to keep some privileges on the basis of oppress the population of a greement with the evolutionary parameters of financial capital on a global scale. This is deterministic vision of the disputes which has led them to adopt armed initiatives, also sustained and proportional. In particular, the guerrilla s have found that the violence, rhythmic with a political discourse documentary evidenc e, it has proved extremely useful in attracting certain minority sectors of the population but also to inti midate the vast majority that, by nature, the rejects, relegating the perpetradores10. 10 Charles Tilly, The politics of collective violence, Cambridge: Cambridge Univ ersity Press, 2003. 11 David Kilcullen, Accidental guerrilla: Fighting small wars in the midst of a big one, Oxford: Oxford University Press , 2009 - David Kilcullen, counterinsurgency, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 20 10 - David Kilcullen, out of the mountains: the coming age of the urban guerrilla, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013 - David Petraeus, "How we won in Iraq and why all the hard-won gains of the stems are in grave danger of being lost today", Foreign Policy October 29 2013. In fact, this rational decision to appeal to the use of force to protect in poli tical ideas frightening practices, has been the real source of the problem as it is as well as the FARC and the ELN have been designed, expanded and consolidated, i n such a way that it is not possible to identify a guerrilla originally caring, committed to the suffering of the marginal sectors of the population, and then to another, completely differen t and that in recent times would have evolved in a simple band associated with the terrorist drogas11. In other words, the aggressive behavior of the guerrilla has been erected, from the moment of its foundation, on that mythical structures, promoted and structured intellectually by the Communist Party [as inspiring true agent that guided the transformation of the armed cells of the years 40 and 50 in permanent struct ures], seek to justify and defend the decision to resort to indiscriminate violence aga inst society and the Estado12. 12 Matthew Silberman, violence and society, Upper Saddle River: Pearson, 2002. 13 Hew Strachan and Sibylle Scheipers, The changing character of war, Oxford: Ox ford University Press, 2011. To develop this behavior, the sedition has been valid for a whole narrative alon e in the protruding the alleged oppressive practices of the State, persecution and classist interpartidistas [conservative-and-liberal] and intentions of subjection, as if the Colombian society as a whole had been divided between two armed bands and lived into the heat of a civil war that, of course, has never existido13. In such a way, the insurgency was being achieved economic structure form a formi dable nourished by hyperlinks in consistent reproduction that bind equally the informal and formal sectors, legal and illegal, national and transnational. For this reason, the indiscriminate violence is widespread and was rapidly becom ing the best method to defend and strengthen those economic interests, but also tangible organizational interests. These interests led to an entire structure based on both operational practices i ncreasingly refined of bullying against the socio-political opponent as in catalogs and poli tical agendas geared to access the power local, regional and national, always consistent [although not always in harmony] with their external referents and allies decisi ve: the Cuban revolution and the Bolivarian Continental Movement. For its part, the State, animated by perfecting a system of democratic governanc e to ensure the balance between governmental and non-governmental sectors, assumed , during the Cold War, some contradictory attitudes that facilitated the tasks of the subversion described above. Stimulated by the American political discourse that distorted the original purpo ses of the theory of containment outlined by George Kennan as soon as it ended the Second World War, the Colombian leadership associated hastily this theory of the containment with the prescription of contain communism, thereby falling into the f allacy to perceive as a threat to anyone that profesase marxism. This trend, which was then becoming blurred by complete to the extent that the governance was maturing and the political pluralism was introduced definitely, l et us see from the beginning its usefulness to the guerrillas warranted better their preda tory practices and destructive. However, that trend also served as a pretext for that then give criminal behavior as the executed by agents of the State, dams of severe mental disorders and individually embargoed by the fallacy of the containment of communism , have aggressed on political collectives from left, such as the Patriotic Union , even to associate with terrorist organizations that, under the pretext of counte ract unilaterally expansionism guerrilla, not only profited from the raced with the i nsurgents scarce resources, but that hurt significantly the authority and integrity of the State . In that sense, the relationship between governmental and non-governmental sector s of the society was also put to the test. By ideological affinity, many interest groups and organizations of citizens' ini tiative fell in the polarization and began to be identified in some degree with the viol ent actors , some sharply antisistemicos [the guerrillas], and the other [bands ] criminals wrongly labelled as prosistemicos by the simple fact of resorting to all the criminal methods possible to confront the subversive project. This phenomenon of empathy toward some ideological dysfunctional or other illega l armed actors could have been and seen in political leaders, entrepreneurs, parishioners, jour nalists, etc. , but to a strictly individual level therefore, progressively, the leadersh ip of such social sectors [guilds or interest groups] were taking behaviors completely contrary to those of recognition, acceptance and promotion of violent extremism so that the State could strengthen its capacity to administer justice and, in particular, submitting to those bands that, relying on insurgency actions, only aspired to strengthen their economic interests deteriorating ostensibly estatales14 capabilities. 14 Jon Elster, closing the books: Transitional justice in historical perspective , Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 2004. In this whole process of debugging and systemic improvement, the conductor of th e democratic governance was, and has been, in any case, the role of the Armed Forc es. Completely detached from everything redentorismo coup after the frustrating irru ption of general Rojas Pinilla in the 50s, the Armed Forces in general, and the military in particular , clearly understood the difference between containment of communism and containment of terrorism, so that protecting the citizen and strengthening the val ues of liberal democracy, them were bill in an interesting exercise in homeostasis operational, strategic transformation and anticipation. In other words, the influence that all liberal democracy in the military, duly obedient but share responsibility in the decision-making of the High Govern ment, was developed under a model of active subordination which resulted in the maintenance of the legitimate monopoly of force, the strengthening of the public trust , the civic empowerment of the problems of security and deterrence in the international context, all of this, mainly, in development of the so-called Demo cratic Security Policy [2002 -2010] that dispel the strategic advances achieved by the FARC and the ELN following negotiations undertaken at the beginning of the e ighties and at the end of the nineties.

3. EVOLUTION AND PERSISTENCE OF THE CONFLICT

Then arises the question of what have been the [evolutionary] indicators which a llow us to understand the persistence of the conflict, to what can be answered through several models and dimensions.

3.1 . THE MODEL OF immaturity OF THE CONFLICT AND THE SYNDROME OF THE culminating point of VICTORY

3.1.1 . THE immaturity OF THE CONFLICT

As stated before, the terrorism has been established as a powerful factor that h as led to certain elites fearful or hesitant to enter into negotiations with the insurg ents but the assessment that such elites have made relations of force [assessment that, by it s nature, it is in first grade to the Military Forces] has been skewed by cause of a phenomenon that could be called pragmatic opportunism in that each government has wanted to exceed to their unprecedented in the long career by déten te [the administrative effort to reach agreements of any kind]. In this race, each government has tried to meet a kind of differential marker compared to its predecessors in such a way that, often, have been connected the aspirations of the rebels by transforming the conflict in accordance with their interests an d desires of the statesmen for arriving a step above in history [mirage peacemaker]. In accordance with this trend, the conflict, far from being resolved, persists a nd strengthens its position each time more since they are not taken into account the specific factors that might indicate at what time the confrontation is mature enough to develop a negotiation predictably successful, sustainable and irreversible. In fact, one of the additional factors that has aggravated the situation is the deterioration of the channels and apparatus of mediation, or the intervention of third parties intere sted in the conflict, as : [a] has been used in a manner unrelated or rambling to brokering, facilitation o r approximation counting for such tasks with individuals or non-governmental organ izations that, on the one hand, have been biased toward the subversion or, on the other h and, have not had reception among the rebels [case of the United Nations , in 2003], or whose potential mediator of impartial nature, constructive and serena has not been fully realized and, therefore, has not been fully used [case of the Catholic Church]. [B] has been resorted to governments [in particular, the bolivariano, of Venezue la, during the 2007] with the hope that, by ideological affinity and logistics, could stimulate a con trolled change in the attitude of the insurgents, characterizing an, on the contrary, their bias and interest in the spread revolutionary [committed] mediation restocked a paradoxical effect. What happens is, which is generally considered that a conflict is ripe only when the parties are mired in a manner burdensome; or envisioned for the future a worst-case scenario than the one in which are; or are aware that they find thems elves trapped , so that, in any case, some beatifull rewards to justify the war effort. However, when the parties engage in a negotiation in the knowledge that the conf lict is not mature enough, as has happened in the case of Colombia, the only thing that can achieve is ad hoc institutions like and make it even more robust, with which, it is not surprising that, in general, have been the FARC and the ELN have gained greater profit from such experiments since their political and military coordinates coincide fully with e ach other, while the initiatives undertaken by the bureaucratic apparatus responsibl e for the dialogs and negotiations are often in conflict with the empirical evidence gathered by the defense sector and by the population itself.

3.1.2 . MITOMANÍA AND FABULACIÓN ON THE culminating point of VICTORY

With another concept, the culminating point of victory, something similar to wha t happens when it comes to assessing whether it is plausible negotiate because, usually, the po litical leaders in Colombia have come to the conclusion part of hasty and that, after some successful military campaigns, any additional effort is weakened because the reb el groups are already irreversibly decimated, so, in time to engage in the continuation of armed actions, they conclude, superficially, which is viable a negotiation leading to its demobilization, submitting to justice, disarmament an d reintegration to civilian life. Ignoring, once more, the military assessments that tend to be prudent carefully in such a delicate matter [one's own of its technical field], the rulers have been quick to think that when there is greater emphasis on the part of the insurgent leader s in the need to find a negotiated solution to the conflict, this insistence is du e to its weakening final, in such a way that, believing be found in what the strategic theory classical considers as the culminating point of victory [Clausewi tz], indulge in expensive and usually talks with the subversive forewarn that, in the words of H. Kissinger, earn if you do not lose whereas armies lose if you do n't win .

3.1.3 . THE MODEL OF THE REVOLUTIONARY FERTILITY

One of the main tactics the subversives has been handling the costs of anti-terr orist making the population spending confuse with investment in security and defense . In such a way, they have managed to have assume as some the fallacy that the bud gets are unsustainable, that the surplus of peace, per se, is the reward that any neg otiation guarantees, and that to not be in imminent danger the stability of the system, i t is sufficient to contain and tolerate the insurgency because, sooner or later, it will end consol e to civilian life . In the background, which has pursued this vision is to break the will of the Mil itary Forces [ARMED FORCES] thus related sectors to the insurgency have failed to generate, repeatedly, a certain popular pressure oriented to put an end to the war on the un derstanding that if the spirit to combat the threat is weakened, any military capability state, however strong, ends up being safe. This means that the insurgents have been developing a model of high strategic co mpetitiveness , the fertility of the revolutionary, whose main variables would be: [to] intense ideological rationale and dissemination, or the intellectual capaci ty to adapt classic eclectically speech marxist-leninist and update it using a fusion [intellectual narrative, advertising, pedagogical and media] with the heroes of the independence of the Latin American and Caribbean [Bolivar, Marti, Sandino] thus bestowing it [and syncretistically] a high capacity of collective rooting and spread. [B] cyclical upturn of popular support for the revolutionary cause, i.e. the ren ewed recognition that any insurgent action can only prosper and endure if account wit h the effective support [spontaneous or controlled] in certain sectors of the popu lation, well-timed [through coercive methods, economic incentives, the use of new technologies of the information or empathy ideological], may supplement the overwhelming reje ction of society, the little electoral flow or low acceptance in the opinion polls. [C] relative technological parity compared to the power of the armed forces, tha t is, without obsessing over mechanically to move from one stage to another in the rigid Maoist scheme of pro tracted people's war [war of guerrilla war movements war of positions] insurgents have implemented an operational schema hybrid to exploit the advantag es that your condition is asymmetric in such a way that they have been weapons handling simultaneously artisanal and advanced but, in any case, enough to be considered as an adversary with high destructive potential. [D] and lasting profitable diversification of funding sources, or obtaining continuing and ever increasing dividends from all sorts of licit and illicit bus iness to overcome the notion of self-sufficiency and move on to be regarded as authent ic multinationals illegal. [E] social exploitation of complex emergencies, suffice it to say, the utilizati on of obtained popular discontent, the dysfunctions and state political crises that at sectoral and regional level have been unleashed by the cause of all this bureaucratic incompetence in order to channel the demands toward a climate of good governance challenged in that the subversion appears, occasionally, as a champion of the development alternatives. [F] capitalization of the despotism of the pathologies or democratic, that is, t he deft trend [one's own policy of lying and fabrication designed the fantastic] to inte rpret and make people see as if they were a State policy those demonstrations and isolated dysfunctional of despotism, or unhealthy excesses of certain individual s or cores to the power of the armed forces , by operating outside of the guidelines drawn up by the High Command, looking f or affect the opposition or dissent. [G] The refraction to deterrent pressures, that is, the resistance [bad call retr eat] before the counterinsurgency offensives of the power of the armed forces, in suc h a way that instead of undeterred in the face of adversity, the rebels have developed behaviors of self and of int ernational cooperation which have allowed them not only cope with and overcome the beatings he endured but display a new revolutionary scenarios of entrepreneurship. [H] the versatility to generate transnational relationships as non-state actor15 which translates into direct and indirect support of powers or regional authorities, i.e. in 15 Michael Haack, "Requirements for the terrorist organizations with internation al capacity," Air & Space Power Journal, 26:33 (2014), pp. 41-50. aid flows [economic and media, diplomatic and political] from wealthy government s and influential of the area that do not respect integrally the overall strategy of the United Nations against terrorism [UN, 2006], needless to say, Cuba and Venezuela, mainly, but in harmony with Nicaragua, Ecuador and Bolivia. With the versatility is that is achieved, in addition, a long chain of terrorism franchisee [or based on a branch as, for example, in Bolivia, Chile and Paraguay ], but also the implicit understanding of international organizations such as the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, Celac, or the Union of South A merican Nations - UNASUR , more or less tolerant to the revolutionary activities to the extent that their agendas are subtle and significantly influenced by the external services o f the aforementioned countries: Cuba and Venezuela. [I] The asylum seekers, refuge and oxygenation for the combatants offered by sym pathetic governments or promoters of the revolutionary cause, this is the logistical support and the physical protection [medical, food, territorial] necessary to handle a very broa d concept both as rearguard of transnational mobility thus easing the pressures exerted by the offensive state. [J] trend to innovation politico-estrategica16, or the ongoing reflection on the scope and limits of the use of force, in such a way that, from its origins, the IABS have been sufficiently flexible and elastic takes shape as real complex adaptive syst ems 17 in order to not drown exclusively in its malleability and develop tactical, rather, generating multiple initiatives of stress on the polit ical and social system dodging with the clearance gap between the terrorism [its] destructive potential and the political status [your creativity to generate among the population illusions of peace and democratization]. 16 Adam Dolnik, Understanding terrorist innovation: Technology, tactics and glob al trends, London: Routledge, 2007. 17 John Holland, signals and boundaries: Building blocks for complex adaptive sy stems. Cambridge: MIT Press Ltd, 2012. Designed, therefore, as complex adaptive system, the FARC and the ELN agents wou ld be interacting and hipervinculados that: [to] have been allowed to develop, learn, correct, adapt and reoriented fast and innovative way to keep up with changes and the opportunities offered by the envi ronment. [B] have been remarkably resistant to the rejection of the majorities and citize ns know absorb, digest, resist and overcome the military coups received. [C] have cooperated with each other and are reproduced, specializing in specific functions in accordance with the requirements and levels of training of the associated units, and [d] have prepared different mechanisms and resources [tangible and intangible] t o generate shock on the political system even to bring this change their patterns of behavior. In summary, the FARC and the ELN have managed to get the conflict not only conti nues but has come at certain times a high degree of escalation because they have been abl e to implement a methodology of reinvention adjustable consistent in the assembly of dynamic variables, mainly: [to] the role of ideology and strategy. [B] The dynamics of struggle. [C] countermeasures in the fight. [D] The logic of the objective. [E] The refinement in the use of the weaponry available. [F] The dynamic intraorganizacionales. [G] levels of interaction with other organizations [odd], social groups and governments. [H] The diversified management of resources. [I] The openness to new ideas useful in the implementation of multiple tasks. [J] sustainability policy, military, paradiplomatica, and [k] the timely transfer of relevant technology. This means that in spite of the fact that the Colombian State and its armed forc es have developed comprehensive successful strategic initiatives, such as the policy of Democratic Security [PSD], based on the transformation chain-anticipation-prevencionconjuncion- interagencialidad-citizen empowerment 18 , the longevity of the illegal groupings is an obvious fact as: 18 Henry Willis, Andrew Morral, Terrence Kelly and Jamison Medby, estimating ter rorism risk, Santa Monica: Rand Corporation, 2005. [To] The political class as a whole has not understood the strategic concept of the insurgency, or what is the same, the pretensions of the subversion and their dyn amics of entrepreneurship through which hopes to achieve its objectives, and [b] the main center of gravity of the insurgency has become, at least since the end of the Cold War, but, above all, from the access of the bolivarian revolution to power a whole tapestry of transnational networks that adds sufficient room for maneuve r prosper and influence the Colombian political future.

3.1.4 . THE MODEL OF TERRORISM SIMBIÓTICO CROSS

This is one of the factors that best explain the persistence of the Colombian co nflict in its present the ability of the FARC and the ELN to interact with each other [beyond their differences or traditional rivalries] and to establish complex platforms of association with satellites, pairs, allies, sympathizers, or any other type o f cooperating. This means that the two groups have succeeded in establishing a true network of networks in such a way that not only lead a very wide mesh of actors sympathetic but they themselves are part of a well-defined complex reticular, the Bolivarian Continental movement, thus creating an amalgam intensely interactive and productive. In fact, what the rebels have succeeded in implementing and maintaining it is a bushy associative engineering [nodes, barbecue grills, shafts, radios and swarms] betw een different partners 19 that, without losing their own identity, they get the greatest possible advan tage of their common life [symbiosis]: 19 David Gompert, Irving Lachow and Justin Perkins, Battle-wise: Seeking time-in formation superiority in networked warfare. Washington: National Defense University Press, 2006. [A] using different methodologies that traverse all levels of action both on the domestic level and hemispheric [transversality]. [B] by marking with their distinctive stamp all of the activities that you under take, from investments in the circuits of the formal economy of some States to mobility in the borders, and [c] articulating behaviors that, in appearance, are diametrically opposed as, for example, advance dialogs and negotiations at the time that installed camps i n different countries of the neighborhood is negotiated, weapons, formed coalitions with criminal gangs, are controlled illicit crops, is an assault on the population an d traffic drugs .

3.1.5 . THE MODEL OF THE STRATEGIC RESILIENCE SUBVERSIÓN

Another important factor of persistence is the remarkable insurgent resiliencial idad [Figure 2], i.e. its elasticity to absorb the stakes and blunt injuries inflicted by the State and may resist, recover and repotenciarse quickly through mechanisms of reinvention creative based on tissue complex social networks [mutual].

Stressors on the insurgent system ( offensive of society and the State )

Processes of possible worlds and transnational revolutionary reinvention protection ( polimetrica ) ( Transversality )

Networked Interaction Reintegration Strategic ( Resilient )

Self-control and reintegration processes politico-military protection of functional solidarity revolutionary ( adaptation continental revolutionary Reintegration and complex cooperation ) on the web ( Movement and operational tactics Bolivariano )

Serious fault reintegration in the dysfunctional system ( Inadequacy and Detaching from model processes of continental ) Reinforcement and Representation Policy and Diplomatic

Bewilderment dissolution as strategic armed band And renunciation of violence ( Frustration asymmetric Widespread )

Processes of support processes intra and Logistical and operational extrahemisfericos ( Military capabilities ) of reconfiguration Of the network of networks ( Symbiosis )

Figure 2 : The Farc resiliencialidad ELN as a factor in prolonging the conflict

In fact, during the years that ran the PSD, the FARC were subjected to a combination of military efforts and civic, state and non-state, internal and ext ernal, that shook noticeably, lose their leaders but also main leadership, influence, mobility and agility to use the economic resources disponibles20. 20 Douglas Ollivant and Eric Chewning, "Producing victory: Rethinking convention al forces in cointerinsurgency operations," Military Review, 86:4 (2006), pp. 50. 21 Christopher Paul, Colin Clarke and Beth Grill, Victory has a thousand fathers : Sources of success in counterinsurgency, Santa Monica: Rand Corporation, 2010. 22 Kristian, Harpviken troubled regions and failing states: The clustering and c ontagion of armed conflicts, Bingley: Emerald, 2010 - Graham Brown and Arnim Langer, Elgar handbook of civil war and fragile states, Cheltenham : Edward Alger, 2012. However, the armed organization knew exploit the sophisticated international con nectivity that you have enjoyed following the triumph of the bolivarian revolution and cou ld not invent progressively as multipurpose grouping, or as a true system of armed political initiatives and/or non-armed broad in coverage and in ability to absorb impacts and reconfigured without losing sight of their main distinguishin g features in terms of ideological structure, political identity and clarity operacional21.

3.1.6 . THE MYTH OF THE FAILED STATE SYNDROME THE ungovernability ACQUIRED

As complex and dynamic society [based on high degrees of heterogeneity and alteration] Colombia has not been a precarious state [prefuncional], fallido22, or collapsed [nonfunctional]. However, if a State has been subjected to constant stress, trauma and evidence o n his architecture antifallos [a hyperactive State]. Since the middle of the last cen tury, the principal promoters of these traumas that have become constant conflict stimulators have been five: [to] the corrupt, that is to say, the predators of the State officials and their accomplices of the private company, as well as politicians that, failing also in corruption, they h ave wanted to keep their fiefdoms regional [clienteles marginalized and impoverished] or subnational authoritarianism23 by encouraging the emergence of PCBS and partneri ng with them [parapolitics], or allying with the own subversion [farcpolitica], in both cases to change to assure such illegal organizations certain levels of influence in the decision -making in public administrations more fragile state of the chain. 23 Edward Gibson, "subnational Authoritarianism: territorial strategies of polit ical control in democratic regimes ", Challenges, 14 (2006), 204-237. [B] The mercantilist, or entrepreneurs that prohijan capitalism a precarious and generated with this high degrees of citizen dissatisfaction [mainly in connection with health services, public transport, public works, telecommunications and educatio n of garage ], so that profit at the expense of a citizen who, dissatisfied with the pr oductive system , ends forming a climate of opinion favorable to the insurgents justify their violent acts. [C] The national authorities that negligent, vegetatively propagated, have been considered as a cultural center of the dominant society, despising the peasant life in general and, in particular, the arc Orinoco geocultural-amazon-pacific. This arrogance of the dominant cultural core that has underestimated the reality and the potential for regional focus on the privileges politico-economic of the Andean r egion , and the capital, in particular, has set up a rural landscape very marked by: - The handouts and subsidies, rather than competitiveness. - A large majority of the peasant population that does not own any asset. - The precarious technical assistance and the negligible access to credit [both to vulnerable sectors such as wealthy] for the implementation of productive projects [more or less induced and identified as prosperous by the State or by international cooperatio n agencies ]. - A little formalization of property with high percentage of farmers without titles. - A limited provision of public services. - A progressive dispossession of land by all illegal armed actors with low and little significant indicators of refund. - The stereotype of the landowner and farmer miser before that with the actual pic ture of rural entrepreneurship promoter of productive development. - The destination of the superfluous resources which were not spent on essential aspects such as technical assistance , infrastructure, education, health and social protection. [D] agents disposed of, i.e. military or police that moving away from the standa rds and guidelines of the Public Force, incurred by your account 24 in abuse of authority or extrajudicial executions, impelled, already by deviant behavior and mental disor ders, already by a paroxysm insurgency that, usually, has led them to interact with the bands of counterinsurgency [private] BCP and criminal gangs [Bacrim], that i s to say, the emerging bands, or heirs, of the aforementioned BCP. 24 Philip Zimbardo, The Lucifer Effect: Understanding how good people turn evil, New York: Random House, 2007. 25 Marshall Clinard and Robert Meier, Sociology of behavior in England, Nashvill e: Broadman & Holman Publishers, 2010. In other words, it has been treated of aberrant behavior and extreme that societ y in general , and the institutions [the Armed Forces, ARMED FORCES] in particular, are offen sive and abominable, which is the reason why the disapproved and condenan25, arriving to the point that not only has been punished to the criminals, but publicly, has asked forgiveness for such acts outside and deviant with the material rewards and spiritual that this implies both in the Las Palmeras case, or Santo Domingo, passing by Mapiripán, Colombian Caballero-Santana , traders of the border, Gutierrez Soler, Pueblo Bel lo, La Rochelle, Escué Zapata, Cepeda, Ituango, and Valle Jaramillo. In short, this is a injurious behavior which, under the pretext of: - reduce the threat insurgent, - abort the possibility that the rebel consolidate its political pretensions, - strengthen the concentration of private property, - to prevent the revolutionary mood spread, ends up serving as a fuel for the pendency and argument from the guerrillas to delegitimize the democratic initiatives and promote their aspirations for power. [E] the extremists, or insurgents, privileging the terrorist methods [as rational behavior, deliberate, calculated and concerted] disrupt the operation o f the system, preventing the development of capitalism and kept subject to certain pop ulation centers that , therefore, are disabled to develop their productive potential and community . As a result, these promoters are causing damage and direct impact on segments of the population whose degree of cohesion or conduct assumed before the political system becomes to be characterized in three levels: [to] Population slightly decomposed, or that which, by indifference, is permeabl e, sympathetic and ductile to terrorism because it believes that such a threat does not exist, or that is being oversized as they believe that in reality is insignificant and not requ ire greater efforts of explicit control. [B] Population moderately decomposed, that is to say, one that behaves stand idly in the face of terrorism and seeks aproximarsele by as soon as it is sufficiently frightened and predisposed to reward the offender in typical search of appeasement; and [c] population severely decomposed, or what is the same, that, that not only is prey of fear but because of a lack of belief in democratic values, feel helpless and paralyzed in the face the threat, with which, he prefers doing all kinds of concessions [territorial, political and criminal] to the terrorism in exchange for peace [a p eace whose indicators do not match the that handles the insurgent]. All of which also has a reflection or a correlate both regional and local, in su ch a way that can be seen three different spatial scenarios: [to] Territories slightly disconnected. [B] Territories fairly disconnected, and [c] territories severely disconnected. Which means that if you cross the condition of a few and other territories with : - The behaviors of the violent actors, and - the levels of cohesion of the affected population, it is as a result an environment of greater or lesser destructive potential26 that ser ves to explain the phenomenon of seudosoberania, i.e. the set of maneuvers by which the FARC and the ELN, and even other existing groupings, or budding, consolidating their ability to exercise some kind of parallel justice and microl ocal [local] based on terror and generate occasional instability ; a instability, which in an y case, has its origin in the bureaucratic anomias specific that end up being used by th e rebels as Fuel of extremism and radicalisation. 26 Paul Bracken, "Net assessment: A practical guide", Parameters, (2006), pp. 90 -100 - Thomas Skypek, "Evaluating military balance sheets through the lens of net assessment: History and application," Journal of military and strategic studies, 12:2 (2010), pp. 1-25. In summary, throughout the conflict, Colombia has maintained a democratic system regenerative [a] visibly active democracy capable of reforming, modernize, and expand but, at the same time, has allowed to persist and to proliferate hotbeds of dysfunctional that, coupled with the disturbances arising out of the insurgent terrorism, tend to endure [in a kind of vicious circle], in such a way that are converted into nutrients for the revolutionary idolatry [Figure 3].

Promoters SETTLEMENTS AFFECTED AREAS OF THE TRAUMA AFFECTED

Corrupt Officials Population slightly decomposed Territories slightly disconnect ed

Mercanitilistas

Moderately fragmented population fairly disconnected Territories

Authorities negligent

Agents disposed Population severely fragmented territories severely disconnected

Extremists ( insurgents ) The State gives in to the destabilizing : Ungovernable acquired syndrome

Figure 3 : The myth of the failed State and the ungovernable acquired syndrome. Here just one example of how they operate the myth and the syndrome from the multiple relationships that can be set between the promoters o f the instability, the affected population and geographic areas impacted ( in fact, the reader can experiment with the differen t graphical plotting routes in accordance with their analytical purposes ). In the particular case shown in the figure, the FARC, as sociated with regional political leaders ( farcpolitica ) impact through direct and indirect violence to a settlement, which for that reas on, it has become highly fragmented population in a territory which, in turn, passes to be regarded as ex tremely disconnected. With this methodology stressful of the system, the armed organization feeds the myth that the State is not able to meet the minimum needs of certain cores of population ( State dysfunctional ) while consolidating the idea that it is imperative to reach a negotiated solution . Negotiated settlement that is, therefore, based on the idea that the rebels ar e the only ones who can ensure governability . In that sense, society as a whole becomes victim of the syndrome of ungovernab ility acquired : being the insurgents who so flagrantly violated the governance, manage to appear, at the same time, a s the agents of the revitalising democracy.

3.1.7 . THE MODEL OF CONTEMPT TOWARD THE loyal opposition TO THE SYSTEM AND THE DIVIDE BETWEEN THE ELITES

Political elites in Colombia have not been homogeneous, so the notion of establishment exists but is relatively diffuse and decomposes at regional and lo cal level significantly. Aware of this phenomenon, the FARC and the ELN have not only known exploit it bu t that also have caused rifts between the elites to exercise the role of faithful of th e balance between them in such a way that its influence [through promises of dialog, campaign cont ributions, contributions and media illusions of peace] has come to define, even, the presid ential elections in at least two occasions [1998 and 2014]. As the above complejizandose influence has gone, the insurgency has become a desired electoral partner [national and subnational levels] in such a way that their behavior has been determined in large part the horizons of government , the national macroagendas and the orientation of sensitive areas of foreign policy. To serve as reliable partner temporarily of the governments which has made approximations or engaged in dialog, which has led the insurgency is, precisely, the rift between the executive and some political sectors which opera te legitimately within the system and that they respect the democratic rules of the game [loyal opposition to the system27] but who do not agree with the contents and gu idelines of the negotiations.

Juan Linz 27, the bankruptcy of the democracies, Madrid: Editorial Alliance, 198 7. Estrangement has been translated, frequently, hostility and pugnacity, with whic h , the loyal opposition has been weakened because it is dwarfed, diminished and e ven persecuted in inverse proportion to the level of approval and acceptance obtained by the subversion as a political partner. In short, apart from get rid of your profile as terrorist organizations that thr eaten democracy , subversive groups have become treated as agents of reconstituyentes system, in such a way that the society he assimilates the te rrorism while

, paradoxically, genuinely democratic movements are the ones who end up facing each other, breaking down the very foundations of the system. The pugnacity, and the fractures that entails, ended up undermining the representative channels, polarizing society and generating new triggers for conf lict, amen to all what it means in terms of social pedagogy that the population does n ot know establish with certainty if there is a threat or not; whether to exercise the vi olence is to be condemned or not, and if the crime will be punished or, on the contrary, rewarded, all of whi ch can lead to long-term, in the creation of new armed groups or in the commissioning of violent experiments based precisely on the idea that the threat or use of violence is something relatively admissible, laudable and until profitable.

3.1.8 . THE MODEL OF contagion spread INDUCED OR REVOLUTIONARY

Another interesting factor that has contributed to the persistence of the Colomb ian conflict is related to the export of the Cuban revolution - bolivarian revolution, a cooperative that has been in the country with the FARC and the ELN as allies and prosperous entrepreneurs to propagate the rebellion and the practices of dominat ion. In particular, the propagation model induced posed here is useful to understand 28 as the direct or indirect involvement of a country like Cuba in the armed con flict , has increased and facilitated the responsibility of others, such as Venezuela or Ecuador, precisely because there are : 28 Stuart Bremer, "The contagiousness of coercion: The spread of serious interna tional disputes, 1900-1976 ", International interactions, 9 (1982), pp. 29-55 - Harvey Starr, "Democratic dominoes: Diffusio n approaches to the spread of democracy in international system", Journal of Conflict Resolution , 35:2 (1991), pp. 356-381. [A] deeply rooted ideological affinities. [B] geographic proximity. [C] interdependent resources and capabilities. [D] found mood contributory and remuneration. [E] propagation conditions [strengths integrated, tasks and experiences sustaine d decisive] and, most importantly, [f] expectations of power-sharing, or likely [in some moments more confirmed and hopeful that in other] that the local organization receiving the external impulse [the Farc] you will be able to access [even though] will be gra dually in order to become entrenched in the and, later, horizontalise the benefits being realized t he idea that the revolution in America are not whole commodification but extends and strengthens. In sum, the Colombian society has certainly been a porous and permeable 29 to th ese exercises influence and intervention of revolutionary whose strength lies in the analogy with the electrical circuits that at the time raised Rosenau: "the f irst member provides and amplifies the power of the second, and so on throughout the series, so that each stage of the cascade is modified by its predecessor and, in the sam e manner as this happens, transforms his successor"30. 29 Alan Dershowitz, Preemption: A knife that cuts both ways. New York: W. W. Nor ton & Co, 2006. 30 James Rosenau, turbulence in world politics: a theory of change and continuit y, New Jersey: Princeton University Press , 1990. 31 Johan Galtung, "Transarmament: from offensive to defensive defense", Journal of Peace Research, 9:2 PM (1984), pp. 127-139. Paul T. V. 32, Patrick M. Morgan and James J. rue Wirtz (Editors), Complex deter rence: Strategy in the global age, Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 2009.

3.1.9 . THE MODEL OF THE SECURITY DILEMMA

On the one hand, it is clear that Colombia has led its foreign and defense polic y in both the first cold war [or, since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, until the attack of September 11, 2001 in the US] as in the second cold war [since the September 11 until today] based on its own criteria of defensive defe nse31 properly mixed with doses of deterrence32 complex in such a way that the country has been perceived as threatening by the Marxist regimes of the neighborhood. On the other hand, this situation, coupled with the rigors of armed conflict, ha s led the State to be perceived himself as threatened [not only by the insurgent forces that operate internally but also by the governments associated with that project subv ersive]. In other words, Colombia has been debated for 50 years in the dual status of cou ntry threatening-and-threatened, a toxic mixture for its structural performance [both internal and external ] that contributes to the sustainability and intractability of the conflict. That is precisely what constitutes a security dilemma in the long term, and is w hat Herz, the creator of the figure, defined in 1950 as a structural situation in wh ich "the attempts of self-protection of the States to take care of your security needs tend to give place, regardless of his intentions, a growing sense of insecurity among the others, in that each one of them interprets the measures it takes as defensive in both that considers that measures taken by the other as a potent ial threat "33. 33 John Herz, "idealist internationalism and the security dilemma", World Politi cs, 2:2 (1950), pp. 157-180. In any case, the Colombian political security and defense has been well understo od that this is a stressful situation of which society could not be gleaned since the dilemma " is not produced by his will but by the situation in that he is ", in s uch a way that " the force cannot be eliminated [and the] countries are in a better positio n when the weapons available to them to face the dilemma of security are those tha t make war is unlikely".

1.3.10 . THE MODEL OF ASYMMETRY irresponsible

Finally, a factor that has enabled not only stay but the escalation of the confl ict is the asymmetry irresponsible with that operate the rebels, that is, its shamel essly in front of the international humanitarian law that enables them to employ all t he violent means at its disposal against the civilian population and the regular forces, unlike t he growing requirement that is imposed on the armed forces in the performance of th eir work [counterinsurgency something only natural in any democracy that shines, is being tested and debugged]. In fact, when members unfit and disturbed to the power of the armed forces have transgressed the law, they have been prosecuted and punished, while the guerrillas were stubbornly per sist in ignoring the international humanitarian order and when appealing to the, usua lly do so to ventilate the above violations and argue that, through a state-sponsored terr orism of which there is no evidence, that State would be the sole responsibility of th e origin and persistence of the conflict, with its corresponding burden victimization discour se, without understanding that the

State of which they speak is, in reality, a conglomerate of actors, currents, mo vements and trends of more dissimilar and changing nature. As it is, what is certain is that while the military forces deployed its powers in accordance with the law and ensuring the healthy social coexistence through exercises for integral actio n that generate a fruitful climate of harmony, understanding and collaboration wit h the population and particularly with the groups of citizens' initiative, the guerrillas feel authorized to attack the ones and to the other under the false belief that the i ntensive use and indiscriminate violence is productive [when, in truth, is no more than a ref lection of simple revolutionary adventurism]. In other words, the conflict is extended because the rebel forces do not respect the humanitarian legislation under the presumption that the governments that have fr iends with secundandolas will continue and that, at the end of the day, they have not been involved in the construction of this humanitarian order nor are obliged to respect the Constitut ion and the law to which, in fact, they face as insurgent [Figure 4].

Control variable degree of compliance Of the Farc ELN

1- Exposure to scrutiny by other governments or international organizations means

2- Daily Exposure to the media's scrutiny of Average communication

3- Internal monitoring and control ( revolutionary ethic ) High

4- Accountability to society Null

5- Subordinate to civilian authority Null 6- Social Control objective Null

Figure 4 : The asymmetric model of irresponsibility. While the providers of secu rity of the State are subject to the Constitution, law and international humanitarian law, the guerrillas used the force indiscriminately, without any kind of responsibility beyond their narrow and hijacked revolutionary ethic.

4. IMPACT AND EFFECT: THE VICTIMS

Traditionally, the issue of victims has been treated in Colombia as if it were a n epiphenomenon of the conflict, so that the attention during the negotiation process with the subversive has focused on the role of the murderer that Redemptorist, i n that scenario , it becomes, paradoxically, as a catalyst for the paz34. 34 Antonio Beristain, victims of terrorism: New justice, punishment and ethics. Valencia: Tyrol Blanch, 2007. As a result, such negotiations have only been seudorreconciliacion processes tha t have caused new manifestations of violence as they have sown among certain secto rs of the population the idea that to take justice into their own hands, run revenge o r to undertake the simple application of the lex talionis, shall enjoy sooner or later the corresponding forgiveness and forgetting, as well as state of complacency based on the already mentioned oversize of the figure of the political offense [see the judgment of t he Constitutional Court C-579 öko-spray 2013 that while empowers the State to prioritize and implement mea sures transitional justice, part of the state's obligation to trial for the heinous cr imes ]. This figure of the political offense which, by the elongation to the extreme tha t it has been subjected to, ends up hiding multiple heinous crimes that become covered by the citizens as if they were simple adaptive behaviors to a medium, discursively plotted as hostile and structurally unjust, justify the exercise [of] compulsive violence and terrorism. Terrorism that, seen in this way, not only is mellows but that becomes for many core social something desirable, plausible and even necessary t o regulate the disputes, differences or asymmetries that any society means. In the same sense, the issue of victims has been managed by the subversion of su ch luck that, forcing the maximum the notion of conflict [roots identity, genetic, structural, and atavistic], all Colombians have been converted from one form or another in both victims and victimizers, ever poorer as well the actual condition of the affecte d and, at the same time , by diluting responsibilities in a hyperbole Nonmasking Interrupt. Therefore, this generalization has been repeatedly deliberate tool to evade specific commitments on specific victims, with which the society has assisted, p hase after phase of the conflict, to a true absolutism exculpatory consistent in that each social sector more or less organized, or pressure group, you will instead sticks the label of perpetrator and to every citizen you are catalogs at the same time as victim [co llective ] of a regime that, by historical nature, it would have been [at least since the 3 0], oppressive, inoperable and injusto35. Rianne Letschert 35 and Jan Van Dijk (Editors), the new faces of victimhood: Glo balization, transnational crimes and victim rights. Dordrecht: Springer, 2011. 36 Allison Morris, "critiquing the critics: A brief response to critics of resto rative justice", The British Journal of Criminology, 42 (2002), pp. 596-615. Also, it is not surprising that the penal system is weakened and increasingly re sorting to methods that extend the notion of pardon or amnesty, as well while appealing to their own paralysis [in a prison system primitive] and, in the guise of criticism to the s o-called populism punitive , he ends up distorting any attempt of transitional justice or restorative36 that end up serving as a pretext for the negotiations to lead to the self-destructive exercise of the foregoing forgiveness and forgetfulness, or the end point. In other words, if the trends victimizantes from the insurgents and the agents disposed and diverted from the State will evaluate from, [to] the environment ma king [parameters of conduct established], and [b] the admission of responsibility [recognition and acceptance of the consequences of those acts executed and degre e of commitment to the same], it could better understand the general problem in the enrolls a speech as the president of the J. M. Santos before the Constitutional Court, the 25 of july 2013, when he said in a transparent manner that, " The Colombian Stat e has been responsible, in some cases by omission, in other cases by the direct action of some agents of the State, for serious violations To human rights and breaches of international humanitarian law [law] which occurred during these 50 years of internal armed conflict " [Figure 5].

IN THE CASE OF THE TO THE CASE OF THE AGENTS DISPOSED ORGANIZATIONS AND DIVERTED THE ILLEGAL ARMED STATE ( Farc ELN)

ENVIRONMENT The violations have been committed the violations are the result of making decisions in reason of the dissonances and assumed rationally and with cr iteria Mental disorders in the systematic and sustainable organizational Involved or omission of the State In their duties of protection On human rights

INTAKE of responsibility has been taken has not been assumed no responsibility. Full responsibility for a State that only up to 2014 are socialized a partial re flection. Dismisses, penalizing and contribute more to the restricted and restrictive that , in any case, Perpetrator masks the reality through exercises Exculpatory without tangible commitments institutions tend to be debugged Through strategic homeostasis ( self-regulation and maintenance of the constancy )

Figure 5 : Trends and victimizantes response schema of the actors in the conflic t.

4.1 . THE INVENTORY OF VICTIMIZACIÓN

Both the catalog of suffering such as the branching of the victimization are qui te extensive in the Colombian conflict, with which, it is hardly understandable that an increase in the concern of the international community, more and more interested in honoring the victims and eradicate the pragmatism which tends to protect the impunidad37. 37 Ron Dudai, "Closing the gap: symbolic reparations and armed groups", Internat ional Review of the Red Cross , 883 (2011), pp. 783-808 - Kristina Hook, "The cost of conflict: Understanding the ramifications of internal warfare", in Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess (Editors), Beyond intractability, Col orado: University of Colorado , 2013. In this regard, and if it is taken to the most recent cycle of victimization in Colombia as a synthesis of the historical conflict, could be identified, grosso modo, two types of victi ms: [to] the victims conformists, that is, those that simplify your reality around a n individual's capacity to forgive their persecutors and forget or ignore both the suffering endured as the who are still suffering from the society, and [b] the victims restoratives, suffice it to say, those in a responsible manner w ith themselves and with others, are concerned about actively by: - Repair, rebuild and renew the social tissue affected by terrorism; social fabr ic which feel integral part and active, - protect the founding values of democracy in the face of the Different devices of disloyal opposition and violent that have existed, and even more, which could go appearing as current OAI mute, for example, toward: > Farcrim type 1 , or criminal gangs created by the FARC members to continue running -commissioned - terrorist operations in order to avoid them to be single d out as the agents perpetrators, or > Farcrim type 2 , i.e. formal partnerships and long-lasting between the Farcrim t ype 1 and Bacrim, what would result in a threat even more traumatic than all of the above by as soon as the bands could be formally as parties to the conflict by virtue o f its growing organizational complexity and longevity. It is the same reason why the best approximation to the phenomenon of responsibi lity toward the victims [the consequences on the social fabric, the destruction of civilian property , or the damage widespread economic] is the one that can be done from the Rome S tatute of the International Criminal Court because it is the most significant advance of t he international system with respect to the need to prevent and eradicate impunity. It is worth recalling that the concept of non-international armed conflict that handles the paragraph 2-d of the Statute explicitly refers to the wording of article 3 common to the G eneva Conventions . And as this concept is nourished by the time criterion which appears in paragrap h 2-f in both there is argues that an armed conflict such as the Colombian, that does not have international character , is characterized by prolonged be , is clear that it will be possible criminalizi ng [in the specific context of the International Criminal Court, of course] all tho se additional violations of international humanitarian law, as, for example, that a ppear in the additional Protocol II of 197738 and so closely related that are systematically with the violence practiced by the FARC and the ELN. 38 Sylvain Vite, "Typology & of armed conflicts in international humanitarian la w: legal concepts and current situations", International Review of the Red Cross, 873 (2009), pp. 69-94.

4.2 . THE BASIC CONCEPT OF VICTIM

A widespread and frequent vision defines the victim in accordance with the point s 8 and 9 of the Resolution 60/147 of the United Nations General Assembly on 16 December 2005 concerning the basic principles and guidelines of the law for victims of gr oss violations of international human rights standards and serious violations of international humanitarian law". In accordance with this definition, fully matching in Colombia with the article 3 of Law 1448 of 2011 [of victims and restitution of lands] and the judgments of the Cons titutional Court [370 of 2006, C-578 2002, C-052 2012, C-250/12, C-253A/12, C- 781/12, C-462/13], victim is " a person who has suffered damage, individually or collectively

, including physical or mental injury, emotional suffering, economic loss or substantial impairment of their fundamental rights, as a result of actions or omissions which constitute a flagrant violation of international huma n rights standards or a serious violation of international humanitarian law ", to the definition that is integrated " the immediate family or dependants of the direct victim And the people who have suffered damage to intervene to assist victims in danger or to prevent victimization ".

This means that the agents of the armed forces and their families, as well as me mbers of the OAI and their families, are regarded as victims to the extent that they have suf fered such damage in the event of violations of humanitarian law. In this respect, it could be said that the basic mapping of victimization may be given in the following terms [Figure 6].

1- Direct victims ( individual and his family )

2- Victims intermediate ( dependants )

3- Indirect victims ( affected depending on their relations with the previous )

Looks like ((((relations among the victims are also expressed in a manner throug h conflicting groups comprised of agreement with the perception of the victimizer ))) Victims features of the linkages between effects caused by victimizer victimizers

1- Actors 1.1 . Agents of the State between 1.1 and 1.2 . : The State agents hav e been punished Prosistemicos ( acting on their own, or were close links in accordance with the law. Affected by disorders of regions or localities has not existed, nor is there, a State policy Mental ) that promotes the specific violations.

1.2 . Non-state Actors: between 1.1 and 2.2 . : BCP -formally dissolved - have been occasionally links ( Organized and narrow in regions or localities Specific strategic intention but their relations Human rights violations have been antagonistic [HR] and IHL )

2- Actors 2.1 . Marxist subversives: between 2.1 and 2.2 . : The subversives mar xists have been punished antisistemicos Farc ELN has been links in accordance with the law. ( Effectively organized occasionally close them some governments have recognized a Both politically and in regions or localities political status. Militarily, and with specific intention but their relations has existed, and the re is a deliberate trend Strategic of violating have frequently been of the OAI that promotes the violati ons. HR and IHL ) antagonistic

2.2 . Bandits heirs The bandits have been punished The BCP or in accordance with the law. bandits emerging : The State debate between them or not Bacrim as political partners. ( Effectively organized and with intention tactic of Violating human rights and international humanitarian law Although with intuitive guidance policies and destructured )

Revictimization

Figure 6: Basic Mapping of victimization in Colombia.

4.3 . THE CONCEPT OF COMPREHENSIVE VICTIM

But beyond the previous assessments of the victimization, there is a broader vis ion and comprehensive on the issue. This is the phenomenon that could be called perception of victimization transver sal, that is to say , the social climate in which they live the majority of citizens of a country th at is characterized by the conviction that have suffered from intentional damage, undeserved, unjust , immoral and with painful consequences 39 caused by some illegal armed groups , that is to say, the FARC and the ELN, occasionally associated with the old BCP and Bacrim to the current. 39 Daniel Bar-Tal , Lily Chernyak-hai, Noa Schori and Ayelet Gondar, "A sense of self-perceived collective victimhood in intractable conflicts", International Review of the Red Cross, 874 (2009), pp 229-258. This perception, which is not related to those agents of the State which have ca used violations of human rights and international humanitarian law as their aberrant behavior [i.e. , abnormal and/or atypical] have been systematically investigated and the perpetrators have been penalized in accordance with the law [as expected of a democratic society], is a perception that is directly linked to the insurgents not only because it shows the successive opinion polls but the multitudinous citizens concentrations in rejection of terrorism and in favor of the peaceful r esolution of disputes. In fact, this comprehensive notion of victimization and victim of the Colombian conflict irregular part of the basis of that: [to] the OAI continually have inflicted severe damage to the society [see, in th is regard, the already mentioned characterization that the Rome Statute of the International Cr iminal Court for war crimes and crimes against humanity]. [B] The victimization is a tangible fact that is measured as a function of the r ecurrent violations of rights [attacks against property, physical injury, kidnapping, murder], but it is also an intangible event whose definition is given by subjective experienc es [affectation of national identity, psychological trauma, and the violation of pa triotism and breaking of ties of solidarity or the tissues of social cohesion that shape the confidence in the democratic system]. [C] There is a widespread feeling that the population is threatened by terrorism marxist-leninist. This perception is not a static phenomenon but one that is spr ead through the ties of identity that have been weaving the citizens throughout the time in such a way that even those who do not feel that they are victims in the first degree of the direct violence assume as own the affronts of terrorism, which, it is gradually forming a historical aggregate whose main reference point is the need to feel that citizen to protect themselves from the terrorist aggression and, simultaneously, to preserve and perfect democracy that you have worked so build. In fact, this widespread perception of victimization is a citizen development [that moves horizontally all the social sectors and vertically all regions ] or, what is the same, an act socially cooperative and collaborative in virtue of which the simple not enough individual self-definition of victim since the damage, the whole population is increasingly aware from the political point of view, will be incor porated into the whole of society as a true disaster that because it was based on the illegit imacy raises the general rejection. In any case, the collective perception [national] of such victimization is stren gthens [Figure 7]:

- Even if some actors in the international community do not consider the Farc EL N as terrorist groups,

- Even if some of the actors - even if some actors in the international communit y international community support and harbor them believe that the sponsor of terr orism is The Farc ELN the Colombian State

Figure 7 : The triangle of conflict defined by the perception of victimization C ross.

For these reasons, it is not by chance that the Colombian conflict is insufficie nt multiple modalities of direct and indirect violence, physical and psychological40 that have impacted with greater or lesser severity on sectors of the population according to regional or ders [geo] specific, appreciating well Que41: 40 Johan Galtung, Theory of peace: Building direct structural cultural peace, re sponsible for batch release : Transcend University Press, 2013. 41 Barry Hart (Editor), Peacebuilding in traumatized societies. Lanham: Universi ty Press of America, 2008. 42 Paul Robbins, Political ecology: A critical introduction, Chichester: Blackwe ll Publishing, 2004 - Polly Higgins, eradicating ecocide: Laws and governance to stop the destruction of the planet, London: safer havens), Shepheard-Walwyn , 2010 - United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute, Action plan on combating environmental crime, International Conference Environmental Crime current and em erging threats , Rome, 29 and 30 October 2012. [To] The insurgents are highly responsible for selective assassinations, massacr es, forced dispossession of land, forced displacement, and locking of the population , the use of anti-personnel mines and explosive devices, attacks on civilian property, kidnapping, extortion, illegal recruitment, torture, religious persecution, intimidation [ particularly on journalists, who are forced to engage in self-censorship], ecocidio42, massacres, kidnappings, hostage-taking, sexual assault, i.e. a whole catalog related in one way or another with the widespread terrorism and selective, so mu ch so that, [b] the state agents disposed and alienated have been highly responsible for selective assassinations, torture, brutality, executions and forced disappearanc es [Figure 8].

Gravity ( highest )

3

+ Looks like ((((+ looks like ((((Point Point of Location of the agents of the State insane ))) 2 publication of the Farc ELN )))

Occasional cases of torture. Genocide. Patterns of crimes Individuals of crimes against humanity 1. Crimes against humanity. Policy of extermination.

Frequency : occasional 3 2 1 0 1 2 3 Frequency : overwhelmed Individual cases of generalized policy of detention detention Arbitrary, selective repression or 1 arbitrary, kidnapping, extortion, Impairment of freedom of expression and tendency to the annulment of the Freedom of expression. 2

3

Gravity ( on )

Figure 8 : Responsibilities and trends of the damage caused by the violators of human rights and international humanitarian law. The intensity of the damage is qualified on a scale of 1 ( smaller ) to 3 ( more ) in each of the quadrants variables def ined by the frequency ( recurrence ) and gravity ( impact ). Developing own inspired in Parmentier & Weitekamp ( 2007 ).

4.4 . A RATIO OF THE INCLUSIVE VICTIMIZACIÓN AND ITS TRANSFORMATION

However, the real effect of all these methodologies of violence on the population could only be properly assessed if one interprets the victimization43 and their transformation over time using the following key components: 43 Patrick Bracken and Celia Petty (Editors), Rethinking the trauma of war: Save the Children. London: Free Association Books, 1998. [To] The war crimes and crimes against humanity as set out in the Statute of the International Criminal Court and the administration of justice ha s to continue further penalising agreement with specific responsibilities. [B] The damage [multidimensional], that is to say, the impact physical, or spiri tual heritage, both the immediate and long-term caused on individuals and groups by the various criminal practices mentioned above [all of them stimulated by lust for power, even in the case of the state agents disposed], and [c] the trends of the conflict itself, which can take on the track the intensifi cation of violence [transform] or the negative regulation of tensions [positive transformation]. Positive Transformation understood as that which occurs when the balanced articulated four principles [or] areas of action universally accept ed for reconstruction in the aftermath of the violations of human rights and humanitari an law: right to truth, justice , reparation, and guarantees of non-repetition, this for the sake of achieving t wo types of objetivos44: 44 Paul de Greiff, First report to the Human Rights Council Special Rapporteur o n the promotion of truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-repetition. Human Rights Counci l, 9 August 2012. - Different goals: to offer recognition to the victims and encourage confidence, and - final objectives: contribute to reconciliation and strengthen the rule of law. In concordance, the social majorities in Colombia have gone: [a] by strengthening the collective feeling [national] that the victimization is the product of the insurgent terrorism. [B] justifying's own targets [the search for mechanisms that enhance the liberal democracy and protect], and [c] legitimizing different antagonists that resort to the destructiveness to str engthen its political pretensions [Figure 9].

Context threat to the system

> A circuit Experiences of victimization : Tension, fear, inhibition Uncertainty, damages, losses, Suffering. > A recovery circuit : solidarity, Commonwealth strategic, Security consortia Communal empowerment ( )

Challenges and demands meet Coping and Defense Needs the sources of tension and defensive ( Prioritizing ( trauma management, deterrence Violence prevention security, ( in the dimensions And collective social mediations and internal and external ) Investment in self-regulation and control Defense ) deviant behavior )

Repertoires socially links social shield : systems of values, democratic shared incorporated ( pluralism, freedoms, public and individual, social cohesio n and competitiveness ) Dissemination Dissemination institutionalized and non-formal transmission : poli tical and military leadership, mass media and new technologies, formal education and on-line, global cultural referents.

Infrastructure psychological Ethos collective memory of the ( Rejection to the conflict Violations of ( and awareness HR and IHL ) democratic )

Collective emotional Guidelines

Social Identity ( democratic )

New information and new wealth of experience

Figure 9 : The structural identification of the threat, the circuit of victimiza tion and the shield of social links. Developing own inspired in Bar-Tal ( 2007 ). In the final analysis, all this perception of victimization cross endured by the bulk of society helps to explain why the Colombian conflict is irregular significantly prolonged and resistant to change positive but it is also useful to understand that, in sp ite of the damage inflicted in isolation and individual citizens by agents alienated from the Stat e [which have been duly processed by the justice], the insurgent groups are the ma in responsible for the humanitarian tragedy that has lived the country, so it is hardly understandable that the citizenship of these claim that their eventual OA I readaptation to the democratic system suppose, at least: [to] that will dissolve as armed organizations. [B] that definitively to renounce violence as political methodology. [C] which dilute the victimisation exculpatory and brought to justice in a mode that is punitive enough as to not be seen as an affront to the victims and an evasion of responsibility. [D] that reparation to victims using their vast economic resources circulating in the legal and illegal channels to scale both national and transna tional, and [e] to be committed in a verifiable manner and responsible not to repeat its ter rorist conduct as to strengthen the social and institutional fabric collaborating with the soci ety to dismantle all the actors and factors promoters of organized crime.

5. CONCLUSION

Up to here, we have a version of the interpretative Colombian irregular conflict between a democratic society and its military forces against two political-military organizations illegal, th e FARC and the ELN, progressively between if allied, animated by the resentment and agonal system with a flexible and thieving based in multiple capacities both let hal and non lethal, articulated evolutionarily both to internal and transnational scale. Armed groups which in 1964 took a rational decision, collective, structured and expansive gave, not under subjective criteria, but in the framework of organizational parameters [motivations, risks and rewards] and in a context hist oricogeografico conducive, or revolutionary processes expansionist in Latin America and five macro Colombian regions of high physical and cultural complexity in the whi ch has not always been given a presence of the integral State. Historical Context and geocultural whose constant and changing elements have bee n skillfully exploited by the subversive groups through violent behavior [and terr orism as predominant method] to fill as well, intermittently, and rotary, the microvacios of power left by the State, always attractive as a function of t he valuable resources available. Of course, the subversive presence has not been limited to such spaces because i ts economic capacity increasing has helped the rebels exercise different types of violence [directly] or symbolic as both selective indiscriminately reification [terrorism ] to expand through transnational networks of support. For this purpose, the groupings have been valid, in addition, three trends: systematic violation of the international humanitarian order [and of the provisi ons in the Rome Statute ], the disloyal opposition system [also applied by supporters, or by a non-armed insurgency], and neoinjerencismo [or, the sustained support and stagge red several revolutionary processes hemispheric: the Cuban people, the Sandinistas a nd the bolivariano]. In sum, a conflict of power between authoritarianism [with] high egotism subvers ive and democracy in constant improvement; democracy that, through the strategic self-regulation, has overcome deficits and dysfunctions such as those caused by state agents , the insane, alienated and seized by aberrant behavior and diverted, have incurred [wrapped in a paroxysm in counterinsurgency] violations of human rights away from the legitimate security and defense policies that, based on the prevention, transformation, anticipation and interactive coordination, have been developing the Armed Forces. In other words, a democracy whose repeated attempts to achieve a negotiated solu tion have been frustrated by the political ambitions-economic of the illegal armed groups and their partners, committed to maintaining its well-known active ritualized violence based on the class struggle as the engine of history. In short, a democracy that certainly innovative and creative, he has honored the victims, and it has become the subversive threat one more reason to be coherent, modernized and globalized.

6. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Acknowledgments: For the preparation of this report we have the invaluable inves tigative advice of José Antonio Gutierrez, the assistance from Emilce Garzón Penalty and Luisa Natalia Car uso and collaboration in the documental search of Ana Maria Young. In the United States, Michael Evans, an analyst at the Natio nal Security Archive in Washington, we provided more than five hundred declassified documents about the relations between that country and Colombia. The current administration of the National Pedagogical University, under the stewardship of Professor Adolfo Atehortua, gave me a download academic to dedicate myself full time to de velop this writing. My wife Angie and historian Light Núñez Espinel, gave me advice and so lidarity in the crucial moment in which they were born our two daughters, Marisol and Lucia, i'v e removed company paternal in the early days of his early childhood, for preparing this text. To them, I de dicate this writing, with the hope that they can live in a decent country, which does not kill anyone for thin king, defend their rights and fight to build a just society.

" [ ] we live in an atmosphere of lies, obfuscation and falsehood without paralle l [ ]. There is no danger to the historical research of the truth, and this we abochorne and lacere". Germán Guzmán C. , the violence in Colombia. Descriptive part, Progress Editions, Ca li, 1968, p. 12.

This report examines the impact that has had the United States interference in the social and armed conflict in the last sixty years. Given the length and comp lexity of the subject outlines a historical perspective from the nineteenth century, divided i nto five major periods, until the present time: Phase I: From the birth of the Republic (1821) until the end of conservative hegemony (1930); Phase II: coincides with t he Liberal Republic (1930-1946); Phase III: From the Inter-american Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (RIO TREATY ) from 1947 until the US military mission of William P. Yarborough in 1962; Phase IV: From the beginnings of the modern counterinsurgency (1962) until the P lan Colombia (1999); and Phase V: Plan Colombia-2014. In each of the phases analyzed are ente red both the strategic interests of the United States as some internal factors that explain the consolidation of a relationship of subordination and dependence which is ben eficial to the ruling classes of Colombia and adversely affects the majority of the population. Examines the linkages between the imperialist interference, the insurgency and t errorism of State, but also the way as in Colombia is very unsettled and develops a counterinsurgency native, since the 1920s. By space limits, we use only the bibliographic references and textual strictly necessary to footer. Each assertion in this report is a comprehensive documentary support, as require d by the historical research, whose record appears in the general bibliography. INTRODUCTION: THE subordination WHAT HAS EMERGED UNDER STRATEGIC OF COLOMBIA

"We've got everything we asked for in this country [ ]. Colombia has not slacke ned but that with all my heart has come out in support of our policy [ ] and there is no country in South Americ a that has been played in more cooperative". Spruille Braden, (Ambassador of the United States) March 6 1942, cited in David Bushnell, Eduardo Santos and the Good Neighbor policy, Bogotá: The Ancora Editors, p. 45.

"We believe that [ ] there should be a concerted effort by the entire team of the country [Colombia] in order to select civilian and military personnel with a view to a clandestine training in resistance operations , [ ] and, to the extent necessary, execute paramilitary activities, sabotage and /or terrorists, against known supporters of communism. The United States should supp ort this". John F. Kennedy Library. National Security Files. Box 319. Special Group; Fort B ragg Team; visit to Colombia, 3/1962, "Secret Supplement, Colombian Survey Report".

"If Pastrana was itself against Americanisation of the Colombian security policy , to the extent that the strategy that was looking for a negotiated settlement to the conflict and the in itial formulation of the Plan Colombia as a comprehensive strategy for the development was completed by adapting to the agenda and the interests of the American government , Uribe is the "Colombianize" of the American security strategy in the country, i.e. the internalization of the opinions of Washington, it is no longer an adaptation of an own-initiative, but a translation of the diagnosis, policies and us demands". "This is commander of the South", Magazine Week, No. 1080, Digital version.

When analyzing the causes of the social and armed conflict, as well as the varia bles which have prolonged and the impact on the civilian population, the United States is n ot a mere external influence, but a direct participant of the conflict, due to prolonged involvement during much of the twentieth century The participation of the United States has been deliberately minimized by their clandestine nature, since their actions "are planned and exec uted in such a way that can be hidden, or at least, allow a plausible denial of who sponsors these actions"1. These actions are part of a relationship of subordination, understood as a relationship of dependency in whi ch the particular interest of Colombia is considered represented in the services to a t hird party (United States ), which is conceived as having a superiority political, economic, cultural and moral. It is a skewed and unequal relationship assumes that a strategic characte r, because the very existence of the republic is intended as inseparable from the subordinate status , so that one should speak of a strategic subordination rather than pragmatic. As a defender of the subordination, the most efficient way to ensure our national sovereignty, is to stay as strong ally under the protective umbrella of the 1 Dennis Rempe, "The Origin of Internal Security in Colombia: Part I-A CIA Speci al Team surveys the violence, 1959-60, Small Wars & Insurgencies, 10:3 (1999), p. 41. United States2. What such a misinterpretation of claim to reconcile the imperiali st dependency with national sovereignty! 2 Alfredo Rangel, " !Viva Plan Colombia! ", Week, March 21 2009. (Always the emp hasis is ours). 3 Arlene Tickner, "intervention by invitation. Keys of Colombia's foreign policy and its main shortcomings ", Colombia International, 65 (2007), pp. 98-99. Framework 4 Palaces, public violence in Colombia. 1958-2010, Bogotá: F. C. E. , 20 12, pp. 35-36. The relationship colombia-united States understood as "subordination by invitati on" involves considering the active role of the power block in play, due to the fact that there is "from over a hundred years ago a covenant among national elites, for whom the subordination has reported profits and economic policies"3. These benefits are administered throug h clientelistic practices, which cross the whole of the institutions and political and social structures in Colombia. The use of clientele international networks run by account of sectors of the State, the Army and the police, for whom the assistance and th e military budget are a private booty that gives them power and has created a military caste is co nsidered untouchable. This system of international networks that underlies the subordination strategic, have as a correlative a limited level of autonomy and independence to make decisions not only in the international arena, but in the home, where the United States , in general, said the last word. Since then, also play an important role other countries such as England and Israel, in the momentum of political counter insurgency, but due to space considerations are not considered in this report. A subordination strategic and a restricted autonomy are key to understand the persistence of a conflict, because "it is impossible not to notice the absol ute centrality of the United States in the definition of political lines that adopted the power elite in Colombia , the anti-communism of the Cold War to the drug war and the global war on terrorism, Washington provides you the arguments and the agenda"4.

PHASE I: BACKGROUND TO THE POLICY OF subordination WHAT HAS EMERGED UNDER WASHIN GTON to Colombia's relations with the United States have a long history, dating back to the independence, since the Gran Colombia is the first Latin American country to hav e a diplomatic mission in Washington. In the case of Colombia, this relationship becomes relative autonomy during the greater part of the nineteenth century, when the United States has a commercial importance similar to that of other powers such as France and England and then

Germany, despite a certain acceptance tactic and pragmatic of the Monroe Doctrin e. Since the mid-nineteenth century , the relationship with United States is marked by conflict around the Isthmus of Panama and the payment of compensation, which shape the subordinate c haracter of the ruling classes of Colombia. The main mechanism of American intervention in Colombian affairs is based on the Treaty Mallarino-Bidlack 1846, by which are conferred extensive privileges t o the United States to use the Isthmus of Panama, as well as power to suppress social conflicts in the region - then integral part of the Colombian territory. Between 1850 and 1902, the United States landed troops and invades the Isthmus on fourteen oc casions, to defend their trade interests, as shown in Table No. 1. Box No. 1 UNITED STATES INTERVENTIONS IN PANAMA 1850-1902. 1850: The May 22 to root for a riot that killed two Americans, at the request of the Consul of the United States , intervened a ship of war in England to suppress the riot. 1856: From 19 to 22 September to protect American interests during an insurrecti on. 1860: From September 27 to October 8, to protect American interests during a rev olution. 1861: (May) Following the outbreak of a civil war in Colombia, the Governor of t he Isthmus request, after consultations with the consuls of the United States, England and France, protect ion to maintain order. United States is the only country that respond positively to this request. 1862: (June) Colombia requested assistance from the United States in order to qu ell internal disturbances and Americans send naval and air forces. 1865: On 9 March 1865 a detachment of the United States took the city of Panama at a time when you wanted to overthrow the President of the sovereign State of Panama. 1868: The April 7, to protect the passengers and bags under the absence of local troops due to the death of the president of Colombia. 1873: From 7 to May 22 and September 23 to October 9, to protect United States p roperties due to hostilities motivated by the possession of a new government in Panama. 1885: From January to May, because of the civil war and the fire in Colon. 1891: Following a cholera epidemic the Colombian government was forced to close the port of Colon. The government of the United States, in contravention of the rules of most elementary health, o bliges us to reopen the port, using as intimidating as one of its warships. 1895: The 8 and the March 9, during a revolution. 1901: From November 20 to December 4 in order to keep the rail service. 1902: From 16 to 23 April, during a civil war to protect United States propertie s. 1902: From September 17 to November 18, to prevent the transport of troops - bot h the government and the revolutionaries - by rail. .. Preserves the terms employed by the United States to justify interventions. SOURCES: Diplomatic Archives of France and Gregorio Selser, abduction of Panama, educates, San Jose, 1984. Taken by Renan Vega et al. , The Panama colombian sharing in the imperiali st Editions, critical thinking, Bogotá, 2003, pp. 96-97.

After failed attempts by French companies to build a canal linking the two ocean s, Theodore Roosevelt supports independence a adventure in Panama (November 1903) and sends it to the USS Nashville to Panamanian waters to prevent a landin g of national troops , with which it is taken away from this part of the territory of Colombia. Years later, Roosevelt highlights their "feelings of friendship" with our country: Speaking of Colombia as a responsible power [ ], it is simply absurd. The analogy it must be established with a group of bandits Sicilians and Calabrians [ ]. If it had not risen up [the people of Panama ], i intend to recommend to the Congress the inauguration o f the isthmus by the force of the armas5. 5 Washington Post, May 8 1914. 6 Chicago Tribune, April 13, 1921.

The case of Panama generates a feeling of outrage against the United States, passenger between the ruling classes, which is appeased by the $25 million to receive after the signing of the Treaty Urrutia-Thompson in 1921, and that the U nited States approves to access our oil. As it says without any fuss the Senator Lodge of the United States: "The pact with Colombia is rich in petroleum"6. Strategic The subordination to the United States goes hand in hand with the poli tical modernization , economic and military in Colombia, and a growing economic influence of the companies in that country. Their capitals enjoyed a significant presence, with a favorable balance of trade, and transport, infrastructure and communications sin ce the end of the nineteenth century , mainly concentrated in the Isthmus of Panama. In the 1920s is incremented such investment, especially in the enclave economies and banana oil and in the financial sector, through loans linked to the financing of public works and infrastructure . United States, for its part, in the early 1920s consumes 72 percent of Colombian exports. In few words, the ruling classes of Colombia are beginning to look toward the "Pole Star", as had been recommended b y the conservative president Marco Fidel Suarez (1918-1921), in whose administration i s moving in the delivery of the Colombian oil to American investors.

1918-1929: THE ORIGINS OF THE insurgency as NATIVE doctrine and practice, the nickname of counterinsurgency is used since the 1950s by French soldiers facing the independence movements in Vietnam first and then in Algeria. Subsequently, is recycled by the United States during the presidency of John F. Kennedy, in 1962, when it becomes the official doctrine of that power. However, in Colombia since the first decades of the twentieth century native generates a counterinsurgency, in order to repress the social protests an d destroy the emerging left-wing political movements, which in principle had no influence abroad or systematization doctrinaire. In the counterinsurgency is the fundamental construction of the enemy, which is made from the 1920s when larva the idea of communism as supreme adversary of the "sacred values" of the Colombian nationality. With the generic name of communism is represented to a patchwork of social sectors, including trade unions, peasant associations and, in general, to those who require claims to improve their living conditions, for which reason it must be combated . In Colombia, the anti-communism is prior to the emergence of any movement that will be called communist in identical form and the insurgency arises before there are guerrilla movements. The constitution of a long-term insurgency State originates in several complementary fears of the ruling classes: fear the people, fear of democracy an d fear of revolution. These fears are nourished with the stereotypes of the communists as evil , barbaric, savage and enemies of God, the Homeland and the Law, which are the f erment of the hatred that counterinsurgency justifying the violence that is directed against t hose "enemies", by both the State and individuals, that hatred is geste insurgency in the 1920s and is powered by the terror that arouse the social protests that are triggered in the country since 1918. At the beginning of 1918 triggered a wave of strikes in the Atlantic coast by the workers in the ports, railways and factories. The protests started in Barranquilla and extend to Santa Marta and Cartagena. In the first city occur s a "encounter between a Police picket and some drunken mob incidents that made resistance, what forced the police to make some shots in the air in order to int imidate them, but unfortunately at a great distance and caused the death of a citizen pacific" . After, in Cartagena, the police killed five workers on strike and is implanted f or the first time the State of Siege to counteract a protest obrera7. 7 Report of the Minister of Government to the Congress in 1918, Bogotá: Imprimerie Nationale, 1918, pp., ix and ss. Something similar happens on 16 March 1919 in the downtown streets of Bogotá when they are murdered by the Army and Presidential Guard ten humble workers in a peaceful march organized to demand that the first agent, Marco Fidel Suárez, that you will not buy military uniforms in the United States and be responsible their clothing to nati onal artisans. To justify the crime, the government placed the responsibility of the episode to "groups of anarchists and socialists" who "tried to take the Palacio de la Carrera and the Palace guard to contain the rioters shot into the air, resulting from there one dead and one injured "8. massacre1 8 Marcellin Arango (Minister of War), "Circular extraordinary", in documents rel ated to the events of 16 March 1919 in the city of Bogota, Bogotá: Imprimerie Nationale, 1920, p. 7.

Sarcastic criticism to the implausible official version on the events of March 1 6, according to which the troops shot into the air to contain the riots, and not against the crowd. Bogota comedian. No. March 82 22 1919. During the 1920s, the indigenous people, peasants, settlers, workers of the encl aves and other social sectors who are mobilized as active subjects in order to improve th eir working and living conditions are fought from the State with counterinsurgency policy, justified in the anti-communism. Thus, in 1928 issued the Law 69 on Social Defen se of the October 30, known as the "heroic act", which prohibits the existence of organizations that attack the right of property and the family, punishes those w ho promote strikes "in violation of the laws that regulate", restricts the right of opinion , censorship publications and is confined to penal colonies to every individual that promotes the publication of the printed prohibidos9. 9 Annals of Camera, 3 November 1928, pp. 1064-1066. 10 The appointment is in Jorge Orlando Melo, Act heroic, in on history and politic s, Editorial The Cart , Medellín, 1979, p. 151. 11 "Decree of 4 December 18 1928 ", in Carlos Cortés Vargas, the events of the Ban ana, Bogotá: Printing of the Light, 1929, pp. 89-90. After the adoption of the law, in premonitory form a liberal representative, sur name of Bolivar, points out that in the banana plantation zone, where it operated the Un ited Fruit Company, "are these thousands of proletarians waiting for action by the State for the benefit of its modest interests ... What if this action does not arrive? What does it tell you when th e workers claim their rights , tired of waiting, that starts a communist movement, and will send his troops, to debelarlo, Mr Rengifo? '10. That is what actually happens, because in the first few weeks after the Act was adopted was brutally repressed the workers' strike of bananas, which according to a spokesperson for the United Fruit Company in Bogota, produced mor e than a thousand dead, as officially informed Jefferson Caffery, Representative of the United States in Co lombia , to Washington. Days after promulgation of the decree of 4 December 18 1928, by which is declared "gang of criminals" to the banana workers who had participa ted in the strike, the aim is to "leaders, azuzadores, accomplices, collaborators and concealers", and they are considered "rioters, arson and murde r" that demonstrate "a horrible mood, very consistent with the doctrines communists and anarchists", and is applicable to them the death penalty which does not exist leg ally stipulates : "The members of the public force are empowered to punish with the arms to thos e who are surprised in flagrante delicto crime of arson, looting and armed assault"11. DEAD IN THE BANANA PLANTATIONS INCLUDE MORE THAN ONE THOUSAND ENSURES UNITED STA TES DIPLOMATIC

Bogota, January 16 1929 Honorable Secretary of State, Washington Mr: With reference to the previous reports in relation to the strike of Santa Marta, and with special reference to my desk No. December 55 29, I have the honor to report that the representative of the Un ited Fruit Company in Bogota, told me yesterday that the number of strikers killed by the Colombian military forces passes of thousand. Jefferson Caffery, representative in Bogota of the United States. Source: Allen S. Vall-Spinoza , rifles and banana, in Magazin Dominical, the spect ator, 11 June 1972, pp ., 5-6. The repression was previously legitimate by various spokespersons of the conserv ative regime, between the protruding from his Minister of War, Ignacio Rengifo, who has said that Colombia faces a "new danger and terrible, perhaps the biggest ever had its existence [ ] This i s the danger Bolshevik" that "has been hitting the beaches colombian threatening [ ] watering the seed of communism that fateful, unfortunately, already begins to ge rminate in our soil and to produce fruits of decomposition and revolt"12. And that danger is imaginary begins to combat fire and blood. [Document (DOC) 1] Description: E: \Photos\fonteches VERY REBEL-1X. tif Description: E: \Photos\VERY rebellious puppet- 2.tif 12 Memory of the Minister of War, Bogotá: Imprimerie Nationale, 1928, pp. vi - vii . 13 Archivo General de la Nación, Ministry of Government Fund, Section 1, T. 982, f . 89.

Cartoons alluding to the links between the Colombian government and the US compa ny the United Fruit Company. Sources: puppet, November 24, 1928; puppet, December 7 1928.

The massacre of the banana plantations has all the trimmings of State terrorism, since the weapons of the Army are used with premeditation to assassinate Colombians involved in a strike. A few hours before the massacre, the general Carlos Vargas cuts the mil itary orders that shoot unarmed against the workers on the night of December 5 of 1928 poses: "inescapable dilemma: or measures are taken painful, cruel, or compromise was reached and [ communist] triumph, which bring us the immediate foreign intervention"13. The order to assassinate is taught to satisfy an American company, the United Fruit Company , a disastrous history of what he is prepared to do the Colombian State to defen d the interests of foreign capital, as notes Jorge Eliecer Gaitan in 1929: "The aim was to solve a problem of wages through the bullet of the machine guns of the government", because the workers were Colombians and the company was american and painfully we know that in this count ry the government has for the Colombians shrapnel murderer and a shaky knee on the ground before t he American gold. [ ] The soil of Colombia was taken of blood to please the coffers of the ambitious americano14 gold. [Doc. 2] C: \Users\Renan\Documents\cartoons REPORT\Olaya.jpg 14 Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, meeting of September 6, 1929 in the House of Representative s, reproduced in the debate on the banana plantations, Bogotá: Center Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, 1988, pp. 81, 84 and 92. 15 "Telegram from the News Agency Aeronews", New York, the voice of Caldas, Sept ember 9, 1933.

PHASE II: BEGINS DURING THE STRATEGIC subordination WHAT HAS EMERGED UNDER LIBER AL REPUBLIC with the presidency of the liberal Enrique Olaya Herrera (1930-1934), a long-sta nding imperialist that he served as Ambassador to the United States between 1922 and 1930, is acce ntuated the subordination to the United States in the economic field, with the adoption of a petroleum legislation absolutely favorable to foreign capital, which benefits the american companies settled in the territories of the concession Boat (area of the Catatumbo). Such is the level of dependency of this government with regard to those companie s that certain organs of the press of the time commonly referred to as "the government of the o il" and its links with Andrew Mellon, an American billionaire, that enable the company to the latt er get several million dollars by the above-mentioned concession. As a result of as murky business, the Senate of the United States explores the subject and to know the d etails of the prostration of the regime of Olaya, the investigator appointed, Hiram Hobson, de clares with alarm that "if the Colombian people would realize what i had around these negoti ations happen an armed uprising in that Republic"15.

Enrique Olaya Herrera, president of Colombia, is negotiating the Concession boat with Andrew Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury of the United States Source: Colombia Nationalist, June 22 1935. Eduardo Santos (1938-1942) accentuates the subordination and paves the way for a military unit, at the time that the United States reaffirmed as the main destina tion of the Colombian products , which in 1938 absorbs 80 percent of the exports of coffee. The naval and air missions in the United States shifted to the British and the Germa ns and started the frequent visits of delegations to Colombian databases that country, to participate in military cour ses , where are made familiar with the official military techniques and organization American war. At the behest of the foreign advisers in 1940 begins the compulsor y military service in Colombia. Two years later, lasts for four years, the mission of the United States air force and in 1946 the same thing happens with the naval missio n, both with geostrategic importance in defense of the Canal, and in that same year is offici ally a military mission for the Army, which up until that moment I had been guided by F rench advisors . This relationship has a political component key, such as Eduardo Santos reveal s it to Spruille Braden, Ambassador of the United States: "he had already hired two American military missions, not only to obtain the benefits of your higher educa tion , but first and foremost to demonstrate the absolute confidence of Colombia in t he United States "16. And indeed, so great is the "confidence" that the government of Eduardo San tos threw the national sovereignty to allow the military forces of the United States operate " without prior special permission" in all the Colombian territory and in their territorial wate rs, as he says with glee the War Department in Washington when referring to this "gentl eman's agreement ", between the governments of Saints and of Roosevelt. In secret, in addition, t he President authorizes us to photographers, disguised as technical advisers to take aerial photographs of strategic points of Colombia17. 16 Spruille Braden, "Interview with Eduardo Santos", May 3 1939, appears as anne x in David Bushnell, Eduardo Santos and the Good Neighbor Policy, Bogotá: The Salva Liarte, 1 984, p. 155. 17 Henry Stimson, Secretary of War of the United States, June 9, 1942, in Silvia Galvis and Alberto Donadio, Nazi Colombia, Bogotá: Editorial Planeta, 1986, pp. 341-342. On the photographs, p . 27. GOVERNMENT OF EDUARDO SANTOS THREW THE NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY TO THE UNITED STATES

SECRET War Department, Washington, June 9, 1942 Honorable Secretary of State I have noted with interest your letter of May 28, related to the following talks between the United States ambassador in Bogota and the President of Colombia and his Min ister of War. The review of its charter and the series of paraphrase of the telegrams exc hanged between his Department and the ambassador to Colombia, I gather that his Department is satisfied that there was now a gentleman's agreement between the United States and Colombia. The meaning of thi s agreement is that the land, naval, and air forces of the Army and the Navy of the United States have broad authority to operate in or on Colombian territory and territorial waters or on Colombian without prior s pecial permission , in case of urgent need for this, and always and when notification of such acti on on the part of the General Andrews General López in Panama. This agreement is deemed entirely satisfactory as formula to facilitate a prompt action on the part of the General Andrews when the need arises. To this effect shall be notified to the Ge neral Andrews. Compliments Henry L. Stimson, Secretary of War. SOURCE: Record Groupe 59, National Archives. Washington. Transcription and trans lation in Silvia Galvis and Alberto Donadio, Nazi Colombia 1939-1945, Editorial Planeta Bogota, 1986, pp. 34 1-342. (Our italics).

Similarly, moves to the entrepreneurs in Germany of the Colombian market since 1 938, as a result of pressure from Washington for not to renew the staff of that count ry in Society Colombo-Alemana de Transportes Aereos (Scadta), which becomes in Avianca, a Colombian company mostly, although Pan American Airways maintains the financial domain. Well, the United States controls the aires de Co lombia, a sought-after goal since the First World War. As a corollary to this policy, in 1 943 Colombia granted exclusive privileges to the United States to exploit and import strategic resources as a contribution to the "hemispheric defense", which include rubber and some minerals. Anticommunism LAUNCHED The persecution of the popular sectors, covered in the anticommunism, continues during the first years of the Liberal Republic (1930-1946), as exemplified by the massacre of 18 peasants in indigenous Coyaima during the celebration of the first of May in 1931, while members of the Liberal Party will set fire to some houses in the village a nd hurling accusations of that fact to the communists. In that same year, in Llano Grande (Municipality of Ortega), are massacred 17 indigenous people who follow the guidance of Manuel Quintín Lame, who in allusion to this massacre says: "Until 1930 the conservatives had been pursued i n ordinary form , while later, the liberals did so dramatically"18. 18 Manuel Quintín Lame, in defense of my race, Bogotá: Thread of Research, 1971, p. xxvi. In the following years, the anti-communism is part of the revival of the bipartisan conflict within the framework of the timid and thwarted attempts to ach ieve social reforms in the field of capitalist modernization. During the following fifteen years of the Republic Liberal anticommunism is hoisted from the pulpits of the ecclesiastical hierarch ies , the bulk of the conservative party as way to express their opposition to the Liberal Republic, and in particular the first government of Alfonso Lopez Pumare jo (1934- 1938) and by the more traditional sectors of the liberal party, dissatisfied with the timid reforms that are advertised from the Executive. The Spanish civil war is the pretext of the conservatives to demonize the commun ism, name that also applies to the reformist wing of the liberal party, with the argu ment that in Spain was waging a struggle between Catholicism and the atheistic communism, which is replicated in Colombia with the confrontation between the Revolution is under way and the Church. At th e time is frequently read comments of this style: "The triumph of the liberal party became a communist victory and this is noticed by the excessive state intervention in the lives of individuals , in the legislation on the ground, in the control of the school, in the credit crunch , in the self-management of the industries. By all parties, looks, feels the cla w marxist"19. 19 The Colombian, September 22 1936. In the mid 1940s, this anti-communism ceases to be an exclusive conception of the conservative party and the Catholic hierarchy to become the State doctrin e that justified the persecution of the popular insurgency, the establishment of t he State terrorism and the alliance with the United States in the context of the Cold War.

PHASE III: WAR AND COLD " subordination WHAT HAS EMERGED UNDER BY INVITATION" at the end of the Second World War United States decreed that the aggression out side Asia is embodied in the USSR, that it would sponsor the communist infiltration and th e insurgent threat. In the context of the post-war period, the United States integ rates to Latin America and Colombia in their particular vision of hemispheric security, understood as the strategic domain of the Western Hemisphere and the rejection of the region to po tential adversaries, including the governments of the continent that does not comply with the dictates of Washington, intending to act independently in the management of their internatio nal relations and foster autonomous democratic processes, as it does Guatemala between 1944 and 1954. In this perspective, it is signing the Inter-american Treaty of R eciprocal Assistance (RIO TREATY ), adopted in Rio de Janeiro in 1947, drafted by the Colombian Alberto Lleras Camargo, the first document articulator of the hemisphere in function of the old Monroe doctrine of defense against aggression extra-continental. So the paradox lies in the fact that the worst damage that suffers from Latin America during the twentieth century always come from the United States ! The formation of the Organization of American States (OAS) in 1948 is another ke y fact in the articulation of Latin America with the geo-strategic interests, political , military and economic of American imperialism. In the following decades, the OAS is the primary tool of anti-communist in the continent, or, in ironic terms is "the Department of colonies of the United States". The OAS was founded during the Ni nth Pan-american Conference, in the middle of the Bogotazo, when the delegation of t he United States emphasizes that a political agreement anti-communist is the support of any econo mic assistance . KOREA AND THE BATALLÓN COLOMBIA The regime of Laureano Gómez reinforces the military link with the signing of the Pact of Military Assistance (1952), [Doc. 3] With the argument that Colombia faces a communist conspiracy, embodied in the liberalism, as assured in 1952, the Minister of War, José Maria Bernal: "communism operates to its wide under the bann er of liberalism . AND liberalism, consciously or unconsciously, serves the plans of the international soviet domain"20. These positions are intended to justify the invo lvement of Colombia in the Korean War (1950-1953), as he says without hesitation Eduardo Zuleta Angel, Ambassador to the United States: "Colombia is a country that is essentially anti -communist, fundamentally friend of the United States [ ] and if you are communist, they must be fought against communism in all fields, as in the case of Colombia [ ] in Korea"21. To p articipate in the Korean war creates the Battalion Colombia, advised by the Military Missio n in the United States and its troops from the Panama Canal, which represents a tu rning point in the itself against Americanisation of the Colombian army, which sent 4,300 soldi ers and the frigate Almirante Padilla ARC, with 180 sailors and 10 officers. Alberto Ruiz Novoa, com mander of the Battalion Colombia in the Asian country, highlights several lessons of parti cipation in Korea: use of small combat units, direct knowledge of guerrilla warfare , familiarization with central elements of the military organization of the Unit ed States , improvements in communications and transport through the use of helicopters, 20 Ministry of War, lecture given by the Minister of War José Maria Bernal, 29 Aug ust 1952, Bogotá: National Printing Press, 1952. 21 Colombian Embassy, Washington, 14 June 1954, File Presidency of the Republic, General Secretariat , Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Box 284, folder 43, fs. 113-114.

F: \DCIM\ 122_PANA\P1220202.JPG use of light weaponry (rocket launchers, mortars, bazookas] instead of conventional artillery. It is interesting to note the emphasis on the psychologi cal warfare (propaganda, rumors, and lies in order to demoralize the enemy) that is applied in Colombia since the beg inning of the 1950s, as can be seen with the propaganda that is copied from the United States that used in Korea.

SOURCE: 1, origin unknown; 2, 3 and 4 Alberto Ruiz Novoa, military Lessons of th e campaign of Korea applicable to the Army of Colombia, Bogotá: Editorial Antares, 1956, annexs and Alberto Ruiz Novoa, memories of the Minister of War, Bogotá: Imprimerie Nationale, 1964, p. 84. Taken from Saul Mauricio Rodriguez, the influence of the United Sta tes in the Colombian Army 1951-1959, Medellin: Editorial The Cart, 2006, p. 115. The report provides information on the first f igure is wrong to ascribe it to the book The battalion Colombia in Korea , where is not. Note the symbolic allusion to the skulls.

As immediate effects of the Korean War, the Army founded the School of Lanceros in Cundinamarca in 1955, which is shaped by the Rangers of the United States, such as small units of anti-guerrilla; organizes the Military Police to deal with protests; es tablishes mechanisms for dissemination of the US military doctrine, through the publication of the Military Journal (1955), the magazine of the Armed Forces (1960) and the Army Magazine (1961), in whose pages proliferate articles anti-communists, own o r translated, because "our armed forces have a frankly american orientation"22. C: \Users\Renan\Documents\cartoons REPORT\COREA1.jpg C: \Users\Renan\Documents\cartoons REPORT\counterinsurgency.jpg 22 Joseph Bestene, "Books and readings of the official", in Military Journal, Vo lume II, No. December 7 1956, p. 105. Psychological warfare: COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA OF THE COLOMBIAN ARMY COPIED FROM TH E KOREAN WAR

Propaganda in the United States in Korea and propaganda of the Colombian Army in the 1960s. Note the similarity of the symbols used , especially of the skulls. SOURCE: Alberto Ruiz Novoa, military Lessons of the campaign of Korea applicable to the Army of Colombia, Bogotá: Editorial Antares, 1956, annexs and Alberto Ruiz Novoa, memories of the Minister of War, B ogotá: Imprimerie Nationale, 1964, p. 84.

COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGY OF COUNTER-insurgency The President Eisenhower Dwigh determined in 1953 that the economic assistance t o Latin America depends on your behavior in the crusade anti-communist, what in Co lombia is expressed in the increase of military assistance, financial and direct invest ment in the United States, which is concentrated in the enclave economies (oil, banana), in public works and manufacturing enterprises. Already in 1952, a CIA report alert to the possibility of losing hegemony in the country and offers an explanation of the o rigins of violence and of the guerrilla struggle, which recognizes the existence of objective condition s: "This repressive tendency hinders any change, even the more moderate, and makes it more likely that at the end breaks out the revolutionary violence. In Colombia is already widespr ead guerrilla resistance against the regime"23. 23 Quoted in Stephen J. Randall, Allies and distant, Bogotá: Third World Publisher s, 1992. p. 237. 24 Report of the NSC Team 1290d, February 18, 1955 [NSC Staff Papers, OCB Centra l File Series, Box 16, OCB 014.12 Internal Security File #1 (3)] in December 1954 created a working group consisting of the Department of State a nd Defense, as well as by the United States Agency for International Development (I CA, today ), USAID, and the CIA, which composes reports from 22 countries in which "commun ist threat" is considered to be of a certain magnitude, between the which do not include Colombia, and is mentioned only four Latin American countries: Bolivia, Guatemala, Chile and Brazil. An internal document of the National Security Council of the United States, Febr uary 1955, linked the military assistance from the United States for the development of national military forces whose main objective is the fight against the "communist subversion", which include intellectuals, trade unions and social movements, that must be addressed with actions "preventive", such as: " (a) to detect the communist agents, their supporters, t heir front organizations and other components of the communist apparatus; b) detentio n of the personalities or communist groups; (c) implementation of legal measures against these people or groups"24. In March 1957 establishing the Program of Internal Security Foreign (Overseas Internal Security Program, OISP), with a greater emphasis on safety as pects , to defeat the communist subversion. The Cuban revolution modifies the scenario, because of what in the United States is perceived as the failure of the OISP in identify the communist threat. Consequently, disappears scruple that prevented interfere in matters of internal security in t he countries of the region or provide direct support for repressive regimes and dictatorships bloody. The counterinsurgency veers toward a comprehensive strategy, with emphasis on th e action civic-military, that acquires a more concrete form with the signature of the Act of Bogota, in S eptember 1960 , in which the allied governments in Washington are committed to attack the sour ces of political turmoil and the underdevelopment. In Colombia, INCORA creates and prom otes a agrarian reform and economic modernization, in order to eliminate the objective conditions that give rise to the revolutionary movements and zoom in the Army, and the peasantry, although the assistance of United States prioritizes the expansion of their markets.

At the same time, the army pushed for lands that are awarded to farmers in regio ns of high guerrilla activity, known as "red zones". The civilian-military brigades are advised in their training by Gabriel Kaplan, a CIA agent. In 1960, are created 14 brigades in the areas affected by violence: Tolima, Huila, Cauca, Valle del Cauca and Caldas. However, from the perspective fighting insurgents imposes the point of view that privileges the military on any economic and social transformation. For example, the United Stat es Agency for International Development (Agency for International Development (USAID) funded the construction of roads in regions of guerrilla presence or of agrarian movements, because we are looking for a better access to conflict areas. Between 1961-1965 1961-1965 1961-1965 Colombia receives $833 million in aid and loans from the United States and multilateral agencies in the framework of the cooperation of the Alliance for Progress, a counterinsurgency initiative based in social projects. The commitment to the All iance for Progress deflates as you scale the aggression against Vietnam, as recognized by the USAID in 1969, when it defines the programs of the Alliance in Colombia as a res ounding failure.

1959: Visit MILITARY "BY INVITATION" The first president of the National Front, Alberto Lleras Camargo, meets on 18 J une 1959 with a group of military advisers in the United States in Bogota, in order to activate and form units against-guerrilla, with a force of 1,500 foot men and 24 fully equipped helicopters. Get this type of aid is difficult due to restriction s on military assistance programs, because its use in the recipient countries can gen erate political contestations. Lleras Camargo insists that these restrictions should b e lifted in virtue of the Cuban experience and the alleged threat that the Colombian guerrillas groups without any at that time none consolidated represent for the stability of his government and of the hemisphere, after which was born the idea of forming a group to evaluate the violence and get military assistance from the United State s. Lleras Camargo receives the support of Ambassador Moors Cabot, who shares your concern about "the destabilizing effects of communist penetration" and requests to the Colombi an authorities consider the counterinsurgency experience in Malaysia and the Philippines. In October 1959 is organized a special team of the CIA, of secrecy, to investiga te the violence and evaluate internal security in Colombia, under the leadership of the Secretariat of State and, at the request of Alberto Lleras Camargo, with the participation o f the United States Secretary of Defense . The members of this team have practical experience in counterinsurgency in the Philippines and Korea and include troops who had participated in the US military mission, 1952-1956. The mission, under the direc t supervision of the ambassador in Colombia, aims to study, within a period of eight weeks, the political factors, psychological, economic, military and intelligence that contr ibute to violence , as well as to suggest recommendations with immediate effect. The members of th e mission visit 100 military barracks around the country and have unrestricted access to t he security files. The preliminary document is ready in February 1960, which sends a copy "smoothed" to Lleras Camargo a month later. In this document it is recommended that you establish a fighting force counter-guerrilla specialized, from units of Lanceros; establish a public information service with ability to deploy covert psychological warfare; start a program of "attraction", coordinated throu gh a civil affairs section of the armed forces (G-5), to rehabilitate before the Colombian public opinion to the security forces; rearrange, train, equip and deploy the national police and improve its public image; give preponderance to n ational development programs , particularly on the issue of land. In the report it is recommended to provide military assistance to Colombia of cl andestine nature, according to the models of South Vietnam and the Philippines, and strengthen the activity of the agencies of the United States in the country. Such assistance seeks to "establish a influence on the officers" of the Colombian army and it is advisable to convert Colombian Intelligence Service (SIC) "in a source virtually led by the United St ates for psychological warfare operations of overt and covert"25. The Lleras Camargo meets immediately, since the SIC dislocates and founded the Department of Admini strative Security (DAS), depending on the model of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) of the United States. In April 1960, Lleras Camargo she traveled to the Un ited States , meets with Eisenhower and requested military aid to eliminate the " guerrilla problem". A month after the final report, which consists of three 25 D. Rempe, op. cit. , p. 41 Parties, the last of which, concerning recommendations for the United States, is not taug ht to Lleras Camargo. Recommended political, economic and military measures to tack le the " violence" and design a program anti-subversive "wholly or partly underground, in order to discredit or delete by legal means to those democratic forces that are looking for, for my own benefit, or for the benefit of a foreign power, stop or prevent the establishment of a democratic government, stable and popular "26. 26 Ibid. , pp. 44-46. Finally, it provides that the military aid is semi-covert and with the direct co ntrol of the Embassy, in the form of military equipment (no logos of United States and supplied by third countries) and counseling in intelligence, psychological warfa re, joint civilian action and counter-guerrilla. To avoid accusations of interventionism, it is preferred to hire foreign advisors who are not nationals of the United States, but which are under their control. According to this document, the military assistance to Latin American leaders reorient the armies of their countries toward the insurgency, that is to say, to fight against their own population. The counterinsurgency NATIVE MIXES WITH THE anticommunism IN THE UNITED STATES The speech and the communist insurgency linked to the same acquire a renewed str ength in the mid 1940s, the repression of trade unions on the part of the government o f Alberto Lleras which had benefited from the support of previous liberal governme nts and by the emergence of the popular insurgency represented by the Gaitanista movement, which appals Plebian roots to the whole of the ruling classes and bipartisanship. The repressive policy of the last government of the Liberal Republic marks the beginning of contempora ry violence in Colombia, which starts in the cities with the attack on the workers and in the ports of the Magdalena with the destruction of the Fedenal (National Fede ration of Transport Workers river, sea and air). With this attack opens way trade unionism clerical (personified by the Colombian Workers' Union, UTC) and the legitimate trade union parallelism, as a condition required by the capitalis t entrepreneurs to maintain their high levels of gain during a golden age of accelerated capital accumulatio n that occurs in the country in this period, in full violence partisan. After 1944 enters the local political scene Gaitanismo, as a mass movement, whic h brings together the poorest sectors of the country at national level and involves members of the two parties. This mobilization shuddering at the "country politic al" and "oligarchy", especially when Gaitan has emerged as the undisputed leader of the liberal party. The fear that inspires the Gaitanismo evidenced by the liberal press, where it i s said that this movement represents an "attempt mass revolutionary liberals and the conservative s against the historic games, against the big industrial, against the bourgeois tradition" 27. C: \Users\Renan\Documents\cartoons THE CENTURY\REPORT.jpg C: \Users\Renan\Documents\cartoons REPORT\SIGLO1.jpg C: \Users\Renan\Documents\cartoons REPORT\SIGLO2.jpg 27. The Spectator, publishers of the 8 and 9 April 1946, cited in W. John Green, Gaitanismo, left liberalism and popular mobilization, Banco de la República-EDAFIT, Medellín, 2013, p. 267. The Gaitanismo proves to be a challenge to block unbearable in power because it mobilizes in directly to the population and raises a democratization of the political, in the involved sectors commoners, always marginalized from public life. The power bloc, compose d equally of liberals and conservatives, does not accept this challenge and resort to violence. Since the State is organized the repression against the Gaitanistas through the National Police, the Army, the birds and the chulavitas, i.e. bands of killers fans and clerical. Such repr ession becomes more bloody after the April 9, as the responsibility for the events of t hat day falls on the "international communism", and the Gaitanismo is seen as one of their lead, as are some caricatures of the century.

CARICATURES OF THE CENTURY ON anticommunism AS ANTIGAITANISMO

SOURCE: The Century, March 11 April 1948 10 1949 and January 11 of 1948. In a caricature of Stalin that appears right driving to his "puppet" Gaitan, who pushes the "Oso communist".

The persecution of the nueveabrilenos becomes systematic and formal, both in the cities and towns what produces an internal exile in major regions of the country, as in agricultura l areas, what motivates organize autodefensas campesinas in weapons, first by sectors of the liberal party and then the communist party. The word communism co nceals the fear the people and of democracy, expressed at that time at the followers of the Gaitanismo, catalogd as "blacks, Indians, mestizos and mulattoes, spiteful, vind ictive, men of palo and knives, disappointed, frustrated and ambitious"28. 28. Pedro Nel Giraldo, Don Fernando. Judgment on a man and a time, Editorial Gra namerica, Medellín, 1963, p. 217. In the wake of the events of April 9 in Bogota occurs strategic a confluence bet ween the conservatives and the United States, since both blame the "international communism " operating directly from Moscow of murdering Gaitan. He who invents this fanciful version is the delegation of the United States that participates i n the Ninth Pan-american Conference in Bogotá, more exactly their main figure, the Secretary o f State , General George Marshall. And after that this accuses the communists, without e vidence of any kind, the conservative government of Mariano Ospina Pérez gives valid by th e accusation, the bulk of the conservative party accepts such a theory, as well as certain liberal journalists of the extreme right as Caliban (synonymous with Enrique San tos Montejo). Symbolically, in the ashes of Bogota and over the corpses of several thousand de aths is sealed the alliance between the insurgency and the native anti-communism, as international politics , sponsored by the United States, which becomes the ideological underpinnings and doctrine of the State terrorism that since then is imposed in the country.

APPRECIATION OF AN OFFICIAL OF THE UNITED STATES ON ASSASSINATION OF GAITAN Many people, even liberal left, seem to have reached agreement on the meaning of that Colombia went well waged in comparison with what Gaitan alive would have been [ ] all over the world , with the exception of the Gaitanistas rabid, seems to feel happy that Gaitan is gone. Conservatives believ e that a major threat has been eradicated; moderate liberals they considered it so thre atening for them as it was for the conservatives; the current directives of the liberal party and members of th e cabinet have kept their new charges only due to Gaitán ceased to be an obstacle. SOURCE: Colonel W. F. Hausman, May 18 1948, cited in Douglas speaks fluent Sofer , The american gaze, at Gonzalo Sánchez (Editor), great powers, the April 9 and the viole nce, Planet: Bogota, 2000, p. 125.

And in that direction was moving rapidly, because the United States undertakes a ctivities which aim to support the liberals in opposition to the communist leaders within the Confederation of Colombian Workers (CTC). In 1948, when discussing a new Labor Code , the Colombian ministers meet with the embassy of the United States and with oil of that country, who want to restrict the right to strike and obstruct trade union action . In parallel, organized through its agents, intrigues within the trade unionism to promote both to the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and the trade unionism "free" in Colombia. In addition to justify the ar rest and prosecution of so-called communists within the unions, in the years following the United Sta tes financed the communist propaganda of the oil workers grouped in the UTC and support, in a disguised form, from the Embassy to a plethora of anti -communist groups. CIA documents show some aspects of the implementation of the doctrinal program of the United States: to promote propaganda material, through forums and conferences favorable to its doctrine without that are attributed to the United States government , appearing as well as independent without being; interfere with the promotion a nd distribution of materials from other doctrines as qualified hostile, as well as exploit the differ ences and disagreements of the opposition. Draw the communists as the responsible of the Bogotazo becomes the scapegoat that justifies the persecution to the liberals, in particular to the Gaitanistas , who were exterminated in blood and fire. (See figure crypto- liberal) This wave of violen ce reaches its worst moment during the regime of Laureano Gómez, when the birds, the politica l police and the Army, as an expression of a clear State terrorism, you are pursuing all the squiggles that considered as the "international communism", among which are located at the liberal ranks who had not voted in the elections of 1950, something easy to detect, as they do not a hallmark that had been placed on the ballot at the time of cover. As an example of this persecution, official and ruthless, it may be recal led the prevention to the citizenship of the FF. AA that says:

As of the date (October 20, 1950) are regarded as bandits and against them will be used the weapons of the army, without contemplation: The individuals older than 16 years that they hide or flee in the presence of th e military forces in any place; the people of any age or sex to transit by land or by water between the 11 in th e evening and 5 in the morning or leaving or transiting through the population or its surround ing area, during the hours of the curfew; the civilians who gave orders to the various orders of the normal work to any person, without a written authorization, signed and sealed by any military authority civilians in Any site at any time and carrying firearms, without being fitted wi th their ballot presentation, ballot identification or another letter of safe conduct, is sued by a military authority during the past five months, etc. ), 29. 29. Quoted by German Arciniegas, between freedom and fear, Editorial Planeta, Bo gotá, 1996, [ 1952], p. 257.

The violence that is triggered after 1945 are masked with a bipartisan dye, and in the State has a direct responsibility. Between 1946 and 1957 are killed, so C: \Users\Renan\Documents\cartoons REPORT\crypto communist.jpg

THE ANTI-communism AGAINST THE NUEVEABRILEÑOS SOURCE: Juan Manuel Saldarriaga Betancur, the regime of terror or 16 years in he ll, Medellin: departmental printing, 1951, the first page. Typical laureanista expression of t he anti-communism of the 1950s , as shown in the text accompanying the illustration less, 170,000 Colombians, which must be added the expropriation of 394 thousand plots, that represent millions of hectares of land in small and medium-sized farmers, t he expulsion of several million peasants to capital cities and intermediate, the prevalence of t orture in various forms and bloody and barbaric to kill opponents, on the part of the crews and chulavitas30 birds. And the carnage employ the military means provided by the United States of America, as a counter part to the Battalion's participation Colombia in the Korean War. 30. Paul Oquist, violence, politics and conflict in Colombia, Banco Popular Edit ions, Bogotá, 1978; German Guzmán Campos, the violence in Colombia. Descriptive part, Progress Editions, Cali , 1968. 31. Pedro Luis Belmonte, historical background of the 8 and 9 June 1954, Bogotá: I mprimerie Nationale, 1954, pp. 106, 107, 109 and 112. For example, the 8 and 9 June 1954 ten young students are being killed in Bogota by troops of the Battalion Colombia, which will be prepared as contingent of replacing those who have participated in the Korean War. The spokesmen of the regime say that "the manife station of the June 9 was a vile machination and communist who had the consequences that their authors were seeking . It is clear that the students were launched into a crazy adventure [ ] blood of Uriel Gutierrez eagerly sought by the communists, gave an immediate fruit". Those res ponsible for the crime they argue, without much imagination, that the army had fired in self-defense because it had been attacked to bullet by agents provocateurs, who intended to "improve the procedures employed on 9 April 1948 ", as the "international commun ism prepared the coup d'état and outlined with the objective of overthrowing the gover nment of the Armed Forces "31. Although the dictatorship of Gustavo Rojas Pinilla (1953-1957) blunts the bipart isan violence through the demobilization and amnesty of the liberal guerrillas of the Eastern Plains and in other regions of the national territory, raises the anticommunism to official doctrine of the State with the legal prohibition of communism in 1955 and the attack to Villarrica. [D oc. 4] In addition, after the amnesty is initiated the persecution and systematic murder and planned for the former guerrilla commanders, in a procession of blood that lasted until the 1960 s, under the National Front. Rojas Pinilla anticommunist embodies a vision which is already dominant in the A rmed Forces and since then has characterized. In this perspective, a colonel in the Army considers in 1952 that the liberal guerrillas show that "communism is doing a subversion organised and has its history from the subversive movement of nine april", when communism lost "because there was no prepared the peasantry, because he had not corrupted" [ ], but "today has achieved this aspiration in some sectors such as in the Llanos Orientales "32. That communism is reinforced during the dictatorship, [Doc. 5] In which both Red as their relatives persecute those who are considered as communists and with such an approach is attacking the guerrillas of the Tolima which is not from det ention in 1953, the number is exaggerated in imaginary form, as described in the colonel Robert Turner, hea d of the Military Mission in that country: "The total of guerrillas and bandits operating in Colombia, acc ording to Colonel Navas, is 15,000 , of which, he believes, 3,000 are communists and many of the r emaining are under their control. Colonel Navas believes that the middle of the Tolima th ere are between 3,000 and 4,000 guerrillas. A disproportionately large number of communists"33. With such overstatement is intended to achieve a military aid of $150 million on the part of the United States, a figure that at the time exceeds the total of military assis tance of that power to all of Latin America. 32. Colonel Gustavo Sierra Ochoa, the guerrillas of the Llanos Orientales, depar tmental printing, Manizales, 1954, pp. 5-7. 33. Quoted in S. Galvis and A. Donadio, op. cit. , p. 427. 34. S. Galvis and A. Donadio, op. cit. , p. 444. 35. Communication of May 27 of 1955, National Archives, Washington, quoted in S. Galvis and A. Donadio, op. cit. p. 431. Rojas Pinilla argues that you can liquidate the guerrillas from the Tolima in ei ght days if he could acquire 3,000 napalm bombs in the United States. This country denied these supplies, but their mission's technical military if you advise on its use in aircraft of t he (FAC). "Well, the bombing campaign against the Colombian ci vilians was multiple invoice: counseling north american, european raw-material, because the substances for napalm were imported from various countries in the old continent, and Colombian labor"34. The government of Rojas achieved part of napalm in Europe an d, for the first time, it uses against Colombian peasants between seven and ten in June of 1955, when war was d eclared of Villarrica. According to a report in the United States diplomatic, "through v arious forms of terrorism and counter-terrorism throughout the area [of the Tolima] has been troubled new"35, which was related to the return of 3,200 men of the battalion that Colombia to combat the asian communist passed to integrate the fo rces antiguerrilleras faced by those who were considered as the "columbian communist ". (DOC 6]. In the 1950s, as a laboratory practical Colombia is a history of the insurgency, which at that time is reduced to being a guerrilla campaign. This is the first country in the Latin American continent where they founded a school of Lanceros, by Colombian s oldiers who had been trained in the United States and were part of the Battalion Colombia that attended to Korea, and also begin to attend official of our country to the courses in the School of the Americas in Panama. However, before the official arrival of the doctrines of the insurgency and the national security in the early 1960s, Colombia is deployed in a macabre background: the formation of paramilitary groups. These were the birds, the apla nchadores and contrachusmeros of conservative governments, together with the police chulav ita, that was a force vigilantism. To the extent this counterinsurgency enthroned this techniq ue that in 1955 some sectors of the Army give the order to organize paramilitary groups. For exa mple , the commander of the Third Brigade, with headquarters in Cali, recommends that you create in the civic guards areas bandoliers, under the command of civilian and military authorities, equipped with weapons supplied by the command of the brigada36. In this sense, when general William Yarbourgh suggests organizing paramilitary groups in 1962 found a fertil e ground for the counterinsurgency native. 36. Commander Alberto Gomez Arenas, Commander of the Third Brigade, Circular on public order provisions , may 17 1955, Cali, APR, 1955, box 895.

PHASE IV: ON MODERN counterinsurgency PLAN COLOMBIA (1962-1999) the doctrine of counterinsurgency appeared in France, such as designing "theoret ical" which systematizes the repression that support the peoples of Vietnam and Algeria by parting with t he colonial tutelage. French imperialism pound an irregular warfare and confronts t he peasant guerrilla war (Vietnam) and urban (Algeria) with non-conventional method s: permanent state of emergency , psychological warfare, the torture as a systematic practice, sabotage carried out and false propaganda to discredit the opponents, use of paramilitary groups, and confinement of the population in restricted areas, by controlling their movement s, their supplies and their contacts using the enumeration, all with the purpose of cut the links between the guerrillas and the local population. The main theoretical of the cou nterinsurgency is the military Roger Trinquier, who justifies terrorism from the State to suppress to the national liberation movements that are fighting against the French colonialism, and systematize their experiences in a manual that becomes a worldwide reference for counterinsu rgency , The Modern War, edited by the army in Colombia in 1963. Trinquier defends the use of torture, to point out that the "terrorist", a name which he attributed to the revolutionary fighter, anticolonial nationalist or, "in this interview will not be assisted by a lawyer " and if da without difficulty the information requested, immediately will be complete d the interrogation; if not, specialists must by all means plucking the secret. He must then as a soldie r , face suffering and surely the death that was able to avoid until now. [] interrogators must always strive to achieve in not to injure the physical and mo ral integrity of the individuals. Science can, of course, make very well to the army means to alcanzarlo37. 37. Roger Trinquier, Modern Warfare, Bogotá: Library of the Army, Bogotá, 1963, pp. 28-29 and 30. 38. VIII Brigade, from violence to peace, Manizales: departmental printing, n.d. , p. 75. 39. Charles Maecheling Jr. , "counter-insurgency: the first trial by fire", in M ichael T. stopped at Klare and Peter Kornbluh (Coordinators), counterinsurgency, proinsurgencia and counter-terrorism in the 80s. The art of low-intensity war , Mexico: Editorial Grijalbo, 1990, p. 40; Tim Weiner, Legacy of ashes. The hist ory of the CIA , Bogotá: Editorial Debate, 2008, p. 198.

The Colombian Army does not doubt in edit and bind to read to their official a boo k where there is a open advocacy of torture and quickly learns this precept of the counterinsurgency doctrine, because in a book published shortly after by the VII I Brigade stated: "In irregular warfare, one of the best sources of information are prisoners, whe n given the proper treatment and are questioned by specialized personnel"38. The methods of Roger Trinquier are replicated in the United States in 1962, when President John F. Kennedy created the Ad Hoc Group dedicated to the insurgency, whose main obje ctive is stifle subversive insurgency in the countries and regions in their "specific competence". This last point is crucial for understanding the applica tion of the doctrine of counterinsurgency in our country, because in the first meeting of the Ad Hoc Gro up includes three countries: , Thailand and South Vietnam, and in its second me eting will incorporate three more, all from South America, Bolivia, Venezuela and Colombia3 9. According to the Panel "the most urgent problem of our national security is the threat posed by the existence of an insurgent movement inspired, supported, or the communist-led", and accordingly, "our task is to develop an effective plan o f action to combat this serious communist danger". From this time, the insurgency has emerged as a doctrine of total war, that goes beyond military act ions guerrilla warfare, and involves the psychological warfare, the training of local forces to deal with the native insurgents, the creation of paramilitary groups, the mom entum of terrorist actions, the realization of covert actions by the CIA and other agenci es of the United States , the sophistication in espionage operations and the promotion of the betrayal b y the local settlers , support for trade unions and organizations sympathetic to the "free world" , the impetus to the action civil-military to bring the army of the barracks and insert it into the everyday life, the economic aid of military type, the promotion of Publicati ons on counterinsurgency by the local armies in few words, it seeks to provide "support diplomatic, political, economic, psychological and military for nations where th e communists made indirect attacks". In the design of the new military strategy does not men tion human rights , nor international rules of war, nor the Geneva conventions on the treatment of prisoners, all of which was considered by the Special Commission as "superfluous". Insurgency is also called special warfare which, according to th e definition of Elvis Stahr, Secretary of Defense of the United States in 1962, co vers "all the military and paramilitary action linked the non-conventional war, the war and the war contrainsurreccional psychological"40. OR to paraphrase the General Maxwell Taylor, one of the members of the Panel, it is that the native combat to the natives. 40. Cited in Marie-Monique Robin, Escadrons de la mort, the Ecole française, Paris : La Découverte, 2008, p. 245 When in the United States decides to confront the social protest in those countr ies regarded as hotbeds of communism, there is a transformation of the armed forces that assume the doctrine of counterinsurgency. This happens in Colombia, a count ry mentioned as one of the epicentres of attention of the Ad Hoc Group of insurgenc y in 1962. Not by chance, in the same year the country above the general William Y arborough, Director of Research at the School of Special Warfare of Fort Bragg, North Carol ina. THE MISSION OF THE GENERAL YARBOROUGH between 2 and 13 February 1962 the equipment of the Center of the United States Army at War Special, from Fort Bragg and with the leadership of general William Yarborough, visit to four of the eight teams in the country, with the objective of evaluating the effectiveness of the counterinsurgency operations in Colombia and review the amount and type of assistance required. The Mission concludes that it is necessary to develop, s upport and train counterinsurgency forces, for the shortcomings of the Army, such as lack of plan ning, coordination, technical problems and intelligence, poor mobility, and little kno wledge of the psychological warfare and action of the civic-military. The Mission recommends increasing the technical assistance, equipment and traini ng for the armed forces of Colombia; use helicopters and light aircraft in counterinsurgency tasks; improve the material conditions of the soldiers as well as the transport and communications ; encourage attendance at military schools taught in Fort Bragg , the United States; intensify propaganda and the mobility of troops; streamline its ability to react and perform night operations; involve the National Police in counterinsurgency work; and take a joint plan of intelligence on the part of the Army and the DAS. The Supplement Secret that accompanies the report proposes, without euphemisms, which the State to organize paramilitary groups for "run paramilitary activities, sabotage and/or terrorists, against known supporters of communism", and it is emphasized that "T he United States should support this". Also it is recommended to use interrogation techniques to "soften " prisoners in which include the use of "sodium pentothal and use of poligrafos [] to extract each piece of information"41. Similarly, intends to car ry out military sieges and blockades against the peasant communities where they are hou sed insurgents. DOC [ 7]. 41. John F. Kennedy Library. National Security Files. Box 319. Special Group; Fo rt Bragg Team; visit to Colombia, 3/1962, "Secret Supplement, Colombian Survey Report". OPERATION IN MARQUETALIA between May and August of 1962, after getting to know the recommendations of the team of General Yarborough, the military advisers, the Embassy of the United States and official s of the government of Kennedy, develop a plan of Defense Colombian Internal, which is submitted to the president Valencia and to the ministry of war, laying the groun dwork for a comprehensive intervention program counter-insurgent. In its design involved some Colombian of ficials , who, with the advice of a military equipment of the United States, prepare a counterinsurgency plan in July 1962, which assimilates recommendations of Yarborough, such as greater coordination between the various instruments of repr ession, create units tactics able to undertake irregular warfare, give a special attenti on to the propaganda, public relations and press, psychological warfare, flyers, posters, radio, telev ision) and develop actions civic-military. This plan also features extend the compulsory military service, deepen the courses of counter-insurgency directed t o all the officers and sub-officers, improve coordination of the Army with the Air Force, develop mobile bases of patrolling, in order to destroy the "Independent Republics", the guerrillas and bandits who remained of the violence. Until that time, the rural stronghold of defense are in relative calm, so that it is no exaggeration to say that in Colombia, from the military point of view, the State itself invents the enemy. At the same time, in September of 1962 the plan is designed for the integrated a ction civic-military, while increasing the number of brigades, and in June 1963 was founded the Nation al Committee of military civic action to give coherence and consistency to these programs, throu gh infrastructure works and health centers, schools and literacy campaigns, in the framework of the Alli ance for Progress . At the same time, attacks to the gangs of bandits, with methods learned in Korea, as evidenced by the drawees operating against the Band olero liberal Jose Aranguren William Angel, retribution, since for him the Army "use a system that was put into practice during the Korean war and that involves thro wing flames on the mountain with special weapons. With this special weapon for the ca ves will be achieved that the bandits out of the tunnels when they are". With realism and a touch of irony, El Desquite believes is unfair to "president Kennedy of the United States , in exchange for sending money to the poor, would have commanded the buchonas (helicopters) and the weapons to kill people"42. 42. The Time, March 28 1963 and the time, August 23, 1963. In the areas that "they pacify" form units of self-defense, with farmers who are selected by the police, the parish priest and the landowners, in order to accomp lish the tasks of order police and military, in rural and urban areas, under the direct control an d in communication with the Army troops. These self-defense groups, as well as alert networks that inform the radiotelephonic Army guerrilla movements inspired by the experience of Vietnam, receive the enthusiastic support of Colombian coffee growe rs in the Valley, Caldas and Tolima, as well as weapons of landowners of Magdalena Medio and Bolivar, of Azuc areros del Cauca and Magdalena cotton, oil tankers from Santander to Huila, supplied through the Committees civic-military. These guidelines are strengthened with th e creation in 1962 of "commands locators", that is, military units and paramilitary groups responsi ble for locating guerrilla commanders and murder, in which participating civil "heavily armed". In 1962, these commands kill, without trial, to 388 rural guerrillas. In the sam e year creates a Military Intelligence Battalion to identify and destroy the "communist s" through a clandestine network of informants. In the early 1960s establishing the delation as institutionalized practice, paying up to one hundre d thousand pesos per information that can be traced to heads of crew. In May of 1964 develops the operation in Marquetalia against one of the enclaves of communists in the self-defense forces south of Tolima, where it is put into prac tice the recommendations of Yarborough, which already include psychological operations, are blocked areas peasant, clandestine agents are used and Guambiano indigenous as guides. T hese groups of farmers are attacked with great power of firearms by the Army, used helicopters and bombings, in the largest insurgency that had been done up to that time in Latin America. As has been found in the archives of the United Stat es, in the form direct military units involved in that country, such as coaching staff and advisers, and are delivered $500,000 as a contribution to the campaign of pa cification of the government of Valencia43. The peasants-guerrilla fighters that are found in in Marquetalia flout the military siege and retreat into Riochiquito, where toge ther make up the other guerrillas South block, which years later gives rise to the Revolution ary Armed Forces of Colombia, FARC. 43. "In Marquetalia view by the gringos", Magazine Week, June 28, 1999. The counterinsurgency was still in progress, as evidenced by the fact that in th e period 1950- 1970, 4,629 Colombians receive military training foreign military taught by the United States, whose School of the Americas in Fort Gulick, Panama , is the main focus of indoctrination, which is taught to torture and disappear communists and opponents and strengthens the conservatism and anti-communism of the Colombian a rmy. [Doc. 8]. In this "School of assassins" is available in manuals produced by th e United States Central Intelligence (CIA), as the Kubark 1963, where it is instructed to the Latin American military in physical and psychological torture.

KUBARK, THE MANUAL OF THE CIA THAT SCULPT for torturing detainees in 1997 and thanks to the Baltimore Sun, were able to obtain the two CIA manuals , entitled "KUBARK titled KUBARK" (July, 1963) and the subsequent Human Resource exploitation Train ing Manual (1983). KUBARK are not an acronym, but the name in the key of the CIA during th e , so it is clear the authorship of both manuals, written with the experiences collected in secret experiments, sometimes against innocent Americans. Thus, for example, the CIA was using LSD in the sear ch for a "truth serum", according to unveiled the New York Times. It also showed the us e of the electric current to inflict pain, such as wakefulness and The Boston Globe and carried out studie s to investigate the effects of sensory deprivation, according to the Washington Post. The psychological torture in both manuals the CIA defends that the best methods to extract information from d etainees not passing through the imposition of corporal punishment, but through the psycholog ical torture. The KUBARK manual, the methods proposed to break the resistance of the detainees are generally based on the psychologica l torture . Create a sense of familiarity, disorientation and isolation seem to be hallmar ks to undermine psychologically to a detainee in the scope of the manual. Practice how to make t hem go hungry, keeping prisoners in small cells, without windows and with artificial light always illuminated, forci ng prisoners to sit or stand in awkward positions (stress positions) for long periods of time, are among the best practices. Although not mentioned in the text directly to the application of electric shock s, the so-called manuals for interrogators recommend ensure a safe house that has access to electricity. The physical pain, however, is felt to be counterproductive in the manual. What concludes the text is that, for a prisoner, is an experience much worse fear the pain that can come to actually experience it. The old adage that the anticipation is worse than the experience seems to also have a place in the dark field of torture. With the name of cynical Human Resource exploitation Training Manual, the CIA ha s updated their experiences in interrogation and torture, coming to the conclusion that the psychological torme nt is essential for the physical abuse.

Source:http://www.teinteresa.es/mundo/CIA-defiende-manuales-psicologica detenido s_0_1264075091.html

To evaluate the impact of that school of terror in the doctrinara and ideologica l training of the Armed Forces of this country, it is sufficient to point out that since its f ounding in 1946, up to the 2004 graduating a total of 60,751 Latin American military, of which 10,446 are f rom Colombia , the country that has a greater amount of military personnel in the school. In the period 1999 and 2012 train 14,325 military and police forces in Latin America, 5239 of them are from Colombia. And only in 2013 receive training in the School of the Americas 1,556 military personnel, including 705 Colombians, i.e. almost 50 percent of th e total44. 44. Notes from the School of Americas, available in http://www.soawlatina.org/pr ensa.html; Movement of Reconciliation [FOR] and Coordinación Colombia-Europa -Estados Unidos [ESTADOS UNI DOS - CCEEU], "false positives" in Colombia and the role of the military assistance of the United States, 2000-July 2010 201 4. OF IN MARQUETALIA TO THE STATUS OF SECURITY during the National Front pact establishes a bipartisan exclusionary and undemoc ratic that to fend off the popular dissidence resorts to the repression, the State of siege and the insurgency, which explains the growth of the military apparatus of the State, si nce the troops in the Armed Forces passed from 10,820 in 1945 to 64,000 in 1969, tha nks to the decisive role on the assistance of the United States. Despite the repression, th is is a time of social turmoil and political, which is closed with the national strike of 1977, whose radicalism terrifies the the power block, which reaffirms its repressive policie s and grass roots during the governments of Alfonso Lopez Michelsen (1974-1978) and Julio Cesar Tu rbay Ayala (1978-1982). In 1978 it adopted a Statute of Security of clear counterinsurgenc y invoice that mimics the doctrine of national security of the dictatorships in the Southe rn Cone. The Statute imposes measures which combined a normativity of preventive nature together with repress ive actions against the popular legal organizations, peasant, labor and student, up to the point that the widespread implementation of the torture of political p risoners and the social activists, as part of the logic of counterinsurgency fight the "enemy wit hin". In addition, this statute legalizes the Military Criminal Justice System and the verbal Councils of War, which generalizes the impunity. At the same time, in the United States Ronald Reagan aims to recover the world hegemony through a terrorist policy that supported throughout the world to repressive regimes . The hardening anti-communist practical has its correlate in Colombia: in 1981 break relations with Cuba due to alleged support for the M-19 and closer ties with regimes against insurgent-central America (El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala, Costa Rica). In 1981, Colombia participates together with troops fro m NATO, the United States , Argentina, Venezuela and Uruguay in the Operation Ocean Venture, a rehearsal f or the later US invasion of Grenada in 1983. According to the tradition begun in Korea, Turbay Ayala sends a contingent of 500 soldiers (Battalion Colombia No. 3 ) At the instigation of the United States to the Sinai, Egypt, in April 1982, presence is maintained until our days. Turbay puts emphasis on the anti-narcotics, signing the Treaty of Extradition of 1979 and the Mutual Assistance Treaty of 1980 to receive funding and training for the fight against drugs. Turbay seeks commercial and financial adva ntages, through a dogmatic subordination to the United States that isolates the country of the regional scenario (for example, by failing to support Argentina in the Falklands War). Despite re ceiving assistance in the fight against drug trafficking, credit and financial aid, the government appeared to be insufficient , as it allows us to glimpse the chancellor, Carlos Lemos, recognizing with bitt erness that "United States we have been relegated to the background [ ] and this situation we agonize over"45. 45 Quoted in Mauritius Queen, relations between Colombia and the United States ( 1978-1986), Bogotá: Occasional Papers of the CIS, University of the Andes, 1990, pp. 35-36. "NARCOTIZACIÓN insurgency" even though it had marijuana plantations in the 1960s and the AID teaches course s anti-narcotics police since 1967, the drug business begins to grow in Colombia in the mid 1970s with the cultivation of marijuana in the Caribbean coast, which cover 70 percent of the demand from the United States and at the end of that dec ade appear coca crops in the south of the country. The government of Julio Cesar Tur bay Ayala explores the fumigations and militarizes the Coast, in particular the Guajira, w ith the intention of eradicating and preventing the output of the marimba, which increases the help o f the United States by concept of anti-narcotics. In 1984, Betancur gives the coup de grâce to the "ma rimba players" with spraying with glyphosate in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, but in that y ear in Colombia is already produced 70 percent of the cocaine entering the United States. In the 1980s Ronald Reagan decreed that the drug-trafficking is a threat to the national security of the United States, and imposes in 1986, certificatio n as a mechanism of control and pressure on the countries where drugs are produced for illicit use, according to what the United States Senate dictating how your contribution or not in the war against d rugs . It is an instrument of colonial nature, because an external power decides to at his own discretion which country you are provides economic aid, te chnical assistance and account with the blessing of the United States. This orientation based military line assumed then by George Bush in 1989, through the Andean Initiative, to fight the production of cocaine in the producing countries of South America, a project that arises from the pressures of the Southern Command. These are the times in which it is imposed by the Washi ngton Consensus that requires the opening of the neoliberal market, an order that in Colombia me ets in way obedient to the government of César Gaviria (1990-1994), with the abrupt ec onomic opening that destroys the national industry and that goes hand in hand with the militarizatio n disguised under the cloak of the counter-narcotics effort. The CIA AND DRUG LORDS IN COLOMBIA We knew perfectly well as knew it too the commanders of the host nation, that nar cotics were a ridiculous excuse to strengthen the capacities of troops that had lost th e confidence of the population, after years of oppression [ ] but i had grown accustomed to the lies. These were the currency of our foreign policy [ ] There is also a turbulent history of the Unite d States government that struggle with not against drug traffickers. In fact the CIA seems to have an irre sistible trend toward the drug barons. Words of Stan Goff, an officer of the American army, which was in the basis of T olemaida (Colombia) in 1992 . SOURCE: Movement for Reconciliation and Coordinación Colombia-Europa -Estados Unid os, "false positives " in Colombia and the role of the military assistance of the United States, 2000 -July 2010 2014, p. 53. Colombia is participating in the struggle against the transnational economy of n arcotics in the terms proposed by Washington, which accesses credits and becomes the main recipient of military assistance in the region, which would cement his position dependent and subordinate. The narcotics issue becomes a key mechanism of intervention and int erference in Colombia. For example, in 1984, Lewis Tambs, ambassador of the United States in Colombia, qualifies to the insurgencies of Colombian "narco-guerrillas" shoul d be treated as common criminals and resisted with all the weight of the US military assistance , an affirmation that points directly to destroy the peace talks initiated in that year during the administration of Belisario Betancur. In those moments t he thesis not burned, but in the context post-cold war, in which the anti-communist lost today, the denomination is dust and returns to have an audience. The anti-narcotics used opportunistically by political considerations , because the United States tolerates and promotes networks of drug traffickers, if these are functional to their interests, and also guarantees the existence of transnationa l economy of narcotics. Thus, between 1989-1993 United States performed the operation Heavy S hadow (heavy Shadow Cast ), coordinated by the Embassy in Colombia and with the participation of the CIA, DEA, FBI, National Security Agency and special forces to kill Pablo Escobar. These agencie s and security apparatus foreigners act with the Army, the police and the Los Pepes (persecuted by Pablo Escobar), paramilitary group linked to the Cali Cartel. The government of the United States knows of the links of the armed forces with narcoparamilitares and one of them, Don Berna, maintains a close relationship with the DEA, the agency overseeing the drug trafficking. Ernesto Samper (1994-1998), despite its conflictual relations with the United St ates, the aggression scale anti-narcotics against communities in the south of the country in 1997, through an aggressive program of spraying and restrictions on multiple essential products that also serve for the development of coca paste, such as gasoline and the cement, c ausing protests in the Putumayo, Caqueta and Guaviare. The government of the United Sta tes avoids contact with the president and works directly with the Armed Forces, a fact that extends its autonomy within the State. DARK ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE KILLERS NARCOPARAMILITARES The ex-ambassador of the United States in Colombia, Morris D. Busby wrote the ac tions of his country with the support of agents of the CIA, the FBI, the DEA and the National Security Agency, for which not only counted with contributions from the United States in equipment, personnel and cash, but that the own president G . H. W. Bush authorized the deployment of a counter-terrorism unit top secret Delta Forc e, the Army of the United States , in conjunction with the group NavySeal Navy squadron and a clandestine electro nic surveillance of the American army were detected the movement of Escobar and his associates an d helped me to plan raids against him. These forces provided the Search Block of the National Police intelligence, anal ysis, training and operational assistance. [ ] research of Bowden concludes that the testimony of the witnesses indicates that not only had some members of the Search Block carrying out joint operations with Los Pepes ; but also the head of Los Pepes was giving the orders, rather than the police. In addition, Lt. Gen. Jack Sheehan, the offices of the Joint Command, who was in charge of all the United States military operations throughout the world, said that CIA an alysts reported that noted that the tactics used by the Los Pepes were similar to those that Delta For ce i was showing the Search Block; that the intelligence gathered by the American forces was bein g shared with the death squads and that some of Delta Force operators were transgressing their orders of deployment to accompany members of the Search Block in raids. The narcoparamilitares allies in this campaign (Los Pepes) began to assassinate methodically to lawyers, bankers , money launderers, assassins, friends and relatives of Escobar, for which both Los Pepes as the Search Block acted based on information obtained by the American embassy and the Colombian Army and Police . At the same time, the paramilitary Chestnut continued killing, under other acr onyms, to dozens of leftist leaders and opposition movements. Under the protection that ga ve them the be allies of the strategy by the elimination of Pablo Escobar led by agents of the United States and the Search B lock , told with enough coverage to deepen its onslaught against left-wing organizati ons , the UP and the trade union movement. SOURCE: Movement of reconciliation and the Coordinación Colombia-Europa -Estados U nidos, "false positives " in Colombia and the role of the military assistance of the United States, 2000 -2010, Bogota, 2014, pp. 59-63. PHASE V: PLAN COLOMBIA, unconditional subordination WHAT HAS EMERGED UNDER after end of the Cold War, the United States, without abandoning the anti-commun ism that reappears in the figure of XXI century socialism in Latin America builds new enemies, which are ubiquitous and diffuse, represented in the drug trafficker, the mafia, the faker that after the September 11 lead in the figure of the international terrorist, mainly Islamic, as the embodiment of the supreme and universal "evil" that is faced to the United States, as a representative of the "good" and "freedom". The counterinsurgency strategy of the United States at the beginning of the twenty-first century includes the use of unmanned aircra ft (drones), the targeted killings and the recruitment of mercenaries through private companies. The new counterinsurgency develops a strategy in which they operate in an integrated manner the Department of Defense, USAID and the various intelligence agencies. In Colombia, this old new paradigm of civil-military cooperation is implemented through USAID sinc e 2010. In the period intensifies an aggressive foreign policy on the part of the United States, which revitalizes the counterinsurgency theories. The policy of the United States it i s redirected to the root military disasters in Iraq and Afghanistan, with an emphasis on military assista nce to tackle the other wars of the empire, although this keep the direction and contro l of operations. Between 2001 and 2012 the military assistance of the United States extends to 18 6 countries and raises from five billion dollars to twenty-five thousand. In the "new dirty wars " of the empire, Colombia is a pilot case because during half a century United S tates has supported you. PLAN COLOMBIA in the presidency of Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002) strengthened ties with the United States after their relative deterioration during the government of Ernesto Samper, by t he need to rebuild the weakened diplomatic ties with the scandal of "narcodemocracia ", situation that reinforces the repressive apparatus of the State, both the off icial and parallel. In 1998, the candidate Andrés Pastrana announces in Puerto Wilches a Colombia Plan for Peace, aimed at resolving the structural problems of the that is derived from drug trafficking and whose shaft are the peace negotiations with the FARC-EP, wh ich begin to develop once that assumes the presidency; there is even to raise that t he guerrillas could participate in the development, design and implementation of th e programs contained in this Plan. The United States nominally supported the peace negotiations, and the y meet in Costa Rica with the secretariat of the FARC-EP, an organization that had declare d terrorist in 1997, while in practice increase military assistance to Colombia, which in 1999 became the third recipient country in the world of such "selfless" cooperation war, after Israel and Egypt. That same year is created the first anti-narcotics battalion of the Colombian Ar my, a force of 2,300 men, with the mission of act in Putumayo and Caqueta in which "coincidentally", have their bastions the FARC-EP, while the territories in the hands of paramilitary activity (from which cocaine is exported) are not touched. In the "diplomacy for peace" of Pastrana drug trafficking is considered as the "fuel of the confli ct", which allows you to capture economic and military aid from the United States. The original version of Plan Colombia is written in English and their Spanish ve rsion is available months after. The social affairs, in the tradition civic-military, are placed at the service of a militarist strategy articulated under the notion of the "war against drugs" , which explains that between 75 and 80 percent of the program is middle to milita ry spending and security. First phase (1999-2006): The Plan Colombia maintains that the State is weak and supposedly has no national presence, as an explanation of the problems of th e country. The Plan includes the support for the peace process, economic reform and structural adjustment in the vein of the Washington Consensus, modernization of the Armed Forces, intensification of the anti-narcotics and judicial reform. The action of the United States is crucial t o break down the process of peace, because at the time that there is the demilitarized zone in the Caguán is devoted to reset to the Armed Forces and intervenes in the form directly to t orpedo the process as exemplified by the opening of the Military Base of three corners, in the Caqueta, at the end of November 2001, a fact which is frequented by Andres Pastr ana, the military leadership and the Ambassador of the United States Anne Patterson. This database has the mo st modern system of air navigation and meteorology from South America, which is indicative of its purpose, is located only half an hour away from the demilitarized zone. W ith a cost of $35 million, is being built in eight months. Operates 24 hours a day and is home to more than three thousand men of the Army, Navy and Air Force, and has a runway of 1,400 meters. It is the epicenter of the Joint Task Force of the South. Aerial fumigation SPONSORED BY THE UNITED STATES since 1994, this program has operated in Colombia with strong support from the U nited States. The aircraft, piloted by mostly crew hired, flying over the areas where coca spraying UltraRoun d-Up , a herbicide containing the active ingredient glyphosate, on 100,000 hectares of Colombian territory each year. Between 1996 and 2012, these aircraft have been spraying herbicides o n 1.6 million hectares in Colombia an area equivalent to a square of almost 130 kilometers per side. [ ] is equivale nt to a hectare sprayed every 5 minutes and 29 seconds since January 1 1996. [ ] and almost all the resid ents of the affected areas can cite cases of legal food crops destroyed by fumigation, that force families to tackle hunger. SOURCE: Adam Isacson points out, time to abandon the fumigation of coca in Colom bia, available in http://www.wola.org/es/comentario/hora_de_abandonar_la_fumigacion_de_cocales_en_ colombia). (Emphasis ours ).

After the collapse of the peace process in February 2002, is added as the centra l objective of the Plan Colombia the territorial occupation of the entire national airspace by part of the military forces of the State , with what the anti-narcotics is reconfigured as fight against terrorism. As a result of Plan Colombia increases the size of the Armed Forces, whose strength of 249,833 in 1998 to 380,069 in 2005 and the GDP in "defense" increases of 3.5 % in 1999 to 4.23 % in 2005. This militarization the sponsors a nd, to a great extent, the United States finances. As part of the modernisation of the warfighting capabili ty of the State creates the Rapid Deployment Force (HE MAY APPOINT), that amalgamat es three mobile brigades , one of special forces and aviation support. The first act of this Plan is the offensive in Putumayo in 2000, with the participation of the Army and the parami litaries. In 2001 are sprayed thousands of hectares of coca in the Putumayo and 37 thousan d families affected sign agreements for crop substitution, but the aid promised never arrives. Secre t Documents of USAID in 2001 reveal that it is impossible to give assistance to all the fami lies affected by the spraying, and the forced displacement appears as an unstated int ention of this offensive "anti-narcotics", because, according to officials of the Depar tment of State, the inhabitants of the region "will have to relocate, although this will ultimately depends on them"46. 46 Fellowship of Reconciliation, [for], Military Assistance and Human Rights: Co lombia, US Accountability, and Global Implications, 2010. 47 Ingrid Vaivius, & Adam Isacson points out, "The War on Drugs meets the War on T error ", International Policy Report (Center for International Policy), February 2003. At the end of 2003, the "" mobilized 18,000 troops through the Task Force Omega, who heads a military offensive in Putumayo, Meta, Caqueta and Guaviare, t o compete for this territory to the FARC-EP. The distinction between anti-narcotics and anti- "terrorist" fades, because, according to George Tenet, CIA Director: "The terror ist threat goes beyond the Islamic extremists and the Muslim world. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia are a serious threat to us interests in Latin America because we are associated with us with the government with which they fight"47. The Southern Command is involved in the design and implementation of the Plan Patriota, the United States provides a billion dollars a year for three years and passes to direct the management of radars and satellites in Colombian territory, that is, it controls the information and intelligence . In 2004, Bush extends the foot of force present in Colombia of 800 (400 troops and 400 private mercenaries) to 1,400 (800 and 600). In fact, in 2003 are 4,500 US officials in Colombia and 1,000 soldiers operate in one of the US military structures in Colombia, the Special command of joint operations. Between 1999 and 2002 is delivered one million two hundred thousand dollars per day to the Armed Forces, and in that same period equipping them with 84 helicopters, you create new briga des and military units , and provide intelligence teams (including assistance in interceptions), unifor ms

, patrol boats and small arms. Fifteen thousand Colombian soldiers are being tra ined by the United States, and American mercenaries fumigate thousands of hectares in the south of the country. This first phase of the Plan Colombia it costs $10,732 million and its result is disastrous for peasant communities in the south of the country. This United Stat es involvement in the internal conflict leads to one of the moments of greatest subordination by Colombia and, according to its ambassador, William Wood (2003-2 007): "there is no country, including Afghanistan, in which we had more activity"48. 48 Dana Priest, "covert action in Colombia. U. S. intelligence, GPS bomb kits he lp Latin American nation cripple rebel forces", The Washington Post, December 21 2013.

Second Phase (2007-2013): presents as the consolidation phase of the Plan Colomb ia I and its political expression, the "democratic security", which implies the international ization of the conflict, which is redefined as a "terrorist threat". Covered topics such as the demobilization, disarmament and reintegration of armed groups and eliminates any reference to the political negotiations with the insurgents. It is an agenda in keeping with the interests of the United States that insists on signing a Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and conceived to Colombia as a "strategic partner" in oil, coal and natural gas. As market forces need iron seatback of the repressive forces, between 1998 and 2008, 72 thousand military personnel are being trained by us instructor s in Colombia and seven thousand receive instruction in the United States, which ranks Colombia in second place in the world in that range, after South Korea. Increases the foot of force, until y ou reach in 2008 to 427,847 soldiers and policemen. It rearranges the military mission in the United States attached to the embassy of that country, which depends on the Southern Command, which directs the operations against insurgent-and anti-narcotics in Colombia. And in general incr eases the investment from the United States military in Colombia, to turn this country int o one of the main destinations for the aid of the powerful war machine of death of American imperialism . [Doc. 9]. The "help" in the United States there was an increase from that was set in motio n the Plan Colombia , which amounts to almost 5 billion pesos, i.e. a third of the total of "help" that received the country since 1946 (16 billion) and more than half of the exclusively military aid received during the period 1946-2007. This indicates, i n concrete terms http://www.scielo.org.co/img/revistas/anpol/v23n70/v23n70a06image 007.gif, how it operates the "aguerra against drugs" and the "fight against terr orism " of the United States in the Colombian territory. There is clearly a way as it triggers the "military aid" since the late 1990s , to convert to Colombia in one of the first five countries of the world to rece ive assistance from the United States, as shown in the chart below: Post of Colombia in the external aid from the United States at the global level (1946-2006)

Taken from: Diana Marcela Rojas, The Alliance for Progress of Colombia, Political Analysis, No. September 70 - December 2010, p. 122.

As part of the military intervention, the regime of Álvaro Uribe Vélez "invites" to the United States to lead the bombing and take control of the intelligence in the war, a clear mortgage of the Colombian sovereignty. Although officially the cost of these operations is nine thousand million dollars since 2000, a recent article in the Washington Post reveals that this is just the tip of the iceberg, because the fi nancing is part of hidden agendas with secret funds much higher than the official figures, such as those recommended by the report of 1959, led by the CIA, although with great participation of the National Security Agency. This program starts in 2003 with George Bush II and continues with Barack Obama and includes: intelligence: with which antici pates the "Plan bubble" a euphemism of the targeted killing of commands of the FARC-EP interceptions, tracking systems and tactics of interrogation that the CIA develo ps in the Middle East and that teaches the Colombian Army, including the torture; use of precision munitio ns "smart" directed by GPS, which are used in the first phase in the bombing, after which comes to massive bombing and to finish off the survivors practice in open violation of international humanitarian law with gunships AC-47 aircraft used in Vietnam, to conclude with the landing of troops. These air strikes reported a big advantage for an army could not defeat the insu rgency by land. The military personnel who operate in a clandestine manner in the special comman d for joint operations are more than a thousand. As part of military operations which bombards the Ecuadorian territory, where they massacred 26 people, including the commande r of the FARC-EP Raul Reyes. Today it is known that this attack is a direct result of the intelligence and operational forces of the United States from its own covert agenda: the plane was piloted by an American and the pump was directed by the CIA . [Doc. 10]. MANUAL OF THE CIA secret (2009) APPLAUDS CRIME OF SUCUMBIOS Secret a Manual of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the year 2009, in th e government of Barack Obama, with the title best practices in counterinsurgency: how to make the operations o f attack on high-level goals an effective tool, designed to assess the work of counterinsurgency in various p laces in the world , classifying it as a "success story" to the crime of Sucumbios, when killed obj ectives of "high value" what "seriously damaged the morale and discipline" of the FARC, acc ording to "comments field" of the CIA. The CIA in the Manual mentioned makes recommendations to the governments of the world that face to face with insurgent movements in which advises the assassination of leaders and high-level leaders. This document of the CIA, " [ ] has the virtue of documenting and give substance to a fact that he had been an open secret for decades: that a government formally established, as is the United States, us es, recommends and systematizes the murder of insurgents as a common practice, antit hetical to the most elementary humanitarian notions". SOURCES: Central Intelligence Agency, Intelligence Directorate, Best Practices i n counterinsurgency. Making High-Value Targeting operations an effective counterinsurgency Tool, July 7 2009 , pp. 2, 6 and 9; Counterinsurgency to the extent, Publisher of the Day, December 19 2014. The regime of Álvaro Uribe Vélez reaches the highest levels of submission with respe ct to the United States , as is evident in the case of the military bases. When the Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa does not renew the permit to the United States to use the Manta ba se , Uribe Vélez gives them seven military bases, through an "agreement" of 30 Octobe r 2009: Palanquero, Apiay, Malambo, Cartagena, Tolemaida, Larandia and Málaga Bay . (See: Map No. 1). Map No. 1 Military Bases in Colombia under agreement between the United States and Colombi a 2009

In addition, it allows access to the sea and air space to ships and aircraft of the United States ; they are exempted from payment of taxes and customs duties; it is granted abso lute impunity to American personnel even before crimes committed outside the service and leaves open the agreement to the United States to carry out the activities that they de em appropriate . According to a document of the Department of Defense of that country, "Palanqu ero guaranteed the opportunity to lead operations within a full spectrum throughout South America [ ] subregion critical in our hemisphere, where the security and st ability are under constant threat"49. Such is its importance in the annual budget of the United States from the 2010 are allocated $50 million to modernize and ad apt to Palanquero according to the operations of the imperial army. [Doc. 11]. Althou gh constitutionally has refused the agreement of 2009, in practice, the presence of troops and mercenaries of the United States extends throughout the national territory, beyond even that the places ready for the seven bases of the above-mentioned agreement. (See: Map No. 2). http://www.contrainfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/bases_usa_colombia.jpg 49 Department of Air Force, Military Construction Program, Fiscal Year, 2010. Tr anslated at http: //www.cronicon.net/paginas/pais-ocupado/Documento%20Fuerza%20Aerea%20EU.pdf Description: F: \DCIM\ 122_PANA\P1220193.JPG

Map No. 2 United States military presence in Colombia

SOURCE: http:www.tercerainformacion.es/spip/ .php?articles53325

PRIVATIZATION OF THE WAR AND MERCENARIES MADE IN USA The Colombia Plan involves directly to United States military and mercenaries an d private companies in activities of multinational security for narcotics and acti ons, in concordance with the trends to the subcontracting inherent to neoliberalism. These mercenaries enjoy impunity under the laws of that country and the agreements with Colombia. The first group of mercenaries arrive in 2000. Although no exact figures are known a bout the involvement of mercenaries in the service of the United States in Colombia, it is estimated that in 2004 had 600, but the amount is greater because these companies hire personnel from o ther countries and Colombia. Among the work being carried out the mercenaries are aerial spraying of glyphosa te, transport of personnel anti-narcotics and support to certain military operations, and management of telecommunications, espionage and intelligence on the internet, training Colombian military personnel in piloting, control sea and river transport of war materials and logistics are multiple companies involved in these mercenary activities that absorb a significant percentage of the business of us military aid, because in 2 006 represent 50 percent of the budget for the area of security. One of the 16 compa nies in the United States operating in Plan Colombia in 2004, the Lokheed-Martin gets 34,500 millions of dollars in profit. This indicates that it is very profitable in the business of the privatized war in Colombia, as was said by a peruvian mercenary in the service of imperial master: "With DynCorp i went merce nary in Colombia because it was a job to pay, to fight a war that is not mine. [ ] It was a typical operation military [ ]. When we work for the Colombian Army thing "50. [Doc. 12]. 50 The Spectator, 19 July 2001. 51 Adam Isacson points out et al. , time to listen: Trends in security assistanc e from the US to Latin America and the Caribbean, Washington: IPF, LAWGEF, WOLA, 2013, pp. 21-22.

IT IS EXPORTED AND IS OUTSOURCED MILITARIZACIÓN counterinsurgency INSTRUCTION although there seems to be a decreasing trend in the direct military assistance in recent years , this is apparent because it compensates by "clandestine funds" and subcontract ing activities of the Colombian Army to train third countries at a cost cheaper in relation to the United States: "Less assistance does not necessarily mean les s involvement of the United States with the armed forces and police in Latin Ameri ca . But the nature of this participation is changing. [ ] is becoming more agile and flexible, but even less transparent"51. Will prioritize the special forces, more intelligence, use of drones and robotics and cyber operations. Due to the increased military assistance from the United States to Colombia, and the consequent militarization of the country, security is a line of export, following the tradi tion inaugurated in Suez and Korea: Colombians are hired mercenaries, originally thro ugh the contractor Blackwater paramilitary, since 2010 by the United Arab Emirates for military operations internal and external security to oil infrastructure and crush possible rebellions pro-democracy or labor, using the facade of contracts for construction workers. They are trained, recruited and led by retired officers of the United States , and have by advantage, apart from having been properly trained in the doctrine s of the insurgency and the internal enemy, who are not Muslims by which will have less of a problem in killing people of this religion. There are curren tly 1500 mercenaries Colombians in the United Arab Emirates, in Central America, Mexico, African countries and Central Asia. This military training to a third party does not mean that Colombia is, in itsel f, a military power in own right, but it is a strawman "delegate" of the United States, which, in its q uest to be the policeman of the world, finances and trains and military mercenaries thro ugh Colombia , as in "times of budget cuts in the United States, the coaches Colombians cost a fraction of what it would cost coaches of the United S tates "52. Well, after a pilot program with the police of Afghanistan in 2007 , has trained 22,000 police and military personnel from 47 countries, in topics of counter-insurgency, counter-narcotics, psychological operations and the greater part of this trainin g is done with funds from the United States. The School of Lanceros, founded in the aftermath o f the Korean war, also dictates today courses in counterinsurgency to military personnel from seve ral countries. 52. Ibid. , p.24.

MILITARIZACIÓN AND IMPACTS ON THE POPULATION The implementation of Plan Colombia increases civilian victims of the conflict, a pattern of violence that is related to the model of "democratic security": the military resumes territories controlled by the insurgency through the use of a huge force, moving the population and then the paramilitaries ensure the control, as happene d in the operations Thanatos walk, Orion, Aragua, Tsunami, Merry Christmas and Marshal am ong others. The beginning of the military offensive in the south of Colombia joined at the end o f the negotiations of Caguan, produced a humanitarian crisis of enormous proportions, with 412,000 displaced in 2002 alone. The violence of the American mercenaries is exacerbated due to the impunity that the blanket and the colonial attitude that disdains the humanity of the subject. An example is provided by the three mercenaries working for AirScan International Inc. , in the service of the oil company Occidental Petroleum Corp, who coordinate the aerial attack by S anto Domingo Arauca on December 16 1998, in which are massacred 18 people, 6 of them minors, when helicopters donated by the United States (Huey UH-1H) show by indication of the American mercenaries cluster bombs AN-M1A2 on the victims. Never have had to respond by this crime. [Doc. 13].

Mercenaries OF THE UNITED STATES RESPONSIBLE FOR THE MASSACRE OF SANTO DOMINGO , Arauca who coordinated the bombing and pointed to the white of the launches of a bunch of grenades called Cluster, were American mercenaries aboard an aircraft Sky Master at the s ervice of the Occidental Petroleum Company. The director of Air Scan, John Manser speaking fro m the company's parent , stated that the aircraft Sky Master and the American aircrew were originally r ecruited by Occidental and Ecopetrol in 1997. [ ] The identity of americans corresponds to Dan McClintock, born on 4 July 1947, id 290439 aliens, passport 700785913, son of Joseph and Allie. Barbaric José Orta, a Cuban, and naturalized in the United States , passport 043827521, and Charles Denny, on whom neither the Colombian authoriti es have immigration records, or Western, or the embassy of the United States have p rovided some information. The three were hired by a private company of aerial surveillance ba sed on Rckledgef, call Air Scan International. [ ] According to the statement of the captain of the helicopter before the military judge, the morning of the fight the Colombian military pilots were concentrated in the Classroom of the camp of G in Western Cano Limon . There the Americans gave them instructions around the launch of the devices Cl uster on two matas of Monte distant to the village, in which had been located part of the guerrillas. The helicopter bombing in the points determined by the Americans. The Sky Master recorded in video communications between the mercenaries and the ship and took continuous pictures of the launch of the b unches Cluster far from the village. The video was the test queen who could clarify som e of the confusion that exists in the official investigations . [ ] The video done in the American aircraft was stored in facilities of the Oxidental Petroleum Company, in its complex of the Caño Limón. The magazine asked change on 18 June 2001: -who authorized the intervention of f oreign nationals in a Colombian military mission and on Colombian soil? Why he was given autonomy to t hose aliens to commanding the operation? [ ] SOURCE: German Castro Caycedo, shadows of Santo Domingo, Time, January 19, 2003.

UNITED STATES AND THE paramilitarism despite substantiated allegations of collusion of the Army and Police with param ilitary bands throughout the 1990s, the military aid from the United States increases significantly, up to the financing of the Plan Colombia, whose arms are used in massacres of civilians and included thousands of anti-personnel mines Claymore. In this regard, it is time to move aside the curtain of smoke of official denials and identify the association militarparamilitares as what it is: a sophisticated mechanism supported in part by the years of counseling, training, weapons, and official silence in the United States; that a llows the Armed Forces of Colombia combat a dirty war and the Colombian Kyrgyzstanâ s bureaucracy. The price: thousands of Colombians dead, missing, wound ed, and aterrorizados53. 53 Human Rights Watch, the networks of assassins in Colombia. Links between the military and paramilitary groups and the United States , Bogotá: copy to machine, 1996. According to the Institute of Political Studies in the United States, "all evide nce shows that the support of the CIA or the Special Forces of the United States to the paramilitary groups, was the tool that allowed them to be consolidated in a way that would not have been poss ible before"54. In a more detailed manner, a quantitative survey conducted in municipalities where they operate Colombian military bases that receive military assistance, in dicates that between 1988 and 2005 the increase in military aid to Colombia increases in a 138 percent annual param ilitary attacks . According to this study, the cooperation to the Colombian Army strengthens the paramilitarism, through the provision of arms of tip (and the sale in some cases ), logistical support, intelligence and even mobilizations of these criminals in he licopters or aircraft of the Army purchased via United States. It is also the case of the Mapiripán Mass acre (1997), when the paramilitaries across half of the country, landing at a militar y airport in San José del Guaviare, which operates a narcotics unit of the United States , without being stopped in his career killer. (DOC. 14). The report also notes the influence of such assistance in voting behavior in the municipalities with military bases, in relation to the increase in attacks and murders of public officials and mayors at the hands of paramilita ry activity , all elements of great weight to explain the "rightward shift" of the political spectrum induced in those years. On Contravia, foreign military assist ance does not reduce coca cultivation and in the municipalities where there are military bases that are benefiting fro m this military assistance operations descend the anti-narcotics, at a rate of 7 percen t for every 1 percent increase in assistance, which is consistent with the nature of counterinsurgency Plan Colombia and with the participation of paramilitaries in the production and trafficking of drogas55. In addition, we cannot forget the sponsorship that foreign companie s, including American capital, have made of paramilitary groups, and their responsibility for the murder of thousands of peasants and workers, as happens with the Chiquita Br ands in Urabá . [Doc. 15]. 54. FOR and ESTADOS UNIDOS - CCEEU, op. cit. , p. 36. 55 Oeindrila Dube & Suresh Naidu, Bases, bullets and ballots: The Effect of US m ilitary aid on political conflict in Colombia, Washington: Center for Global Development, 2010. SEXUAL IMPERIALISM There is abundant information on sexual violence, in total impunity thanks to bi lateral agreements and the diplomatic immunity of officials of the United States, which is part of a sexist and discriminatory behavior known as " sexual imperialism", similar to the effects that occur in all the places where t here are military of the United States, as in the Philippines, Japan or South Korea. In o ne of the most high-profile cases , in Melgar and in neighboring Girardot, 53 minors were sexually abused by mercenaries, who are also filmed and sold the tapes as pornographic material . Also in Melgar, a contractor and a sergeant in the United States violated a 12 -year-old girl in 2007. Both by the activities they perform, as to their status as immunity, contribute to the insecurity of the people in areas of conflict, but a lso in other areas in which they are concentrated and are in contact with the civili an population. [Doc. 16]. Beyond the direct sexual attacks of mercenaries, are frequent rape and sexual as sault by the Colombian Army, as reflected in an interview to an intelligence officer of the navy, who asserts with triumphalist tone: "I infiltrate a peeled [in the guerrillas] with a GPS that big [pointing to the mouse of a computer] in your vagina "56. Other serious cases involving soldiers and mercenaries, including homicide, drug trafficking and sale of arms to paramilitaries. 56 Douglas Porch & Jorge Delgado, " Masters of today: military intelligence and co unterinsurgency in Colombia, 1990 2009 ", Small Wars & Insurgencies, 9:2 PM (2010), p. 283. US MILITARY ASSISTANCE AND MURDERS OF STATE ( FALSE POSITIVES) The participation of the United States in murders has been known for several yea rs. For example , in the Heavy Shadow operation against Pablo Escobar (1989-1993) are carried ou t executions from intelligence agencies that provide the United States . In addition, trade unionists have been murdered social leaders, militants of t he left, taking advantage of the coverage given by the notion of "narco-terrorism". In t his regard, are infamous crimes perpetrated by the Navy in Barrancabermeja, between 1991 and 1993, that killed over a hundred people. Everything originates in the order of t he Ministry of Defense of Colombia in May of 1991, "on the basis of the recommendations made by the committee of advisers of the Military Forces of the United States", which design s a plan to fight "the escalation of terrorism on the part of the armed subversion", from which cr eates the intelligence networks throughout the country, one of which, 07, has its head quarters in Barrancabermeja , camouflaged in false front companies. It hires hitmen who have no direct link with the network, with the obvious intent of not involving the armed forces with the crimes and the members of the network they are commanded not to "attend to military installations " and their contacts and exchanges are to be kept secret and "always led by the Brigade Commanders". The priority objectives of the criminal actions of the Network, planned from the Central Intelligence of the Navy in Bogotá, are murdering union leaders and social and generate terror among the population. "The assassins to orders of the intelligen ce network had it clear that the trade union activity was a sufficient reason to kill, so much so that there was a fee for each member of the USO murdered," because, according to the testimony given by Carlos Alberto Vergara, one of the assassins by the Network, "each murder ranged between one hundred or two hundred thousand pesos in accordance to the victim, each member of the USO was paid with two hundred thousand pesos, each guerrilla to one hundred thousand pesos, why we re the number of massacres that today are from public view"57. [Doc. 17]. 57. Cited in Collective Corporation Lawyers Jose Alvear Restrepo-CREDHOS, today, as yesterday, persisting for life. Intelligence Networks and extermination in Barrancabermeja, Bogotá: 1999, p. 33. Camilo Ospina 58, Ministry of National Defense, Standing Ministerial Directive, November 17, 2005. These networks, between legal and illegal, are expanded in the regime of Uribe Vél ez to reach the two million salary and informants to play a role in the nefarious murders baptized with the euphemism of "false positives" through accusations, and recruit ment of people who are then killed in cold blood by an Army eager to demonstrate resu lts in the fight against-insurgent. Of these crimes are directly responsible the senior civilian and military hierarchy of the State, including the President of the Rep ublic and the Ministers of Defense of the period 2002-2010, during which time increased expone ntially the cases of "false positives", especially after the adoption of the Ministerial Directive No. 029 Of the November 17 of 2005, signed by the Minister of Defense , Camilo Ospina Bernal, "that develops criteria for the payment of rewards for t he capture or dejection in combat leaders of armed organizations outside the law " and even the precise amounts to the publicly traded the murder of Colombian, a ccording to the vulgar commercial logic to put a price on life humana58. [Doc. 18].

INTELLIGENCE NETWORKS SUGGESTED BY THE UNITED STATES RESPONSIBLE FOR MURDER

In May of 1991 the Ministry of Defense had issued the order 200-05 -91 "contains the recommendations made by the Committee of advisers of the Military Forces of the USA" to better combat "the e scalation of terrorism on the part of the armed subversion". It empowers the Army, Navy and Air Force to establish intelligence networks that provide information and receive orders of the joint C hiefs of Staff, corresponding the task of overseeing the organization of these to the General Command of the M ilitary Forces. This directive also authorized the creation of mobile brigades. To integrate the "boxes" networ ks is prioritized the participation of retired military or civilian "with preparation, influence a nd trustworthy", which will be covered and compartmentalized, avoid attend military installations and t he exchanges shall be secret. The intelligence officers shall have such means as "facade, fic tional story, vehicles and a communications system. Between the years 2002-2008, these intelligence network s played a key role in many of the cases of "false positives" in recruiting individuals who are selected to be executed by m ilitary units, or by pointing and linking as criminals to future victims of this crime. SOURCE: Movement of reconciliation and the Coordinación Colombia-Europa -Estados U nidos, "false positives " in Colombia and the role of the military assistance of the United States, 2000 -2010, Bogota, 2014, p. 9.

According to one commentator of the press: "The anxiety and the delirium triumph alist led them to convert with this donation to an endless number of their soldiers and police officers of t he Homeland not in heroes, but in simple war criminals whetted by the money and entranced in front of the metal ri ng and the brightness of the squinting medallerias"59. As indicated by the Gambian Fato u Bensouda, Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court: "There are reasonable grounds to believe that the false positives have been a State policy; these murders, committed to increase the rates of military success, they could be considered as crimes against humanity; such acts can also be classified as war crimes"60. They are currently in the Public Prosecutor about 5,000 cases of victims of these "false positives" . The agency Fellowship of Reconciliation [FOR] [in Spanish] Movement of Reconciliation analyzes a sample of 3,014 cases of these murders since 2002, and the contrasts with information on 5 00 military units that received American assistance. The results indicate that 23 o f 25 jurisdictions military show "false positives" and an increase or decrease of the military assistance mark an increase or a proportional fall by 56 percent in the murders of civilians. Despite this, in 2008, 79 percent of the Colombian military units to which they were checked participation in these crimes, are once again receivi ng assistance militar61. In the words of one officer of the Colombian Army, there w as never greater interest of the United States to inquire about the dead that they were presented as success in the fight against -insurgent: 59 German Uribe, "Uribe, the ICC and the false positives," available in http://w ww.semana.com/opinion/articulo/ Uribe-ICC-false-positive/330353-3 60. Cited in Diana Carolina Duran, "Report of the International Criminal Court. False positives have been if State policy ", The Spectator, 27 November 2012. 61 FOR and ESTADOS UNIDOS - CCEEU, op. cit. , p. 11. It turns out that we are killing if guerrillas, of course, but also we are killing innocent people to show you the cash that was their support. I went to the tables of the chamber s of war and he was in combat casualties, killed in combatAND if i quoted a gringo, how goes the war? well, 20 casualties, 3 low. i showed everything good because i am selling my results for you give me more silver. The gringo don't ask me, what ar e guerrilla fighters ? Hello, are militia? Hello, are civilians? The gringo does not know, the gringo needs to know what he is investing is exitoso62. 62. Ibid. , p. 73.

In this study demonstrates that military units commanded by officers trained by the United States are involved in massacres and murders, which increases duri ng the regime of Uribe Vélez. THE DAS AND THE "GRAY ROOMS": MACHINES TO SPY ON AND KILL The DAS was born in 1960 to replace the SIC, since the military mission of 1959 proposed turning it into a body controlled by the United States to rid counterinsurgency operations (see: page 18 of this Report), until you have your agents infiltrated into all areas of Colombian society, as it reveals a 1964 document sent from the Embassy of the United States and the aid to the president Guillermo León Valen cia. Hundreds of declassified documents from the CIA, USAID and the Embassy of the Un ited States , show that they follow very closely the evolution of the DAS, he is trained and supplied equipment. In fact, the monthly reports of the CIA since the 1960s brought a chapter of evaluation on the activities of the DAS. The DAS organizes a criminal gear in times of Uribe Vélez to kill trade unionists as a result of the partnership between the Director, Jorge Noguera, and paramili tary groups. This entity provides a list of 23 trade unionists to be killed by the paramilitary gr oup that directs Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, alias George 40, in exchange for 50 million pes os for each dead. From that list are killed seven people, among them the sociologists Alfred o Correa de Andreis and Fernando Pisciotti Van Strahlen, and journalist Zully Codi na. The counterinsurgent logic of these killings are evidence with the language used by the DAS, which catalogs to the victims as belonging to the "opposite socio-labor" the "enemy within". Likewise, it is sweeping across the "chuzadas", a euphemism for the illegal inte rceptions to members of the opposition, of NGOS and of the Supreme Court, which, in the wo rds of Juan Gossain, constitutes "the espionage more horrific and disgusting and repulsive o f the world, with terrorist attacks. [ ] This is a plan for a State agency in order to put an end to the country". Given the seriousness of the matter: the Colombians we have the right to know who it was that turned the country into a state of police and state terrorists, who tried to convert this into a nation of spies, w ho was the macabre who devised the plan to convert to real or imagined opponents as if they were criminals , who is behind this. What three detectives of DAS? I do not reir63. [Doc. 19]. 63 Juan Gossain, Editorial in RCN. Available in https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= oLucvgmXVNI ( 1st part) and in https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T6yeCGc-o8c ( 2nd part). 64 Dora Montero, "The behind-the-scenes of the story of the Washington Post on t he DAS and the Embassy gringa", in the empty chair, September 8 2011. 65. "Case chuzadas: the mystery of the gray room ", Magazine Week, March 2, 2014.

Some lights with respect to who is behind these criminal attacks against the Col ombian people , a former agent of the DAS, William Romero, trained by the CIA and involved in intimidation and espionage to members of the Supreme Court. He claims that his activities of infiltration are organized through the Embassy of the United State s to which reports on a regular basis. The Embassy provides you with computers, technology of interceptions, cameras, money to rent safe houses and up to buy petrol. A unit of the DAS responsible for monitoring and prosecuting trade union ists receives thousands of dollars and equipment of the Embassy, under the strict supervision of an official of the United States . Not surprising, that in the course of the investigations, we discover the exis tence of a special intelligence group called GAME, belonged to the best men of the DAS and that had been created by the Embassy of the United States . These men were yielding their work to the Embassy and monthly received extra payments of $300. [ ] 90 percent of the training you received were paid by the United States, the computers were manufactured in the United States and details, even, as that in 2004, the DAS intercepted avanteles, when the only team that ex isted in the country for that role belonged to the Embassy Unidos64 States. At the beginning of 2014 unleashed a new scandal with the so-called Operation An dromeda, through which the Army spy through internet cafes of facade the Government's negot iations with the FARC-EP in Cuba, and even "periscopes" to the first agent, which shows the extent to which the Army operates as a State within the State. In this regard, it is discovered that in the Central Military Intelligence and Counterintelligen ce (CIME), operates a "gray room" from which it is carrying out illegal interceptions, whos e information can be used to intimidate or even killing people. According to a military unit, the CIA "provided financial and technical support for the chamber could operate. Everything, absolutely everything that occurs here is aware of them. They know that, to whom and for wh at it is intercepted in the room. In practical terms, they were the real heads of t his room ." 65. These sensitive facts, that very quickly fall into oblivion, are just a sample o f the flawed relationship between the United States with Colombia, as well as the dang er of the control that their services have on the intelligence and the Colombian security institutions. This is not to say that the DAS in the way it twists and involves in dubious activities and illegal, but tha t was founded as an instrument designed for the "psychological warfare open and di sguised", according to the document of the military mission of 1959. This "psychological warfare" against t he population translates directly into terrorist practices on the part of the State until today , that have left thousands of victims. [Doc. 20]. CONCLUSIONS here are a few conclusions of this report: (1 ) During much of the twentieth century among the ruling classes and the States o f Colombia and the United States has been generated a strategic alliance that mutual benefit to both parties, but that hurts the social majorities in our country. The first is by profiting f rom the loans and military aid, and have established a unconditional subordination and dependence. The seconds because they control var ious aspects of the Colombian society and policy, as well as the most important lines of the economi c activity, by the predominance of their businesses and investments in strategic lines. 2). In Colombia there is a counterinsurgency native that is nourished by the ant i-communism that is prior to the emergence of the doctrine of counterinsurgency, but that is renewed and mixed with the latter as a result of the geopolitical interests of the United States during the Cold War. 3). The interference of the United States in the social conflict and assemble o ur country has been constant and direct from the late 1940s, which is expressed in both the military aid to the State, as in the promotion of policies of counterinsurgency. 4). The successive governments of the United States the last seven decades are directly responsible for the perpetuation of the armed conflict in Colombia, to the extent that they have promoted the counterinsurgency in all its manifestations, stimulated and trained to the A rmed Forces with their methods of torture and elimination of those who are considered as "in ternal enemy" and blocking the way of non-military solution to the structural causes of social con flict and armed. 5). The mission of general Yarborough 1962 is directly responsible for the cons olidation of paramilitarism in Colombia, since recommended that they be organized groups of civilians and military, promoted by the State, with the explicit purpose to pursue and kill th ose considered as communists. 6). United States has contributed to the militarization of the Colombian societ y for their funding and support to the Colombian State and its armed forces on behalf of various crusades agains t communism , drug trafficking or terrorism. 7). United States direct is jointly responsible in thousands of murders committ ed by the Armed Forces and the paramilitaries, for their sponsorship to military brigades engaged in th at type of crimes and for his support for private groups of killers. 8) The direct control of the DAS on the part of United States since the time of i ts foundation in 1960, until its recent dissolution makes them responsible for the numerous crimes and crimes against the people that were committed from the security agency, including murders of trade unionists and social leaders and the monitoring and harassment to sectors of the political opposition . 9). To promote the so-called "war on drugs" United States is involved directly in the destruction of indigenous and peasant economies in various places of Colombia, who are victims of fumigation, bombing and official persecution and official. 10). The privatization of war which drives the Plan Colombia and the new counte rinsurgency promotes the use of mercenaries in the internal conflict in our country, who com mit many crimes (rape, murder, torture, disappearances), that have enjoyed complete impunity , in virtue of the agreements between Colombia and the United States. This reinf orces the "culture of impunity" that characterizes the Armed Forces of Colombia. 11) The State terrorism that is perpetuated in Colombia since the late 1940s, it was fed both the military and financial support of the United States, as in the inte rests of the ruling classes creole, to preserve their power and wealth and refusing to perform basic economic and social reforms of redistributive type. 12). Some companies of us capital as Chiquita Brands, which have been funded and sponsored paramilitary groups, are directly responsible for hundreds of crimes committed i n various places in Colombia, but have never been processed in our country, where they enjoyed full impunity .

Recommendations of this report are derived from two kinds of recommendations, some on the files, dissemination and access to information and other general type, presented in sum mary form:

FILES, ACCESS AND DISSEMINATION OF INFORMATION: 1) for the knowledge, reconstruction and search for the truth about the responsi bility of the United States in the Colombian conflict, as well as its multiple leads and links with the Colombian State, its armed forces, security agencies and private entrepreneurs, it is essential that the declassified documents relating to Colombia that lie in the us files. 2) Such documentation should be regarded as the country's documentary heritage a nd should be brought to our territory, be deposited in the General Archive of the Nation and be translat ed and disseminated publicly. 3). The archives of the DAS, Armed Forces, Ministry of Defense and the State se curity organizations should be preserved by independent entities, and without any links with the Arme d Forces and revealed both the information related to the actions of the United States as with the internal repression. [Doc. 21]. 4) The Colombian State should open virtual portals of easy access in the store a nd you can query the documentary information about the role of the United States in the Colombian con flict .

GENERAL TYPE:

1). To build a society at peace and democratic is essential rethink the relatio ns between Colombia and the United States, in such a way that will retrieve the national so vereignty with the objective to manage autonomously our affairs and that the internal policies not be guided not by the interests of Washington or from any foreign power, but to respond to the interests of the Colombian population. 2). The Colombian State you must disclose to society all the covenants and agre ements military secrets that exist with the United States and with any other State (like Israel) and must commit to that never will be to establish agreements of this nature. 3). In order to contribute to justice for the victims, the government of the Un ited States should be facilitated to the citizens of that country involved in serious crimes against the Colombian pe ople , in particular murders, disappearances, and cases of rape, respond to independe nt courts and put an end to the impunity that protects them. At the same time, that the remova l of privileges and protection enjoyed by the military of the United States and the mercenaries to your service. 4) It is essential that cease the participation of the United States in the mana gement of the security agencies , such as happened with the DAS. 5). It should investigate cases of sexual violence by the military and mercenar ies of the United States throughout the territory of Colombia and punish the guilty. 6). The Armed Forces in Colombia must abandon their conceptions of counterinsur gency, anti-communism and internal enemy, go back to their barracks, reducing its size and budget and dedicate themselves to safeguard national borders. This implies a demilitarizati on of the Colombian society , which would enable new social forces and political organizing and expressing t hemselves freely without the fear of being victims of the persecution and stigmatization from counterinsurgency doctrines and/or national security. 7). The treatment should be abandoned and repressive military that has been imp osed in Colombia in the last six decades and consider new ways of addressing complex problems of our society , as the agreement relating to the use of illicit crops. 8). Given the unilateral nature and arbitrary as opera extradition (that is awa re, no citizen of the United States has been extradited to Colombia), it is essential to put an end to the extradition of Colombian nationals to the United States or any other country. 9) The government of the United States must accept its responsibility, in an una mbiguous manner, before the victims by their direct and indirect participation in our conflict, in the same manner a s the guerrillas of the FARC-EP has accepted its share of responsibility and as al so the State should be doing . The victims of the paramilitary groups, of the bombing, fumigation, murders (such as the evil called "false positives" ), as well as military policies, soci al, economic and commercial imposed by Washington that have had a detrimental impact on millions of Colombians, need to know the truth about the participation of the Un ited States in their suffering . There is a need for a public apology unconditional and unequivocal on the part of the government of the United States, as well as redress to the victims and a guarantee of non-r epetition of this pernicious interference in the future. 10) MUST be removed the evil programs called "military assistance", through whic h occurs a illegitimate political interference in our domestic affairs, as well as it has promoted the idea in the Armed Forces that the Colombians, or some of them, are an "internal enemy " to the efforts to combat and annihilates. This is a central aspect of the demo cratization of society and of the purification of the Armed Forces. 11). There must be a hearing and in-depth investigation of the activities of th e USAID , which, operating from a counterinsurgency primarily array and belligerent, has been involved right from the first time in attendance at activities and institutions that have promoted massively the violation of human rights, such as DAS and the actions civic-military. This is demilitarize the cooperation in such a way that does not represent an affront to our sovereignty. 13). Taking into account the direct complicity of the major media in Colombia in the legitimization of the intervention of the United States and their crimes, a long with the State terrorism and insurgency, must be held accountable as victimizers by be generators of the "culture of impunity", of the lies and disinformation. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Memo re military assistance programs in Spain, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Latin Americ a, Southeast Asia and the Far East, no date [U.S. Presidents Committee on Information Activities Abroad, B ox 2, Map Training #10 (5)] [October 1959] Request for advice and assistance to Colombian Work Organizations in Combating C ommunist Penetration Confidential Memorandum of conversation, October 21 1960, Department of State, Bureau of Inter-American Affairs. Office of West Coast Affairs. Your 10:00 a.m. Monday Conversation with Monsignor Salcedo [Attachment Not Inclu ded] Confidential Memorandum, November 4 1960, United States. Department of State, Bu reau of Inter- American Affairs. Anticommunist Group "Center for Social Action and Studies", Secret Letter, Decem ber 5 1960, US Embassy, [National Archives. Record Group 59. Records of the Department of State . Bureau of Inter- American Affairs. Office of West Coast Affairs. Records relating to Colombia, 19 55-1964. Lot 64D1. Box 2. 1961--Colombia--anti-communist Center of Studies (64)] Communist infiltration in Colombia Confidential Memorandum of conversation, Dece mber 9 1960, International Cooperation Administration [National Archives. Record Group 59. Re cords of the Department of State. Bureau of Inter-American Affairs. Office of West Coast Affairs. Records relating to Colombia, 1955-1964. Lot 64D1. Box 2. 1961--Colombia--anti-communist Center of Studies (64) ]. Your request for a report on the anti-communist "Social Studies and Action Cente r" in Bogota [Attachments Not Included] Secret Memorandum, December 8 1960, Department of Sta te. Bureau of Inter-American Affairs. Summary of meeting re The Alliance for Progress, January 25 and 28, 1963 [Robert Anderson Papers, Box 233, Committee to strengthen the security of the Free World FEB 1-15, 1963 (1)] First Progress Report on the Department of Administrative Security (DAS), United States Embassy. Colombia. Agency for International Development Section. Public Safety Division, April 1964 [National Archives. Record Group 286. Records of the Agency for International De velopment. Office of Public Safety. Latin America Branch. Country File--Colombia. Box 30. IPS 2/Changes in t he Administrative Department of Security/Colombia, June 1963]. Monthly Report of Public Safety Division, Colombia, Confidential airgram 1778, M ay 26 1964, US Embassy [National Archives. Record Group 286. Records of the Agency for Internat ional Development . Office of Public Safety. Latin America Branch. Country File--Colombia. Box 29. IPS 1/File Material/Colombia, 7/1/ 1964-12/ 31/1964]. Weekly Summary, Colombian Anti-Communist Campaign, September 25 1964, Central In telligence Agency , Office of Current Intelligence [National Archives. CIA Records Search Tool. CI A-RDP79- TO004600060001-7 00927]. Tab E: Planning and Objectives, Colombia Survey Team Recommendations for U.S. Ac tion, 1965, Secret Report, Department of Defense. Possible Need for Communications for National Police detachments in Santander de partment Confidential Cable 000667, January 19 1965, Department of State [National Archiv es. Record Group 286. Records of the Agency for International Development. Office of Public Safet y. Latin America Branch. Country File--Colombia. Box 29. IPS 1/Program/Cables Colombia,: 6/29/ 19 64- 6/24/ 1966] Confidential Memorandum for Record, Briefing for DOD and ARA Officials on Vietna m Village Radio System, February 17 1965, Agency for International Development. Office of Public Safety. Operations Division [National Archives. Record Group 286. Records of the Agency for International Development . Office of Public Safety. Latin America Branch. Country File--Colombia. Box 29. IPS 1/General Policy/Colombia, 1964 (1 of 2)] Colombian Internal Defense Situation Secret airgram 2, July 3 1965, US Embassy. Monthly Report--Public Safety Division, June 1965, July 16 1965, US Embassy [Nat ional Archives. Record Group 286. Records of the Agency for International Development. Office of Public Safety. Latin America Branch. Country File--Colombia. Box 32. IPS 2-2/Monthly Reports/Co lombia, 1/1965- 2/1966] End of Tour Report: Charles Redlin, Public Safety, Communications [Includes Attachme nt] Unclassified Data airgram 1069, May 16 1966, US Embassy [National Archives. Reco rd Group 286. Records of the Agency for International Development. Office of Public Safety. La tin America Branch. Country File--Colombia. Box 32. IPS 2-1/COARS and End of Tour Report/Col ombia, 1968- 1972 ] Public Safety Monthly Report, September 1967, October 27 1967, US Embassy, [Nati onal Archives. Record Group 286. Records of the Agency for International Development. Office of Public Safety. Latin America Branch. Country File--Colombia. Box 32. IPS 2-2/Monthly Reports/Co lombia, 1967] Colombia-USSR [Reestablishment of Colombia-Soviet Union Relations] [Classificati on Excised] Intelligence Brief, January 20 1968, CIA [National Archives. CIA Records Search Tool. CIARDP79T00975TO010700150001- 6] http://www.eisenhower.archives.gov/research/online_documents/declassified/fy_201 0/1957_09_11.pd f The three knots of the Colombian war: a peasantry without political representation, social polarization in the framework of an institutional fractured, and joints between regions and perverse center1 1 I appreciate very much the work wise advance by those who assisted me in the r eview of primary sources with a huge dedication: Laura Rojas, Edinso Culma, Silvia Pabon, Carlos Singer, Julio E. cuts and Carlos Mejia Walker. Without them, many of the ideas expressed here had not succeeded. I woul d also like to thank Monica Pachón for having shared your database on the electoral Congress of the Rep ublic, as well as to all the colleagues that with enormous generosity assumed the tasks that i belong ed in the National Center of Historical Memory, in particular to Mary Andrea Rocha, Maria Luisa Moreno, Andre s Suarez and Maria Isabel Houses. Gonzalo Sanchez by respecting my isolation followed by days. Diana Gil, Edisson Calderon, Carlos Julio Ramirez for his discreet support. To my friends by his infinite patience and con tribute their ideas and thoughts. AND Camila, by undertaking a journey of acceptance and solidarity not foreseen. The text is, however, of my own responsibility.

Mary Emma Wills Oregon National Center of Historical Memory

INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1 . THE SINGULARITY COLOMBIAN ...... 4 1.1 . STRONG PARTIES, NATION DIVIDED, FRACTURED AND WEAK STATUS ...... 4 1.2 . OF THE TWENTY YEARS THE NATIONAL FRONT: DECOMPOSITION AND RECOMPOSICIÓN SOCI AL ORDER ...... 8 2. THE CONTEMPORARY WAR ...... 12 2.1 . TRIGGERING CONDITIONS OF WAR ...... 12 The interstices pluralistic .... 12 The armed struggle, the restrictive option and the military response ...... 17 The knot of the representation and the peasant authoritarian gradual degradation ...... 22 2.2 . A TIME CRITICAL: THE TRANSITION TO THE TOTAL WAR (1977 TO 1982) ...... 26 2.3 . THE EXPANSION OF THE WAR AND THE FRACTURES STATE (1982-2014) ...... The 30 regional trajectories ...... 32 3. WHAT THE VICTIMS WE ENSEÑAN: A WAR WITH A PAST BUT WITHOUT FUTURE ...... 37 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 41 INTRODUCTION Of the 11 to May 25, 1900, at a mountain of the Andes, thousands of men lashed o ut against each other to be destroyed. From dawn to midnight, liberals and conserva tives were withdrawn to make their inventories of agonies and tried to rest to return with the dawn to find, once again, the face of his own death. Each day [ ] libera ls and conservatives are mauled in defense of the honor of his party. [ ] On 26, in the early morning, (the liberals) left the forests, the houses, around their camp, leaving it watered of corpses unburied [] by all parties the desolation and death. [ ] gener al Prosperous Pinzón told the May 26 (the Archbishop of Bogota) that, after long and b loody battle God has granted the victory to the army of the Republic defender Christia n. My votes are that this triumph is conducive in property to the Church and the Ho meland2 . 2 Hermes Tovar, Following in the footsteps of the soldier Paul, at Gonzalo Sánchez a nd Mario Aguilera (editors), Memory of a country at war. The Thousand Days 1899-1902, Bogotá: IEPRI, UNIJUS, Pl anet, 2001, p. 143. 3 To organize the information thrown by the contemporary war and infer its natio nal character and its political nature , the following theoretical texts were illuminators: Stathis Kalyvas, The ontolog y of the political violence: action and identity in the civil wars, Political Analysis, 52 , (2004), pp. 51-76; Doug McAdam, Sydney and Charles Tilly Tarrow, Dynamics of contention, Cambridge: Camb ridge University Press, 2003; and Edward Gibson subnational Authoritarianism: territorial strategies of p olitical control in democratic regimes , Bogotá: Challenges, not. 14, (2006) ,pp. 204-237. The above quote refers to the battle of Palonegro that accompanied the demise of the old nineteenth century and the dawn of the new, and to seal the final defeat of the liberal party in th e War of a Thousand Days. Fifty years later, after interpartidistas sporadic violence, the country plunged again in the underworld. However, the war, its codes, its actors, were, and at t he same time were no longer the same. In contrast to the War of a Thousand Days, the testimon y of the surviving victims of the violence reported no battles between armies but dense descriptions of a daily horror that surprised in the privacy of their home s to peasants, men, women and children alike. Today, 60 years later, the country is plunged into another war driven by differe nt actors that conjoin old and new claims, and innovate and to reactivate the time codes o f violence reminiscent of the previous armed confrontation. As in other eras, the frames are confusing: the private motivations are interwoven with the political, the personal humiliation or greed with the claims of justice, in a war that continue s to be , however these overlapping, of national character and the policy.3 nature. To read carefully this new-old war, it is necessary to draw near to the interbreeding of claims and political frustrations, greed and private grievances , regional strife and national conflict, seeking both the knots that are repeated and do not allow resolving it, as the large ruptures and transformations that cross. Here it is worth mentioning that this work, to refer to these recurring problems , opts for naming them as 4 knots. In its most common sense, a knot is a loop that is close and closed so that it is difficult to release alone, and that the more you strip of any of the two ends, more tightening5 . Use it in the context of a war then aims to point out that the problems are due to relationships and interactio ns that are woven between actors and tangled, sometimes in a premeditated way but other times not. It also suggests that, although the tangles have not always been foreseen and pl anned solutions if they require a conscious effort and set, because the knots are not sparked by pulling a single out. 4See in annexs, Paper 1: conceptual delimitation. 5 Royal Academy of the language, http://lema.rae.es/drae/?val=Nudo, consulted on 1 November 2014. 6See in annexs, Paper 1: conceptual delimitation. It should also be an explicit warning about the meaning of the continuities. When referred to knots that are repeated, it is not you unravel patterns that wo uld constitute a culture of violence nor the existence of some geological faults impossible to re solve that we are condemned to the Colombians, as in one hundred years of solitude, a few cycles of razing mutual mechanisms with their own self-perpetuation. Rather than assuming a violent national essence, this work explores the continuities and ruptures from the political contexts, and the interpretive frameworks, the crucial decisi ons, strategies and interactions of the central actors, both the national and regional level (and sometimes international6). Looking For, in addition, show how in these int eractions, actors and institutions that are supposed are expressed in monolithic reality of heterogeneous manner and harbor and respond to different political an d ideological currents that fracture internally. As well, more to see for example a few elites cohesive agglutinated around projects consensual domination, the job stops in the antagonisms between conservatives and liberals; the politicisation of the police and the Army; the tensions between different streams in the military ranks; the open disagreements between congressmen, and congressmen, Executive and Military and P olice Forces at critical junctures, and tensions between the authorities and regional elites and the national level. In these contradictions do not only play differing economic interests but also some interpretative frameworks that lead to the actors, from both the l eft and right, to make crucial decisions that lead to violent dynamic. The reconstruction of these interactions between actors will be organised around three central knots a peasantry resistant without political representation; a polarizat ion reiterated in the framework of a State with a few Military Forces and Police confronted with e normous challenges to achieve a democratic professional autonomy; and some disruptions and perverse joints between regions and center that fracture the internamente7 State . See in annexs 7, Paper 1: conceptual delimitation. 8 The question of the uniqueness of the colombian trajectory is important becaus e it incorporates a gaze compared and wonders because Colombia unlike its neighbors was plunged into war for more than fifty years. To illustrate how historically operate these knots, the narrative revolves aroun d two major periods, one focused on the singularities of the Colombian context8 and th e other in contemporary warfare . In the first, very succinctly, include two moments in which the three knots mentioned are combined and leave lasting legacies. The first time reconstructs the singularities of the formation of the parties and the nati on State in Colombia, while the second covers the decades of transition from agrarian to industrial society, and a bipartisan political system to the emergen ce of the left, passing by the years of violence and the transit by the military government of General R ojas Pinilla and his subsequent fall. In the second section, the narrative becomes more thorough since it relates to t he contemporary war . It speaks of a period of trigger conditions in which the knots are narrowed, both those of the peasant as the representation that the y allude to the challenges that confront the Armed Forces (ARMED FORCES) and the police to be co nsolidated as institutions with a democratic professional autonomy (1958-1976); it was followed a few years ago that constitute a critical juncture (1978-1982) during which the central armed actors, both the legal and illegal, laying down a series of allian ces, take crucial decisions and deploy a set of directories that will mark the violent way as the war was fought later. The latter period (1983-2012) recognizes that in the decade of the eighties the armed conflict was reorganised, not only in terms of territorial expansion, magnitudes and sources of funding, but especially of alliances, interpretative frameworks, military strategies and violent repertoire s. In this period there is a particular emphasis on the knot of the articulation between ce nter and regions and the state that fractures become dramatic. In the third and final section, the text stops in the legacies of the war on soc iety and the Colombian democracy, and in their effects on the victims of the conflict. Th ere emphasis is on the way like so many years of programming perverse, not only of t he armed actors in the conflict, but also of the society as a whole, have left lega cies of anti-democratic and lasting impact on the victims that the actors in the first armed conflict, and the society and the institutions as a whole have a res ponsibility to repair. Understand the suffering of the victims and palpate the authoritarian heritage to be normalizing are that lead to the conclusion that, a t this time , the navy is a conflagration war with past but without future9. 9 Gonzalo Sánchez Gómez, a war with a past but without future, Week Magazine, Special Edition 30 years August 25 2012, consulted in http://www.semana.com/edicion-30-anos/articul o/una-guerra-pasadopero- future/263446-3 on 3 December 2014. 10 See in annexs, Paper 1: conceptual delimitation. 11 Bejarano also continues this argument. See Ana Maria Bejarano, precarious dem ocracies. Divergent political trajectories in Colombia and Venezuela, Bogotá: Uniandes, Facu lty of Social Sciences, Political Science Center for Social Studies, 2011. 12 Except, of course, the case of Uruguay. See Ruth Berins Collier and David Col lier, shaping the political arena. Critical junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin Amer ica, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991. 1. THE SINGULARITY COLOMBIAN 1.1 . STRONG PARTIES, NATION DIVIDED, FRACTURED AND WEAK status in Colombia, the formation of the nation-state is distinguished from the other c ountries of the continent by its sequence historicas1110 and articulation. In contrast to its Latin Americ an neighbors , Colombia was characterized by their political parties were forged before solidifying its status and because they were the main actors of the process of imagination and inculcation of a country.12 community. In the country, for 1850 was already possible to speak of a liberal party and on e conservative, each articulated as network multi-class composition of type ingratiating that tended bridges between the regions , and between the regions and the center. In addition to this articulation, the political networks incorporated into the political debate both the elites and the sectors populares 13, and the mobilized in clientelistic exchanges in times of both votes as of armas14. 13 AEDS, Malcolm: The presence of the national policy in the provincial town, feu ds and rural Colombia in the first century of the Republic in from the same author: The power and the g rammar and other essays on history, politics, and Colombian literature. Bogota: Third World publishers, 199 3, p. 175-206. 14 González, Fernán: electoral legislation and behaviors: historical evolution in from the same author: To read the policy, took 1, Bogotá: CINEP, 1997, p. 95-164. 15 According to Santiago Montenegro, Colombia has one of the most uneven geograph ies planet with a very high rate of dispersion in the absence of a clear policy of delimitation of the border inside . See Santiago Montenegro, territory, governance and economy in Santiago Montenegro, ope n society, geography and development, testing of political economy, Bogotá: Editorial Norma, 2006. 16 See Marco Palacios, State and social classes in Colombia, Bogota, new library of Colombian culture (PRICULTURA), 1986 and David Bushnell, Colombia: a nation despite hersel f, Bogotá: Planet, 1999. 17 Gonzalo Sánchez, studies on violence. Review and prospects at Gonzalo Sánchez and R icardo Peñaranda (compilers), Op. Cit. , 1986. 18 Malcolm deas, fiscal problems in Colombia during the nineteenth century, in the power and the grammar. And other essays on history, politics, and Colombian literature. Bogota: Third world publishers, (1993), pp. 63 107. 19 Product under the framework of the Constitution of 1863, For its part, the Uni on Army was reduced to a meager armed group called Colombian Guard, whose primary mission is to intervene at the t ime that were ignited hostilities between the states. In reality, the interference o f the Guard was limited, since it had a foot of force of 600 men on average, a figure lower, whe n compared with that of the army of the sovereign State of Santander that was attended by budget to enlist a nd put at your service a These networks policies rooted in a territory characterized by its diversity and complejidad15, fact that economic framework different vocations and gave rise to regional particulares16 orders, within the framework of a weakly integrated dome stic market. But in terms of economic policies there seemed to be consensus among elites, the institutional design that would have to regulate the relations center-regions and collect and distrib ute the treasury , and the place of the Catholic Church in the social order were the reason for r ecurring armed confrontations, with the exception of the wars of half of the century asso ciated to democratizing reforms linked to the fate of the craftsmen. Thus, in the nineteenth century, there were eight wars of national character and fourteen regionales17. Each one of them strengthened the party membership and deepened the notion that the p olitical adversary was in reality an enemy. By the end of the century, the members of each network is identified with the symbolic matrix of his own party, identification that deepen ed with each spiral of violent polarization. These dynamics were deployed in addition in a context of institutional weakness and low economic exchange. By the same narrowness of the market, the central State handl ed fiscales18 restricted resources, did not have an army propio19, and faced an average of one thousand men in time of peace and that necessary in time of war. Thus, the operational capacity of the guard in front of an armed confrontation between two or more states was mini mal. Mayra Fernanda King Stephen, military education in Colombia between 1886 and 1907 in Cri tical History No. 35, Bogotá, January-June 2008, pp. 151-152. 20 Montenegro, ibid. 21 González, Fernán: Settlement and social conflict in Colombian history in from the s ame author: To read the policy. Tests of Colombian political history. Bogota, CINEP, 1997, p. 71-94: 74-77. 22 Pecaut, Daniel. Order and violence. Colombia 1930-1954. Bogota: Cerec and twe nty-first century publishers, 1987 and Fernán González, Op. Cit. 23 Catherine Legrand, Frontier Expansion and Peasant Protest in Colombia, 1830-1 936, Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press, 1986, pp. 119 and following. 24 The emphasis is mine. See Catherine Legrand, agricultural background of violen ce: the social conflict in the Colombian border, 1850-1936 at Gonzalo Sánchez and Ricardo Peñaranda, Op. Cit. , 1991, pp. 135-136. 25 Paul Oquist, violence, conflict and policy in Colombia, Bogotá: Banco Popular L ibrary, 1978. geography that imposed challenges to the gobernabilidad20, an issue that was rei nforced by the resistance of the regions to let ourselves be governed from a center. On the oth er hand, the state bureaucracies , rather than being caused by a few impartial institutions, assumed the color of his party and should be in your network. There were, however, some regions, the empty spaces or hot land 21, that were on the outside of the clientelist networks, as well as their inhabitants we re excluded. In this way, while a portion of the country came into the games of power and par tisan bickering in the bureaucratic, another, very sparsely populated, it was excluded or excluyo22. These spaces were associated with the agricultural frontier where the migration of set tlers resulted in the formation of a sector of small independent farmers oriented toward a market economy 23 . In order to stimulate the economy, the State issued at the end of nineteenth century24 a law that provided for the titling of free sites on the bo rder, but is confronted in its practical application with specific barriers high prices for measurement and demarcation and with regional powers. These powers were agitating to the deci sions taken by the officials for example notaries the favored so that the frames of the political and economic power at the local level were mutually reinforcing . The political control of the local power thus became a part of the scaffolding in the order in general that was reflected in the expression that lasted up until today have lever 25, such an interaction between a person and a political contact ensures th at you get to a particular a decision in its favor at the head of the State. The nineteenth century closed with the issuance of the 1886 Constitution led by a coalition of liberals and conservatives, the regeneration, which provided an institutional de sign and presidential centralist26 based on a conservative look and organic of the sociedad27. This gaze crystallized in the predominance accorded to the Catho lic Church on the education and the private life and by this track on the projects of life and ide ntities of the women, and sealed with the signing of the Concordat between the Vatican and the Colombian government. The project also ordered the adoption of a scaffolding centralist in fiscal term s and was accompanied in addition to the intended to be a professional army of nacional28 character. These institutional designs and exclusion from the politic al power of some streams of liberalism would trigger the War of a Thousand Days in the late nineteenth ce ntury and the dawn of the XX century, which culminated in the rowdy liberal defeat of Palonegro described in the quotation at the beginning of this document. 26 Appointment of governors in the hands of the Executive who rested, in turn, t he appointment of the mayors of the newly created departments; and nomination at the head of the P resident of the judges of the Supreme Court and the courts. 27 This is the settlement of the regeneration that Colombia and Uruguay, the oth er Latin American country with two strong parties , a nation divided and weak institutions, branch off. Uruguay enters the twentie th century from the hand of a liberal reformist project inclusive in contrast with Colombia . Ruth Berins Collier and David Colier, shaping the political arena, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University P ress, 1991. 28 Mayra Fernanda King Stephen, military education in Colombia between 1886 and 1 907 in Critical History No. 35, Bogotá, January-June 2008, pp. 151-152. In retrospect, the uniqueness of the construction of the nation-state in Colombi a lies in the combination of several processes. The inculcation of a sense of belonging to a shared destiny came from the hand, not a State with claims or inclusive networks of autonomous cultural, but political parties of their twisted around e ach other in rivalries which, in the context of a weak state, resulted in enmity between two communities that are self-claimed each as a carrier of the true nation. For the economic elites in training, maintain control over the local power by th e track of party loyalties became crucial. Simultaneously, in the borders, there emerged a independent peasantry that, combined with the gradual politicization, and inculc ation of absolute enmities between liberals and conservatives and a fractured and weak St ate, led, through interactions do not always premeditated, in a complex scenario where the political game was arranged in such a way that could easily lead to war.

1.2 . OF THE TWENTY YEARS THE NATIONAL FRONT: DECOMPOSITION AND RECOMPOSICIÓN OF SOCIAL ORDER IN spite of the fact that the project of the regeneration provided an institutio nal design centralist, the State continued face enormous limitations to regulate social relationships and policies that irrigaban the life of the region level29. The purpose of forming a professional army disassociated itself from partisan affections start in 190730, with the constitu tion of Escuela Superior de Guerra, but only give important steps in this direction at t he end of the decade of the cuarenta31. 29 I have this annotation to Theophilus Vasquez, whom I thank for his contributi on. 30 Eduardo Pizarro, military professionalization in Colombia (1907 - 1944) in poli tical analysis, not. 1, Bogotá: IEPRI, No. 1, (1987), pp. 28-55; Elsa Blair Trujillo, the Armed Forces. A gaze civil, Bogotá: CINEP, 1993. 31 Blair, Ibid. , and Francisco Leal Buitrago, relations between civilian and mil itary during the National Front in Carlos Caballero A. , Monica Pachón Buitrago and Eduardo Posada Carbo (compiler s), fifty years of return to democracy. New looks to the historical significance of the National Fr ont, Bogotá: University of The Andes, 2012, p. 163-185 32 Aguilera and Vega, op.cit. and Sanchez, Gonzalo: Essays in social and politic al history of the twentieth century, Bogotá: the Salva Liarte Editors, 1985 and Sanchez, Gonzalo: the imaginary of the Colombian p olitical Magazin Dominical in the spectator, not. March 359 11 1990, p. 17-20. In the midst of these institutional weaknesses, the country experienced a series of social and economic transformations that , by not having unleashed the knots of the first period, led again in the explosion of violence in the middle of the century. The twenties of the last century were distinguished from the earlier because the y broke out during a cycle of social mobilizations and founded the first parties of the left. Peasant leagues also appeared and workers' organizations around a political pole of the left, transformations that were reflected in the emergence of newspapers and in the realization of rallies, national meetings, Thomas street a nd invasion of tierras32. It was also the decade in which, in the words of Catherine Legrand, settlers took the initiative and appealing to the law of wastelands, claimed land and req uests were sent to Bogota , encouraged by decrees and laws that established the rule that, in certain terr itories, the land could be considered public and be entitled to those who were working. Unlike the previous cycles of agrarian struggles, the settlers on this occasion been able to resist better to the onslaughts of the landowners thanks to the alliances built with leftist political forces and liberales33 flows. 33 Catherine Legrand, Frontier Expansion and Peasant Protest in Colombia, 1830-1 936, Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press, 1986, pp. 119 and following. 34His politicization remained so obvious in 1924 that the Swiss Mission hired by President Ospina argued that garrison of Bogota account with 1200 men but gave 2500 votes, Elsa Bla ir, Op. Cit. , p. 41. 35 Under the Act, at the end of 1928, banana plantation workers declared the stri ke and on December 5, the army fired on the crowd gathered in the plaza de La Ciénaga. In Jorge Orlando Melo , The heroic act of 1928 in Colombia is a topic in http://www.jorgeorlandomelo.com/leyheroica.htm, consulted on 15 No vember 104 36 Bless you infinitely to the Lord for the victory achieved by party of social orde r against subversive elements and strangers who want to be imposed with sophisticated arguments. Peter Adam, Archb ishop of Cartagena. I thank telegram comunicanme final approval project on social defense, that was life or death for institutions and party. I am pleased with you and senators who approved. Bishop of Manizales, Without author, social defense . Against communism. Bogota: Imprimerie Nationale, 1929 cited in Blair, ibid. In the midst of these transformations or more precisely by their cause, at the n ational level, the enmity between liberals and conservatives was reactivated, but this time includi ng the left in training. This polarization is disseminated via the pulpit and the preac hing of some dignitaries of the Church and strengthened through the army that, for the t hirties , was still under the control of the Party Conservador34. Since those years, currents of political elites, especially conservative, interpreted social mobilization as a result of the intrusion of actors outside t he national destiny. To cope with such interference, sued the adoption of extraordinary measures ensuring that Congress to approve the law or of heroic soc ial defense . This act by the other received the applause of unconditional some prelates of the catholic church35 because, according to them, provided the tools to succeed mili tarily on the subversive elements [ ] who want to be imposed with sophisticated arguments 36 . With the return of liberalism to the Presidency in 1930, the interpretative fram eworks with which the more radical conservative leaderships read events acquired tones Banzer's increasingly. While in Europe, on the eve of the Second World War , flared up the Spanish Civil War and in France he ascended to power a coalition of left call Popular Front (1936-1938), in Colombia president Alfonso Lopez Pumarejo was trying to push some on land reforms, higher education and heritage of women, civil marriage and divorce, extension of the franchise to all the male population and trade union rights, which, however its restraint, were read by the intellectuals most radical conservatives as attempts to subvert the foundations most sacredsociety 37. 37 The awful shows that [communists] and freemasons gave of himself in Spain, and the abyss of lawlessness, immorality and servility to have yielded to Mexico, comparable only to the chaos in Russia, let see what awaits us if the plans and submitting counterspiritual of these two monsters are left prosper in The II Eucharistic Congress, speech of Francisco Cristobal, Bishop of Antioch, quoted in Ricardo Arias Trujillo, Contemporary History of Colombia (1920-2010), Bogotá: University of The Andes, 2011, p. 80. 38 Blair, ibid. 39 Mary Roldán, blood and fire. The violence in Antioquia, Colombia. 1946-1953, Bo gotá: ICANH and Foundation for the Promotion of Science and Technology, 2003. 40 Ibid. 41 Donny Meertens, "Women and violence in rural conflicts", political analysis, 24, (1995), pp. 36 49. 42 Vertical in the sense of an enormous asymmetry of power between the victims o f the dispossession and their beneficiaries, i.e. between settlers, peasants, indigenous communities and large landowners wit h connections in the local and regional orders. 43 Horizontal because the dispossessed and who robs tend to come from the same s ocial class. 44 Cesar Augusto Ayala Diago, the closing of the Congress of 1949 , in Magazine hi story credential, Bogotá: Bank of the Republic, June 162 edition of 2003, digital publication in the web page o f the Biblioteca Luis Angel Arango del Banco de la República, http://www.banrepcultural.org/revista-60, search carried out on 20 November 2014. As in the past, this ideological confrontation, increasingly virulent, unfolding in the framework of institutions unable by their own partisan affiliation, to co ntain the antagonism and steer it toward more democratic way. The assassination on Apr il 9, 1948 by Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, the leader who represented for many sectors, the hope of a change, precipitated, on the one hand, a great explosion of rebellion and f rustration, and, on the other hand, a policy of conservatizacion of the police. In spite of the fact that the govern ment had tried to renationalize-that Lopez in 1935 and 1936, the police were directly lin ked to the departmental authorities and local authorities, heavily involved in the confrontation38 who used her as political police. Behind this political persecution, were largely routed through various conflicts . Below the large national frameworks that ordered the confrontation in absolute enmities be tween liberals and conservatives , was moving a country in ferment where mixed small everyday grievances with the ambition of power between factions, as well they we re of the same party39; the racial and ethnic discrimination40; the transformations in the female roles and representations41; the uprisings against the hierarchies and social scorn, and dispossession 42 vertical and horizontal 43 of the earth. After going through the murder of a liberal Congress in full, the declaration of a pulse of power between legislative and executive, the closing of the Congress in 194944, the election of a conservative president, Laureano Gomez as the single candidate, the conservatiza cion of the police and the training of liberal guerrillas in the plain, the country was plunged into the worst definitely cycle of violence that is unleashed with greater inten sity in certain regions, along several frames simultaneously confusing: the legacy of hatred; the story of a social insubordination diffuse command without a national able to articulate it, and the greed for land and for the charges and their patronage at the local level and re gional45. 45 Gonzalo Sánchez G. , Violence, guerrillas and farm structures, Alvaro Tirado Meji a (ed. ), New History of Colombia, Bogota, Planet, 1989, Vol. II, pp. 127-152. 46 Meertens, ibid. 47 Nelly Mendivelso R. and Maria Claudia Rojas R. one general lesson, a newspaper, No. June 59 20, 2004 , available online: http://historico.unperiodico.unal.edu.co/ediciones/59/10.htm . The repertoires of violence perpetrated against women and their participation in the armed groups carrying out tasks associated with the female domesticity dan just account of the changes and continuities that occurred in the country since the War of a Tho usand Days. On the one hand, the majority of those that were involved in armed groups do not compact would violate the domestic roles that traditionally had been assigned, but on the other hand during violence were attacked in greater measure to the civilian population, and for the first time the victims were distributed systematically in both sexes46 . The aggression aga inst women and markings as the armed left on female bodies tortured had not only an instrumental sense but also symbolic: it was not to stop or the seed of the enemy. The military, with the General Rojas to his head, were called to occupy the gove rnment as an impartial force to contain the horror that was deployed by the fields. But that image of pacification in head of the Army was becoming blurred with repressive respons es, first against the students in June 195447, the declaration of the illegality of the Communist Part y , the closure of the liberal newspapers The Time and the viewer, to culminate in a agreed transition between the former enemies liberals and conservatives that gav e rise to the National Front, an agreement that sought to seal definitely the armed confrontations between parties and strengthen the field of resolution of s ocial and political conflict in other ways. 2. THE CONTEMPORARY WAR 2.1 . TRIGGERING CONDITIONS OF WAR violence, with the rituals of horror, and the derivation of the military governm ent in authoritarian regime , forced the bipartisan elites to promote a covenant of coexistence. After talks in Spain, the liberal and conservative leaders came to a settlement that in retrospect has been seen by some as a dictatorship disguised as elections; and by others as the regime that allowed definitely leave behind the hatreds and enmities absolute between liberals and conservatives. In terms of its institutional design, the Front National (FN) was effectively ri gid and exclusionary. Applied a millimetre parity between liberals and conservatives in all elected bodies , that is to say to Congress, Councils and assemblies; used the same rule for public service and the high courts; stipulated that only would be approved b ills with 2/3 of the votes, a requirement that toward impossible, in practice a appro val; and defined that the presidencies alternate between liberals and conservatives e very four years , first until 1970 but then extended this arrangement until the presidential ele ctions in 1974. Although not declared illegal expressions from left, if the excluded formally of electoral competition by limiting the contest exclusively t o liberal candidate demographics or conservadora48. 48 Bejarano, Op. Cit. Without denying these features exclusive and others that we will discuss later, this section focuses on demonstrating how this period that comprises the FN (1958-1974) and extends for two years (1976), was more than a disguised dictatorship but less than a democracy guarantees. The interstices pluralistic In general it has been argued that, given the electoral rules stipulating the pa rity to legislative bodies and state institutions and the alternation in the Presidency, the covenant was able to overcome the deep enmity between liberals and conservatives but led in turn to the parties appear indistinguishable in ideological terms and programmatic. In the e lections, no significant matter would indeed game what would explain the growing rate of abstention. Without denying the validity of these assessments, they all need to be qualified . In the first place, in the elections for Congress were involved not only current pro-National Front. To them also attended critical forces of the Covenant. On the one hand, the Movimiento R evolucionario Liberal (MRL), was presented from 1958 until 1968 by getting up to 18% of the seats in t he House and 9 per cent of the Senate49; and on the other hand, the General Rojas f ounded the Popular National Alliance (ANAPO) registered as a conservative, that as the MRL, obtained each time more seats, achieving in 1970 33% of the camera and 21.36 % in the Senado50. Although the left did not participate, the MRL in its beginnings hosted under their lists to prominent members of the Colombian Communist Party (CCP)51 and expressed their p ositions in the Congress at least until 1968, at which time Alfonso Lopez Michelsen, your maximum leader, decided to rejoin the ranks of the government liberal. 49 In 1960, obtained 18 seats that accounted for 11.84 %; in 1962, had increased to 33 seats (17.93 % ); in 1964 it dropped to 31 by adding its hard-line and its soft line (16.85 % ); and 20 in 1966 (10.58 %) decreased in 1968 to 2 and return to liberalism at that time). (See annexs, Document 2: elec toral figures) 50 in camera, in 1962 he won 2 seats; in 1964, 26 (14.13 % ); in 1966, 37 (19.58 % ); in 1968, 34 between its two factions (16.64 %) and in 1970, 73 seats (34.76 %) and then dropped to 15 seats that acco unted for 7.61 %. (See annexs, Document 2: electoral figures) 51 Juan de la Cruz Varela, a peasant leader of the resistance of the Sumapaz, ar rived at the House of Representatives as an alternate for Alfonso Lopez Michelsen in elections for col legial bodies of 1960. Laura Varela Mora and Yuri Romero Picon, the vicissitudes of peace. On the paths of life by Juan de la Cruz Varela in Tabula rasa no. 4 Bogota, January. /June 2006, available online : http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?pid=S1794-24892006000100013&script=sci_artte xt, consulted on 19 November 2014. 52 This government would arouse great resistance in the United States itself bec ause it supported the civil rights movement that polarize American society during those years. He was assassinated in 1963. What became homogeneous both the political class liberal-conservative as to that there was no debate in Congress? Were the critical forces of the Covenant a role of simple fill in the legislative arena? To respond to these questions, it is rebuilt the discussions raised by the agrarian reform project that the government of Preside nt Alberto Lleras proposed in 1961 and then resumed in 1968 under the presidency of Carlos Lleras Restrepo. This project was part of a package of reforms envisaged in the Alliance for Prog ress , a program designed by the government led by the Democrat John F. Kennedy52 after braving the Cuban Revolution (1959). The majority of initiative s aimed at reforming the economic structures of Latin American societies with proposals of liberal cut-democratizing to prevent social uprisings which will le ad to countries considered of its orbit to be offloaded to the field communist enemy. In this context , in 1961 the Government of Alberto Lleras proposed to the Congress of the Repub lic, the agrarian reform project. Although the initiative was endorsed by the US, conservative counter-currents th at were against the reform have argued in the parliamentary debates that the initiative had sovietizantes implications for proposing the abolition of private property53 and argued that when that law was adopted, the communists [went] to exit to appropria ting the land54 . For these conservatives, the covenant of the National Front was not pre vent expressed opposition of principle on the project that is being debated in Congres s, with arguments reminiscent of those put forward in the thirties by his party. Between the 46 postures of opposition to the draft that were recorded, all with the exception of few four, came from conservative spokesmen. Of the four liberales55, highlights the of Pedro Castro Monsalve, representative elected by the Magdalena who arrived at the end of suffrage send a threatening the rapporteur, Senator Carlos Lleras Restrepo, invi ting him to his funeral and to those of the National Front and to his premature demise of the party56 . In general , in these debates, more that dissolution of ideological borders between parties , what is expressed is an updating of the traditional borders between liberals and cons ervatives . 53 Alfonso Uribe Masses, Senator, Conservative, elected for the constituency of Antioquia, Annals IV, May 17 1961. (See annexs, Document 3: Discussions Agrarian Reform) 54 Mario Ortiz de La Roche, Conservative, elected for the constituency of Antioq uia, Annals IV, December 16 1961. 55 Peter Castro Monsalvo (Magdalena); Jorge Escallón (Bolivar); Hernan Toro Agudel o (Antioquia) and Victor Mosquera Chaux (Cauca). 56 The liberal senator by the department of Magdalena, Pedro Castro Monsalvo, ra dically opposed, claiming that the land redistribution was not indispensableanother detractors was the representative in the Chamber by the department of Magdalena, José Ignacio Vives Echeverría. Both Vives, a member of the MRL, as Castro Monsalvo and LAFAURIE, rejected the interference of Lleras in your dep artment (which by then also grouped the departments of Cesar and Guajira). Tatiana Acevedo, Don't mess with the earth , The Spectator, April 20 2011, available online: http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/nacional/no-te-metas-tierra-articulo-264519 . (See annexs, Document 9: Photo suffrage). In addition to the pugnacity of the debates between opponents in his majority an d defenders predominantly conservative liberals, the counter-movements to reform r esorted to all kinds of gadgets to paralyze the argument to the point that the President ha d to send a message of urgency and the congressmen were impelled to sign a covenant between knights57 . 57 Due to the difficulty of putting according to the different factions in the c ongress, in August of 1961 was signed a pact between the factions in order to be able to discuss the a grarian reform. In the gentleman's agreement , as it was called, it was agreed that the project would be discussed by topics ea ch with a maximum of 4 sessions and each faction should designate a spokesperson. In addition, before the slow discu ssion and difficulty to reach agreements, the President made several emergency calls to set time limits to the discussions. Fi nally, within the Congress it was established that the act could be adopted by an absol ute majority, half plus one, instead of the 2/3 parties. 58 See annexs, Document 3: discussions of the agro. 59 Earth deb[ia] perform a social function and the project does not resolve[track ] the problem of the latifúndio [ ] only promotes [ed] colonizations and oblige without touching the field structure. See in annex s, Document 3: Discussions Agrarian Reform. The project suffered changes as they progressed through the discussions. The art icle on expropriation of social interest was deleted and replaced by one that dealt with the acquisition of privately-owned land provided they were not being cultivadas58. During the discussions, the majority of liberals and conservatives who publicly expressed their positions if they were on opposite shores and tended to align programmatic manner. As well as the conservatives were bitter opponents of the reform on the ground t hat it infringed upon the right to property, the majority of liberals were aligned and defended the reform for reasons of social equity, and the MRL59 shouting views pro-reformers more criticism and hosted in their lists of leaders such as Juan de La Cruz Varela, recognized peasant leader in the region of Sumapaz. Why, without denying the restrictions imposed by the FN, it is necessary to reco gnize in retrospect that there were possibilities, as well were limited, they reached dissenting voices to the Congress of the Republic and that in this space will be triggered discuss ions in where there were positions that accounted for a opposition. The laws adopted wer e not as radical as they would have liked the MRLS and communists, nor as safe as they wanted the conservatives and some liberals clustered around a defense of the land ownership that brooked no exceptions. Other public scenarios were also producing transformations. In the sixties was triggered a educational revolution unpreceden ted in Colombia. The number of enrolled increased exponentially from 1960 to 1980 and the university became accessible to an expanding middle class, includin g the mujeres60. 60 Leal Buitrago, Francisco, The political frustration of a generation. The Colom bian university and the formation of a student movement 1958-1967 , in Camilo Torres and the Universidad Nacional de Col ombia , Bogotá, Unibiblos, 2002. 61 See in annexs, document 4: Press and Alternative Literary 62 at the public university should operate the shared monopoly of liberals and co nservatives, as well as parity between them for management positions, and professorial [] on several occasions, the public university was conceived as the spoils in the bureaucratic game [bipartisan ] In: Alvaro Tir ado Mejia, the sixties . A revolution in culture, Bogotá, debate, 2014, p. 336 63 in 1958, was published the Manifesto Nadaista that would give rise to an irre verent movement of cultural subversion ; in 1959 the "millennial Student Workers' Movement in 1960, i t had been converted into Student Workers' Movement and peasant, the National University Federation (FUN) that collects the experiences of student mobilization and achieves articulate them in 1963. See in annexs, docume nt 4: Literary and alternative press. 64 Mary Emma Wills, does Inclusion without representation? The irruption of poli tical women in Colombia, Bogotá: Standard, 2007, p. 170. 65 Mauritius Archila Neira, The National Front: a history of enmity social Yearboo k in Colombia's Social History and Culture, not. 24, 1997, p189-215. In this revolution not only had the numbers. The university environment to the e ntering these youths already had nothing to do with the sanctimonious and traditional so ciety in previous decades. New careers, especially in the social sciences, competed with the traditional engineering, law and medicine. In addition, the young people arrived after the student movements that had been taken to the streets to overthrow the Genera l Rojas in 1954 and the adoption of the universal female suffrage, and joined to a cultu ral environment that had already been inspired by the myth and magazine that was immersed in the disr uptions caused by the paint of Débora Arango and Alejandro Obregón, and revolution in the ma king of the generation of the boom in the field literario61. Thus, notwithstanding th e restrictions of institutional design Frentenacionalista that also left their mark on the universidades62, the country, especially the urban, there lived a cultural trans formation that without doubt favored the emergence of new social movements and identities innovadoras63. Women, for example, would save its place , it would take the streets and underpinning in the different cities of the country magazines with n ames so irreverent and transgressors as Bruges, the apple of discord or Femina Sapiens64. In numerical terms, the action of troublesome students, trade unionists, peasant s and indigenous peoples , including in all of these expressions to women, reached during the years of FN (1958-1974), the not inconsiderable sum of 3031 with an average of 178 per an o65. These data indicate that during these years the public sphere began to deploy hi gher levels of pluralism associated with degrees of autonomy important compared to the traditio nal parties and the Church. Unfortunately, your democratization potential crashed against the desire for control of the traditional parties and the new currents o f left, and the restrictive measures adopted by successive governments. The armed struggle, the restrictive option and the military response all these transformations of the national order occurred within the framework of a bipolar world. If in the twenty the war in Spain and then the antagonism between the fascisms a nd the block of the allies had made its mark in the interpretations which guided the national actors in their readings of our conflicts, in the sixties the confrontation East/West is transformed, both to the left as to the traditional p arties, in a frame of reference and interpretation to decrypt the reality. Polarising the prospects that they read in the key of friends and enemies the po litical reality, both developed by the communist camp such as those coming from west side , aired through their respective militants and the realization of meetings and congresse s, exchange visits, and the circulation of books and revistas66. 66 See in annexs, document 4: Literary and alternative press. 67 Mauritius Archila and Jorge Cote, Boom, crisis and reconstruction of the Colo mbian left (1958-2006) in several authors, an unfinished story. Left-wing political and social in Colombia , Bogotá: CINEP, COLCIENCIAS and Agenda for Peace, 2009. As well as the United States was the pin that it affected everything in liberali sm, the lefts were inspired from several experiences. For some streams, the Soviet Union, from his triumphant revolution at the beginning of the twentieth century, the model repre sented to follow; other groups looked toward China after Mao, in 1949, led the Long March of triumph and peasant will trigger a few years the . And sti ll other forces they thought that the path taken by the foquista guerrillas in Cuba was the way to tomar67. In the decade of the sixties, while in Europe he walked toward a moment of relax ation between the Soviet Union and the United States appointed as peaceful coexistence and supported by the communist parties in Latin America, in the interpretive continent flows arose that they read the reality as conducive to th e revolutionary armed struggles and who adhered to the Chinese models or Cubans, in frank rebellion with the patterns drawn from the URSS68. 68 Ibid. 69 By restrictive positions in this job are positions that are willing to sacrif ice and guarantees civil and political rights in the name of security. 70 In the revision of debates on public order (1961-1976), 44 of the interventio ns were restrictive type, 20 of them liberals, 22 conservatives, 1 and 1 without informa tion that recorded as of other movements . In contrast, 28 of these interventions were cut wardenship, 18 libera l and conservative 8 and 2 of anapistas. See in annexs, Document 5: discussions on sec urity. GMH 71, 2013, Op. Cit. and see in annexs, Document 6: Registration persecution, murder, torture Colombia would not be the exception: In 1962, after a trip to Cuba, a group of y oung people would settle the Brigade pro-liberation José Antonio trouser, seed of what would l ater be autodenominaria the National Liberation Army (ELN) that was born on July 4 of 1964 with the first Guerrilla Gear and would be publicly released with the socket and the Manifest Simacota on 7 January 1965; and in February 1967, wi th the break sino-soviet and harsh criticisms of the Colombian Communist Party, was fou nded the People's Liberation Army (PLA) of inspiration marxist-leninist -Maoist. By contrast with these origins inspired in interpretative frameworks developed i n other latitudes , the Autodefensas Campesinas communists decided to promote a organizational pro cess motivated armed in national events --the military operation in Marquetalia-- that culminated in the founding of the Revolutionary Armed Forc es of Colombia (FARC). If in the field of the left emerged armed these flows, how politicians reacted and what happened to the Army? In contrast with the partisan divisions expressed around the agrarian reform, issues of public order the majority of congressmen, both liberal and conservative, expressed converging positions of restrictivas69 nature, both of the rights of the securities constitucionales70. For its part, from the early years of the FN, various executives approved legisl ative decrees issued under the figure of the states of exception that responded to the challen ge with guerrilla cuts of rights and guarantees of due process. Some of the measure s taken in this period retook figures such as the military criminal justice system to tr y civilians with the aggravating circumstance that the offenses are tried as related expande d so far as to incorporate the strikes and the jacks71; also adopted the authorization to create lists of suspected of subversive activities and the detention of persons suspect ed of links with the guerrillas judicial72 without order. In general, as can be seen in the annexs, these measures were used not only in the framework of a guerrilla campai gn but that were deployed to harass manifestations of social discontent and to regulate freedom of expresion73. The protests and lawsuits by participati on and redistribution handled then as matters of public order. 72 In 1961, with the approval of the Law 141 of 1961, the Military Penal Code ad opted by the Military Junta in 1958, he became substantive law applicable in contexts of normality, group of Hist orical Memory , Enough is Enough! Colombia: Memories of war and dignity, CNMH-DPS, 2013, p. 20 0. As legislative decrees , in 1959 it was authorized to the power of the armed forces to perform capture of civilians suspects without a warrant; in 1960 the figure was abolished parole for offenses that would disrupt the public order ; the following year , it was decreed the arrest of suspects without a warrant; in 1965 the decree 12 90 granted powers to the military criminal justice system to try civilians allegedly respon sible of rebellion, kidnapping, extortion, sabotage, conspiracy and crimes against property; and in that same ye ar the decree 3398 empowered the Government to permit citizens to take up arms in defense of the na tional security and the military to arm civilian groups with high-caliber weapons. In 1966 the legislative decree en try 2686 authorized the DAS to create lists of suspected of subversive activities and empowered to the agency to monit or to these people, in Manuel Iturralde, punishment, liberalism and authoritarian criminal justice of e xception, Bogotá: Century of Man Editors, Uniandes, Institute Think, 2010. 73 See in annexs, Document 6: Registration persecution, murder, torture. The cen sorship for example was deployed in 1973 when "Das denied visa to singer Piero [because] the Government considers it dangerous and subversive element by singing songs anti-imperialists" and a year after the authorities "Prohibition[Eron] and withdrew[Aron] the film 'The Blood of the Condor' at the Cinemateca Distrital, because the film complaint to a group of Peace Corps (USA) that applies the birth control and ste rilization of a community of indigenous Bolivians. Closed the Cinemateca Distrital". See Annexs, document 6. 74 The Decree 256 of 1960 reorganized the Higher Council of National Defense wit h the participation of ministers of Government, Finance and Foreign Affairs, and the general commander of the Armed Forces, chaired by the Minister of War. But the Council was not used as an advisory body w hich leads to the affirmation to Francisco Leal B. that the country faced those years without a military polic y articulated but from piecemeal and reactive responses. Francisco Leal B. , civil-military relations du ring the National Front in Carlos Caballero A. , Monica Pachón Buitrago and Eduardo Posada C arbo (compilers), fifty years of return to democracy. New looks to the historical significance of the National Front, Bogotá: University of The Andes, 2012, p. 163-185. 75 Francisco Leal Buitrago, Ibid. ; Andres Davila, the power game. History, weap ons and votes, Bogotá: CEREC Uniandes Editions, 1998; Philippe Dufort, Critical Strategic Studies: Learn ing from practitioners in counterinsurgent Contemporary Colombia, Dissertation submitted to qualify for the title of Doctor of Philosophy ( PhD), Homerton College, University of Cambridge, August 2013. However this profusion of legislative decrees adopted under states of emergency, the various governments did not produce a security policy articulated still existed since 1960 when the instance for elaborarla74 institutional. The only co mprehensive response came from the Colombian armed forces between 1960 and 1964. During those years, the military institution was living the rise of a reformist current inspired in a gaze, anti-communist certainly, but cutting and integral desarrollista75 type. This current, formed in the Korean war, his temper by read ings of the most comprehensive security assessments included in their social aspects, political, economic and psychological in marked contrast with the balances that the Army being undertaken in previous decades, focused on the dimensions and coercitivas76 strictly military. In their intelligence reports are appreciated a gaze not apprehensive of the communities, a greater understanding of their needs, a critique of the State by not providing education, roads and judges, and a change of attitude in the face of the land is sue : 76 Leal, Dávila Dufort and agree on this assessment, Ibid. 77 Lieutenant Colonel Jaime Rodriguez Rodriguez, Commander, Infantry Battalion, not. 9 Boyaca, Lanceros, Operation in Marquetalia, appreciation of civil affairs BR6 011400, Ib agué: May 1964. 78 Paul Grandson Andres Ortiz, reformism doctrinaire in the Colombian Army: a new approach to cope with the violence, 1960-1965, Critical History, No. May 53 2014, pp. 155-176 79 Nieto, 2013, op. cit. In financial matters it is desirable that the Caja Agraria has a greater amplitude to provide loans to rural people of simple condition by providing facilities for the processing of documents and provide timely advice [ ] regardin g the control of the property, the majority of the settlers of this area do not ha ve title to their plots or farms. It is necessary that the National Institute of Ag rarian Reform appropriate to holder these lands and to exercise strict control over his tenure to avoid the large landowners blackmail the small farmer and worker, as is happening with the signature LARA Brothers in the region of the Pato77. This gaze of the security driven by General Ruiz Novoa in the armed forces would generate tensions both within the institution itself with more conservative officers, as with political elites in disagreement with its reformism desarrollista78. After that at a dinner hosted by the Society of farmers in Colombia, the General Ruiz Novoa will deliver a keynote address openly critical to social stru ctures prevailing in Colombia, inequality and the brake that the influential sectors imp osed on him to government, and that the little time refused to declare an illegal strike, conser vative president Guillermo León Valencia, inspired by the request of other senior officers , i would ask the renuncia79. With it, will be closed that period in which a cur rent official sought to disclose in the armed forces a vision of security as a proble m also for inclusion in the development that the State, such as institutional set, should ensure. With the dismissal of General Ruiz Novoa, official estimated that advocated a explicit subordination to the civil government to the pair that defended a jurisd iction in matters of public order , in which Andres Davila has been called as repressive autonomy (1965- 1977)80. With these flows by directing the military institution, measures such a s the verbal councils of war, the development of lists of suspects or raids, would bec ome increasingly frecuentes81. 80 Davila, 1998, Dufort, 2013 and fair, 2012. Fair 81, Op. Cit. 82 AND he continues: preserve the public order within the jurisdiction, to protec t all persons residing in the jurisdiction in his life, honor and property; destroy the cores that offe r armed resistance and attract the affection of the civilian population through appropriate actions, ibid. 83 "The Government has not known how to respond to the principle of authority, o r the exercise of the sovereignty [ ] There are in this country a series of independent republics that they do not recognize the so vereignty of the Colombian State, where the Colombian army cannot enter, scares off people, or to the inhabitants [ ] The re is the independent republic of Sumapaz [ ], the independent republic of Planadas, the Rio chiquito, of this bandit that is called Richard [ ... ] The army has lost initiative in defense an d attack has been surprised". In subpoena to the Minister of War, Annals of Congress do not. Octo ber 265 26 1961. 84 Cyrus Trujillo, Riochiquito Report of June 9 to the Second Conference of the A utodefensas Unidas de Colombia, September 15 1965 , quoted in Mario Aguilera, guerrilla forces and civilian population. Trajec tory of the FARC (1949-2013), Bogotá : CNMH, 2014, p. 53 And 54 85 Ibid. Before you plunge a reading of that period of restrictions magnified, it is nece ssary to dwell on the implementation of the plan unfold in LOOP in Marquetalia, Riochiquito, Duck and Guayabero in 1964 by the army, because this situation led to the constitution of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The plan was designed to loop defend national independence and the homelands82 institutions in response to the debate promoted by Alvaro Gomez Hurta do in 1961 in the Senate of the Republic. In this debate, Senator accused the government of being incapable of ensuring the sovereignty of the State in all the national territory and incompetent to contain communist agitation and the revolutionary ferment83 . This plan was appropriate and implemented very differently in in Marquetalia Riochiquito and in. In the first, the Army was accused by the survivors themselv es of excessive force , torture, indiscriminate bombings that included virus and bacteria84, whereas in the second, according to witnesses to the own peasant organizations, n ot bloody clashes with the troops [and] under the command of Colonel Alvaro Valencia Tovar sought to establish a relationship with the Autodefensas Unidas d e through actions civic-military85 . However these contradictory answers that put in evidence the tensions and divisions that existed in the Army between the hard line and reformist, the FARC were developed a memory that put emphasis on the military excesses and that rein forced the image of a monolithic FFAA absolute enemy of the communists and the peasants, and an instrument of American interests while the hard line of the Army emphasized the communist danger abandoning any attempt at understanding the social and political context surrounding the claims of the pea sant communities and the distinction between armed groups and inhabitants of a region or citizens taking the streets to shout out their disagreement. Both memo ries , just as sketchy, would instill glances that, in each institution, it would become interpretive frameworks that atizarian war. The knot of the representation and the peasant authoritarian gradual degradation while the farming communities of in Marquetalia Riochiquito and moved toward the south, were anchored to the FARC and opted for the track armed, other political expressions of the claims representative farmers were emerging in the country. Carlos Lleras Restrepo, then to defend the Agrarian Reform as a Senator, he soug ht likelihood against the resistance of their opponents once elected President of t he Republic (1966-1970), boosting the constitution of the National Association of Peasant Fa rmers of Colombia (ANUC) with the issue of Law 1ª. 1968. Under this new legislative framework, from the Ministry of Agriculture advanceme nt a campaign of peasant organization throughout the country [ ] The process began wit h the establishment of committees even specific streets where necessary, then the muni cipal associations, followed by the departmental associations86. On 7 July 1970 the President Lleras installed, in th e presence of four hundred and eighty representatives from all corners of the pais87, the f irst National Congress of Users peasants in Colombia in the National Capitol. A year later, in Villa del Rosario, ANUC would adopt its own platform of struggle and in the f ollowing months would tierras88 384 outlets. Without a doubt, the initiatives taken since the State by President Lleras and by staff pro-reformists in the 86 87 http://anuc.co/dynamicdata/historia.php Cundinamarca, Sucre, Quindio, Nariño, V alley, Boyacá, Guajira, Magdalena, Meta, Bolívar, Tolima, Cauca and Huila, Risaralda, Norte de Santander, Cesar, Atlantic, Antioquia, Córdoba, Choco, Santander del Sur, Caldas and Intendancy of Caquetá and Putumayo, ibid. Archila 88, 1997, p. 195 Institutions created to give life to the agrarian reform89 were read by the organization as signals of state support to the claims farmers dammed by many years. 89 Group of Historical Memory, the disputed land, Op. Cit. 90 At the start of the National Front, there was a reaction on the part of lando wners in certain regions, which were opposed by the violently to any attempt of occupation of the land by farmers and settlers t hrough armed groups and that has been suppressed, in some cases up to order the assassi nation of leaders, and count on the support of private armed groups, a legacy of violence, or of members of the Police or the A rmy. See in annexs, Document 6: Registration persecution, murder, torture. 91 Bill does not. 4 OF 1972, "By the which changes were made to the 200 Laws of 1936, 135 of 1961 and 1 of 1968, provisions are made for presumptive income creates the Agric ultural Hall in the Council of State and other provisions." 92 reminiscent of the glances that in the nineteenth century saw certain groups unable to reason and therefore dependent leaderships of the illustrated only that now made the border between th ose who could participate and decide on discussions on relevant matters because know and those who do not, from a technical discourse -economic. 93 See in annexs, Document 7: peasant demands. The thomas lands organized by the ANUC accompanied by slogans such as earth pal who works the, unleashed a reaction on the ground legislativo90. In January 19 72, in rural areas, representatives of the traditional parties, including members of th e MRL and leaders of guilds of owners, agreed to a Pact that would take an interpretive fr amework other than to read the conflict over the land. The draft law 4 of 1972 argued in his justification of the grounds: The reform seeks to strengthen the spirit of enterprise with social sense and st imulate the real value of the work. The Agrarian Reform in Colombia has reduced the terms of the agrarian prob lem the only and unique aspect of the land tenure within a criterion that the princi ples of the modern agricultural economy estimated obsolete [] In this context, altering the previous laws improving the action of the Institute, [ ] and, finally, avoiding t he formation of exaggerated expectations and concerns without foundation capable of compromising the social balance and the development of the produccion91. Since that time, the law, their assumptions and the interpretative framework tha t inspired it became the central array discussions of the proposals by officials and technicians of the State on public policies for the Colombian countryside. Above all, it was maintained that spirit that it was considered that the discussion of the land tenure was obsolete and the92 expectations [farmers] of exaggerated, and that defined the challenge of the Colom bian countryside productive in terms of driving investment capital and agribusiness. While the ideological platform of the ANUC formulated in key the right of farmer s to organize themselves, and therefore to have a voice and vote in the decisions on the agro93, the response of the traditional parties and the guilds was first punish a covenant i n a unique space and exclusionary, and then pass a law in a Congress that met with his back to that voice and against their expectations. In April 1972 the government also suspended the legal personality of the Asociacion94. With these decisions, the c ovenant between the State and farmers that resulted in the agrarian reform and the constitution of the ANUC br oke leaving to drift the peasant organization. 94 See in view in annexs, Document 6: Registration persecution, killings, tortur e. 95 At the time, in the debates, the majority of defenders explicit of the Covena nt of rural areas were conservative demographics (24) and four liberal which included Wheel Alvaro Urib e, the old MRL. Meanwhile, those who have spoken against the Covenant came mostly from the ANAPO (16), accompanied by three conservatives (J. Emilio Valderrama, Juan Pablo Uribe and R afael Aponte) and two liberals , including Apolinar Díaz Callejas. 96 Annals of Congress. December of 1972. In addition to the various streams of the left who opposed through its organs of expression to these new legislative frameworks, the only ones, since the Congress95 protested against these talks with your back to the farmers and their organizati ons, were the congressmen anapistas who insisted on the radio transmission of the dis cussions for that the people know what is happening and that they left records signed both by them as by leaders in the ANUC expressing inconformidad96. The ANUC, how much force was in the early years, not only had to contend with th e ignorance of his voice and representation by the political leaderships and the guilds of the agro. Paradoxically, its ability to call and peasant coordination expressed in more than 360 images taken in 1971 turned it into a object of desire of all the different parties and left-wing forces, both of the armed and the unarmed. The Association, divided between a sector that I wanted to continue to adhere to the policies promoted by the State and another who was looking for his radicalizatio n, became weaker not only because of the persecution they suffered their leaders, but also by feu ds , but intransigence and sectarianism among left. Otherwise, the breakdown of the bridge between State, public policy and peasants would have long-term effects on the Colombian countryside : radicalized a sector of peasants who would opt for the armed struggle and launched many to a border where the cultivation of coca a few years later was to become the only option of market integration. On the other hand, as it is disassembling the electoral restrictions and limitat ions to the partisan competition provided for in the National Front, the polarization was progressing in a context in which the military response was aimed exclusively for the series of decrees fragmentary already cited, enrolled in a gaze limited, technical and ant i-liberal97 of the security that had little or nothing in account the damages caused to the institutional legitimacy that the repressive measures could acarrear98. 97 Anti-liberal in the sense of a liberal thought that alludes to the protection and guarantees afforded to rights such as freedom of expression and association, and that protects the political rights of citizens because they are considered the foundation of a democratic order. Fair 98, 2012, p. 175 Et seq. Not 99 triggers more explanatory. For more arguments about this distinction see Annex 1: conceptual delimitation. The challenges grew. In the seventies he appeared a new guerrilla of origin and cut more urban, more nationalist discourse and irreverent language: the M-19, whose founders argued as a reason for taking up arms the theft of the presidential elections of 1970 that gave the victory to secure General Rojas Pinilla as head of the ANAPO. Around the same time, became more recurrent complaints of torture and by trials in councils of war persons who were allegedly members of the guerrilla. As a result of this situation, was established in 1973 the Foundation Committee for Solidarity with Political Prisoners, who at the time attracted the support of such prominent figures as the Gabriel Garci a Marquez . In this context rarified, in 1976, the M-19 kidnapping to Jose Raquel Market, Pr esident of the Confederation of Colombian Workers (CTC), to whom the guerrilla group was tried in a court of the people , found guilty of treason and murderer. His bod y was found in a polyethylene bag in a park in Bogota. This modality, which the group assumed as a tool for proclaiming himself as upholder of the people, it would be come , as we will see later, in one of the reasons most invoked that individuals will react to the threat of kidnappings by the track of the weapons. Recapitulating, triggering conditions99 of this period relate to several process es that allude especially to two of the knots that are in the background of the war: the first, the representation in the political field of the aspirations and claims farmers; and second, the polarization in the absence of strong institutions, capable of implementing policies which channel the conflict through democratic m eans. In the sixties and seventies, the interpretative frameworks of elites and rebellious groups were inspired in polarizing readings product of a world by tha t then bipolar. Since these visions, it was difficult to recognize the different n uances and find points of agreement to negotiate. To the left, the agrarian reform of Carlos Lleras Restrepo not deserved support and was the product of the American interference. For its part, with the exception of the MRL and the Anapo, the majority of polit ical movements have not been able to identify in the action of troublesome students, women, peasants, in digenous people and trade unionists on the expressions of a plural society in full transformatio n but saw in them the signals communist danger. From the other shore, the armed left ot the context as one of complete closure of democracy, would opt for the weapons and look represent social protest from exclusive positions that did not admit the presence of other affiliations, as well they were also the own field on the left. The ANUC, the movement with a huge potential representative of the peasant aspirations, would be the great sacrificed in this spiral of mutual pola rization and stigmatization. The other big loser of the time, little recognized in his time, was the military that reformist current however its anti-communism, he tore it up with t he reading prostatu quo that had prevailed in the armed forces. His main contribution lies in the di stinction between civilians and armed group, and its explicit intention to build bridges w ith this population. His defeat he opened the way for the controls of the hard-line 1 00 appropriated the devices anti-liberal approved by the governments of shift in the various legislative decrees and they stigmatised as guerrilla collaborators to all the members of the movements that shouted new and old claims, and that under thi s assumption were then judged in summary proceedings by the criminal justice militar101. 100 Dufort, Op. Cit. 101 Military criminal jurisdiction was extended to have competence to judge , at the end of the seventies , around 30% of the types defined in the criminal Penal Code, in GMH, 2013, Op. C it. , p. 200. In the middle of the mutual ignorance and stigmatization, the projects were shipwrecked and reformist devices more authoritarian became the primary way to respond to the disgruntled armed in the left and in the more traditional political currents . 2.2 . A TIME CRITICAL: THE TRANSITION TO THE TOTAL WAR (1977 TO 1982) in the middle of a galloping inflation, in 1977, the four central united trade u nion, the CTC, UTC, CSTC and the CGT, organized a strike to protest against unemployment, famine, and the government's refusal to negotiate a number of petitions. Its suc cess was such that the President himself , Alfonso Lopez Michelsen, appointed him as a small April 9. Compared to the imminence of the strike, the government banned the demonstration s and denounced the radio. Although the figures are uncertain and vary according to the sources, according to the Black Book of the repression, a publication of the Committee of Solidarity with Political Prisoner s, in that day there were only twenty dead, more than a hundred injured and five thousand detain ees102 . Committee of 102 political prisoners, the black book of repression (1958-1980), Bogotá: Foundation for research and culture (FICA), 1980, p. 210 And 213. 103 Of the 24 records that could be checked at the Annals, 13 came from conserva tives; 7 were liberal, 1 of the Anapo and 2 of the National Union Obrera. Participated in two records the same representative, Gilberto Viera. See in annexs, Document 5: discussions security. 104 Annals of Congress do not. October 72 5 1977. 105 See in annexs, document 8: abductions. A few days after the strike, various congressmen made citations to Government Mi nisters (Rafael Pardo Buelvas), Defense (Abraham Male Valencia) and Work (Oscar Montoya). All the seekers and those who spoke during the debates assumed, regar dless of their political affiliation , positions based on the protection of derechos103. Some, such as Comfort Salgar de Montejo, liberal representative and director of the newspaper The Bosa, expressed in a peremptory manner that "Colombia ha[d] ceased to be a s tate of law to become a State of High Police" and stated his understanding that "the army of Colombia us[e] in the streets weapons of war and far-reaching, as i f they were pitched battles to stop battalions ... why not use[ron] short-range weapons , less harmful, for what they call riots of city? 104 ". Despite the criticism expressed by members of the congress, the President and the military were held i n the same line showing with this attitude that the security policy you corresponded exclusively to executive and the armed forces. The sense of threat that this popular outburst caused then deepened the 12 of Se ptember of 1978, when armed men of self defense Obrera (ADO) entered the home of Rafael Pardo Buelvas, former minister of Agriculture and former Minister of G overnment during the strike of 1977, and killed him. Joined to this murder, kidnappings they grew up in the sombra105. A few days later, on 21 September of that year, the newly elected Pre sident Julio Cesar Turbay adopted, under state of siege, the decree 1923 or Safety Stat ute that reflected the legislative decrees dispersed, and attributed to the military criminal justice ability to judge a series of crimes charged to civilians through verbal Councils of War106 in an international context where repressive responses and even dictatorial were the order of the dia107. 106 As the of kidnapping, armed uprising, integration of armed groups, or those who assail invade or populations, farms, ranches, roads or public roads, or which participate in distur bances of public order LEGISLATIVE DECREE 1923 of 1978 (September 6) Official Journal No. 35,101 On 21 September 1978. 107 The following countries were under dictatorship: Uruguay (1973-1985); Argent ina (1976-1983), Chile (1973- 1990); Bolivia (1971-1982), Ecuador (1972-1979). These dictatorships regimes co nsidered inspired in the National Security Doctrine developed in the US and released in the early seventi es in Latin America. Brazil (1964 1985) and Paraguay (1954-1989) were the first countries where the d ictatorship was established. The Peruvian case is considered a populist-authoritarian regime ruled by military. 108 Before the visit of a delegation of the Inter-american Commission on Human R ights, the response of the Colombian State clarified for example that in 1980 the Military Criminal Justice made three hundr ed and thirty four (334) Tips of War by different verbal offenses and that, as a result of the theft of the Canton North began in the November 16 1979 and was installed on 21 of the same month to try 176 person s in a single trial. See http://www.cidh.org/countryrep/Colombia81sp/Capitulo5.htm#_ftn1 109 Without author, raids and arrests. Praying to God and with the harness giving, Alternative Magazine, not. 196, 22 to 29 January 1979, p. 5. Sexual violence toward part of the repertoires violent. 110 Of these 42 interventions, 5 came from conservative members of congress, 3 o f the United People's Front; 13 of one and 19 liberals. See in annexs, Document 5: Discussions security. Ibid. , 111. With the spectacular robbery of 5000 arms of the Canton North of M-19 on 31 Dece mber 1978, the armed forces made use of all the devices listed in the Statute108 and article 28 of the Constitution that allowed the retention and incommunicado detention of a person for ten days by simple presumption. Since the first arrests were raining down accusations of torture and excesses, a nd there were cases as dramatic as the Olga's Roldan, daughter of Ivan Lopez Botero, liberal congres sman, who, as a result of the sufferings and smiter inflicted during their retention, treatment of suicidarse109. What position assumed Congress due to the Statute and its application? Between N ovember 1978 and May 1980, were carried out at the Congress of the Republic citations, record s and discussions on the status. In contrast with the previous period in which the majority of interventions were in favor of the restriction, during this time, 40 of them, the vast majority, were committed to the defense of positions elements110 and criticized so vehement actions taken by the Executive and the actions of the armed forces. The remaining twelve relate to motions that the y approve of the Statute and the restrictions of rights; all of them were made by representatives conservadores111. In a citation to the Minister of Defense, several senators and representatives c omplained of the intervention "aggressive and threatening of General Camacho Leyva [and thought] a aggression [ ] its assertion that in the current situation, the military does not need written order of a competent authority to make the scans and raids. Two years later, in 1981, Jaime Castro, Liberal Senator, it summed up the crux of the matter when he said that the Statute had given way to a "system of justice executive112" where "everyone, absolutely ever yone, the officials [ ] are chosen by the national government: the judges of the superior court, brigade commanders, that for some crimes make the times of the judges of first instance, the judges of military criminal investigation ... 113 . Despite these radically opposed positions to the Statute, Congress is not transf ormed into the stage of deliberation and construction of a security policy alternative more in keeping with the principles of due process and separation of powers that underlie the democratic state of law. Ibid. , 112. Ibid. , 113. 114 This decision weakened the Congress that took up the role of refrendador of crucial decisions on economic planning and became the arena where transactions were arguing minutiae of political favoritism. Ana Maria Bejarano and Renata Safe, targeted strengthening of the State during th e National Front in dispute, not. 169, Bogota, CINEP, November 1996. Due to the flagrant and massive violations and the fact that many occurred in th e cities under our own eyes, the repertories of protest began to transform themselves and the right to life and the defense of human rights became to occupy a central place. It is no coinc idence then that on 1 April 1979, to unite people of all political persuasions -- liberal, conservative, socialist and communist-- is constituted the Permanent Committee for the Defense of Human Rights, that I am looking for exposing and counterweight to the authoritarianism institutionalized in the Statute. Without devalue the importance of these social initiatives, it is necessary to r ecognize that they did not have the strength to stop the spiral that the authoritarian status trigg ered. This failure in responded to the fact that these civilian efforts were enrolled in a context in which the weakness of the response of the institutions to make calls counterweight for example Congress and Attorney was notorious. This weakness was in part an outcome of the efforts of the Lleras Restrepo government to prote ct the decisions techniques for political debates in the strange Congreso114, joined to the logical political favoritism that fragmented the coordinated actio n of the congress and the calcining depend on, for the reproduction of their clientele, o f aid and favors negotiated with the Ejecutivo115. As well, it was ready the ground for the field of security was seen by the military as its own exclusive jurisdiction, without accountability to other institutions. Ronald P. 115 Archer and Matthew Soberg Shugart, The unrealized potential of Pres idential dominance in Colombia in Scott Mainwaring and Matthew Soberg Shugart (editors), Presidentialis m and Democracy in Latin America, Cambridge University Press, 1997, pp. 110-159. 116 Bejarano, Ana María (1990): what strategies of peace and democratic opening: a balance sheet of the Betancur administrations and Boat in Leal Buitrago, Francisco and Zamosc, Leon ed itors: At the edge of chaos. Political Crisis in Colombia in the years 80, Bogotá, IEPRI-A and Third World Publ ishers, p. 57-124. 117 Juan Guillermo Ferro and Graciela Uribe, the order of the war. The FARC-EP: between the organization and policy, Bogotá: Publishing Center Xaverian, eyebrow, 2002. When the siege was lifted, the Statute does not entered into the ordinary legisl ation and expired. However, the experience of four years of military criminal justice and the feeling that the conservation of the security and order were sole responsibility of the military was already embedded in the institution. This would have consequences for the fu ture. 2.3 . THE EXPANSION OF THE WAR AND THE FRACTURES STATE (1982-2014) Belisario Betancur came to the Presidency of the Republic in August of 1982 with a speech in part reagent to the years of authoritarianism backed in the Security Status. In the months of campaign proposed that the country a new understanding of the conflict ; he spoke of the objective conditions (injustice and inequality) that served as a backdrop for the armed rebellion and, recognizing the guerrillas a level of political representation, could then propose a dialog with them. This speech was reminiscent of the one who will be i n the sixties, the reformist line of the armed forces but to the eighties the dominant interpretative framework in the Army was no longer the same and rather the military institution looked with suspicion the language used by the President. For its part, the Congress, at that time rel ated to the proposals for dialog, adopted an amnesty for its members116 and with this guarantee legislative, his government initiated discussions in first place with the FARC t hat culminated in the Uribe Agreements signed in January 1984117, and shortly after with the M-19 and the EPL.

Unfortunately, while the Big National Dialog between representatives of the guerrilla movement and social and political sectors are being undertaken in the Congress with great deployment in the press , in the regions social and political forces were involved in the dynamics that were fuelling the war. The opponents, open or secret, argued that the peace agreement was a blunder in the middle of the increase in the number of kidnappings and extorti on that carried out the guerrillas; and for its part, the guerrillas, even in the midst of the dialogs, increased their foot of fuerza118. 118 The FARC for example from your VI Conference (1978) raised the leap from a re gional to a guerrilla guerrilla with a national presence that was really a revolutionary arm y and the VII Conference (1982) were defined as the goal of transforming to FARC in an offensi ve move. Aguilera, 2014, p. 80. For its part, Eric Lair presents the following figures for the FARC and t he ELN: the FARC have evolved from 32 fronts and 3500 soldiers in 1986, to have more than 60 fronts and 7500 combat ants in 1995; for its part , the ELN went from having 11 fronts to 32 and 3200 soldiers of 800 above. Today [ 2000] it is estimated that the strength of the FARC reach at least 15,000 guerrillas and the ELN a few 5000 . Eric Lair, Colombia: a war against civilians International in Colombia, not. 49/50, Bog otá: Department of Political Science - Faculty of Social Sciences, Universidad de Los Andes, May - December 2000. 119 Ana Maria Bejarano (Director), discussions on the reform of the State in Col ombia: the fragmentation of the State and functioning of the Congress, Bogotá: Occasional studies, CIJUS, Universidad de Los Andes , 2001, p. 181. 120 Andrés Dávila, 1998.

Of the 121 http://www.verdadabierta.com/victimarios/244-la-historia/auc/3556-mue rte-a-secuestradores-mas-losorigenes--paramilitaries under these tensions, the State is fractured or even more: while a sector special ized[or] in the negotiation and to open the doors of entry [the guerrillas], another sector implores[ed] the nee d for emergency legislation, greater emergency powers and restrictions119 . A part of that sector of opposition to the peace process resul ted in the formation of a current in the army that would propel a autonomy [military] 120 clandestinewhich operated under the adage that the enemies of my enemies are m y friends. At the national level, there were moments where the fracture was more palpable a s when, in February 1983, the Attorney Carlos Jimenez Gomez paid public report on the structure of death to Kidnappers (more), an organization created to defeat the guerrillas. According to this report, in the light of the evidence collected so far there wer e sufficient charges to link procedurally to 163 people; of them, 59 in active ser vice in the Armed Forces 121 . In the shadow of these dislocations, the turnover of the illicit drugs grew up a nd ended up feeding, differently but feeding at the end of the day, both to the actors antiguerrilleros as to the guerrilla groups themselves, in particular to the FARC-EP whose expansion was in the eighties especially in areas where coca. In the middle of conflicting signals and of the growing polarization, both those from the shore institutional were opposed to the mafias proceeds of drug trafficking and the clandestine alliances, such as those who came from the field of the left and cri ticized the combination of all forms of struggle, ended up murdered or exiliados122. As well as in the early seventies, reformist currents were the great defeated, for the eigh ties, the great sacrificed was that generation of prominent politicians that you within ea rshot to the deepening democratic as output to the spiral of violence in which the country sa nk deeper . 122 The assassinations were numerous in the eighties. Of the Patriotic Union, Le onardo Posada, Jaime Pardo Leal , Bernardo Jaramillo Ossa, José Antequera; the new liberalism, Rodrigo Lara Bonill a, Minister of Justice ; Luis Carlos Galan, presidential candidate in 1989; Carlos Pizarro Leongomez, p residential candidate for the newly formed AD-M-19; of the Liberal Party, Carlos Mauro Hoyos, Attorney. At the regional level , fell by human rights defenders such as Hector Abad Gómez. 123 The whole project of ODECOFI which brought together several centers of thoug ht and universities led by Father Fernan Gonzalez Gonzalez departed from that premise that already had guid ed the work that the own González had published with Ingrid Bolivar and Teófilo Vasquez in 2002, and that is part of a long tradition among which are the work of Guzmán, Fals Borda and Umana Moon (1962) and had been taken up by Oqui st (1978), Ortiz (1985), Uribe (1992), to mention a few, to be added recently that' s Mary Roldán (2003). For a theoretical approach see Kalyvas, Op. Cit. and Gibson, Op. C it. The fractures were of two kinds: between different national institutions directe d by divergent projects, and between actors, agendas, debates, alliances and commitme nts that are hired at the national level and those that remember and be performed at the regi onal level. The trajectories regional war in Colombia has not been deployed or with the same intensity or at the same time by the national territory, showing how a conflict of national order refracts and acquires a dynamic of its own at the regional level depending on the actors, the power st ruggles and the alliances that there is producen123. In addition to the tensions of the national level already described horizontal fr actures between institutions or to the inside of the same institutioncollapses between the dynami c and the agendas of national order and the regional deepened. A new institutional design, the Popular election of mayors (EPA), accompanied by the administrative and fisc al decentralization , produced this deepening and resulted in the opposite effect to that its design ers had hoped. In principle, they imagined that their managers for this track, with new channels of expression for the demands for social and political, violence would subside. Unfortunately it was not so. From a first time, in 1988, the EPA was engulfed fo rever in the dynamic that armed not ceased but increased with its approval: during that year were murdered or disappeared for political reasons or presumably policies 3011 colombians, many more people than the killed in combat (1083). Of these 3011, 327 were activists, political leaders, candidates for mayors and municipal councils or had been elected mayors and councilors. The 49. 85 % were demographics UP; 23.55 % liberal demographics; 10.40 % and 16.21 % conserva tives without political affiliation established124 . These killings showed how none of the pla yers on weapons was willing to relinquish control of the local power. 124 Mary Emma Wills, a balance in red in Bogotá: One Hundred Days seen by CINEP, not . March 5 (1989), p. 6- 8. 125 Op. Cit. 126 Without Author, Death to kidnappers MORE: The origins of the paramilitarism tr uly open, http://www.verdadabierta.com/victimarios/244-la-historia/auc/3556-muerte-a-secue stradores-mas-losorigenes- -paramilitarism, consulted on December 3 2014. But, what was happening at the local level to a tool designed to democratize politics fed rather the war? To understand this outcome, it is necessary to take into account that the mafia launder sought their fortunes by buying land. Through these acquisitions, also wan ted exercise control over the local and regional power. In 1989, according to figure s from the Institute BE, in 49% of the municipalities and violent in the 70% of the extremely violent detects the presen ce of the narcotrafico125. Well now, why does the drug trafficking, in addition to ensure the control of local power, directed its violence against the guerrillas and against people in a state of helplessness belonging to left-wing movements and of the ne w liberalism to national and local levels, and to a lesser extent at the local level against conservatives? To understand this selectivity, it is necessary to go back to 1981 when the M-19 kidnapped Martha Nieves Ochoa, daughter and sister of drug traffickers of Medell in. This kidnapping unleashed the wrath of the mafia families of the country that decided to form Death TO kidnappers, MAS, an organization that collected funds from drug traffickers and entrepreneurs and that allegedly had in its foundation with the presence of some militares126. At this juncture that brought together various sectors around a same purpose defeat the guerrillas you join then other critical moments that would eventually weaving those same alliances but at the regional level. For example, in the Magdalena Medio, when the FARC-EP left its defensive nature and proposed its territorial expansion, relatively friendly coexistence between boys 127 and ranchers and landowners in the region, change. As the Front XI of the FARC increasingly resorted to kidnapping and extorsiones128, the exasperated reaction of finqueros and mobsters who had invested in land, crecia129. To these three actors guerrillas, farmers and mafiaswas added three more, old landowners of the area, some political and military power that he felt betrayed by the dialogs undertaken by the various governments of that decade. That military officers who read the talks as a way to deliver the country to the guerrillas, he decided to wage war in a clandestine manner and, making use of the legal framework existente130, acc ompanied the formation of self-defense groups. The combination of this interpretative fra mework with these institutional designs was therefore led to the explosive expansion of para militarism even within the framework of a new constitucion131. 127 Maria Teresa Ronderos recycled wars. A story of paramilitarism in Colombia, Bogotá: Aguilar, 2014. 128 As well tells Ronderos, harassment by money from the FARC to the population r ose from tone and low stratum. The XI was particularly abusive. No longer only vaccinates [] to a few farmers r ich, but also to small farmers, such as Gonzalo Pérez, Ronderos, 2014, Op. Cit. , 32 129 Ibid. ,P. 39. 130 The legislative decree 3398 allowed military forces to provide weapons of it s exclusive use to individuals . In 1987, the regulation of counterinsurgency combat ordering organize militaril y to the civilian population to protect against the action of the guerrillas and recommends that you use the Civil Defense in the military tasks providing these bodies with weapons. Decree 815 on April 19 , 1989 suspended these provisions. However, the February 11 through decree law 356 of 1994, was a gain authorized the use of firearms restricted to individuals who provide special services that gave rise to the famous LIVE, rural security cooperatives, under whose umbrella the paramilitaries will expand. Gustavo Gallon, Harvey Rodriguez and Diego Fernando Abonia, defying the intransigence, B ogota, the Colombian Commission of Jurists, CNMH, 2013. 131 In 1990, in the framework of dialogs with the M-19, the EPL, the MRQL, conve ned a National Constituent Assembly with a charter of rights expanded. However, its potential is democratisation was blurred to the extent that the FARC-EP and the ELN did not enter into the agreem ent and the paramilitaries were expanded by more regions of the Pai.s this same story, with minor variations, would be deployed for example in the dep artment of Magdalena , where Hernán Giraldo and Adam Rojas, two settlers of the Sierra that had arrived in the region fleeing from the previous violence, would decide resist through armed to the extortion of the guerrillas, to form two groups that, as the kidnapping and blackmail increased armed, would be backed by the great businessmen and politicians of the region. Among the organizations of the Magdal ena and the Magdalena Medio were weaving links in such a way that in 1986, Adam sent his son Rigoberto to school of self-defense forces Magdalena Medio, where he received training militar132. For 1989, there was talk of the existence of paramilitary g roups in Urabá , Meta, Pacho (Cundinamarca), Scimitar (Magdalena Medio Santandereano), Puerto B errio , Doradal, tapir, the Mercedes and Puerto Triunfo (Antioquia) and Puerto Boyaca, ivory and Port Pinzon (Boyaca)133. 132 50 pupils [one of] the schools were recruited as well: 20 of the Middle Magda lena Region, chosen by Henry Perez ; 20 of Pacho, chosen by "The Mexican"; 5 de los Llanos, chosen by Victor Carran za, and 5 of Medellin, chosen by Pablo Escobar and Jorge Ochoa. Instructors [from Israel] tol d him to their students that once completed teaching this course, to travel to farms in C osta Rica and Honduras, to train groups of Nicaraguan contras. In the dossier paramilitary, in Bo gotá: Semana magazine , May 8 1989, consulted on 27 November 2014 in http://www.semana.com/especiales/articulo/el-dossier-paramilitar/11674-3 Ibid. , 133. 134 Group of Historical Memory, 2011. Each of the actors in this network provided not only resources, connections and knowledge but who added their own interests. Some people wanted protect themselves from th e extortion; the others stop communism and win the war; the beyond protect their tracks, laboratories and business; politicians, their fiefdoms and their votes. In Magda lena, for example, the group of Rojas, among its services , term offering the persecution, threat, ba nishment and murder of sindicalistas134. The thread that term aglutinandolos, despite the ir differences , was no longer a rivalry, but a visceral hatred against the guerrillas, the com munists and the people and movements that they they stigmatised as allies disguised as civil. These networks, fluid, and that have been reconstructed, preserved, however a fe w features. Articulate sectors of the military and police, elected politicians, judges and m afias around no longer in the land dispute, but first the territorial control to lead, as the actors pass from contest a region to govern it, to a war by the constitution of the social order at the local level, in some cases region al, arriving at times up to the national. As well we notice that, for example, in the campaign between 1995 and 1997 for t he reconquista Urabá where the strategy was driven by regional political and military that coordinated to paramilitary groups and later joined regional entrepreneurs to promote a re-engineering social, political and territo rial that came from the hand with the extension of a model of agro-exporter. With this campaign not only were expelled to the guerrillas in the region, but which became the social geographies and the peopling of the territorios135. 135 In interview, General Bedoya said: Uribe Vélez, Rito Alejo, Ivan Ramirez, three major general joined there. If they do not unite, Uraba had been lost, Dufort, 2013, p. 109. 136 See in Annexs, Document 9: The figures of the conflict. 137 General Rito Alejo del Rio Rojas, condemned by their alliances with paramili taries. See The history of the general 'peacemaker' condemned by links with paras in time, drafting Justice, 26 August 2012, available online: http://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/CMS-12164151, consulted on 20 November 2014. However the imposition of this project in the recomposition of the social order at the regional level, their transit toward a model of State and society at the national level does not bore fruit. This claim was not successful due to the opposition that the initiative has conf ronted, however its enormous power. In contrary to those who think that all the scaffolding institutional succumbed to the onslaught of these networks, should be relieved t he existence of an opposition constituted by politicians, and military sectors of the Police, members of the j udiciary , journalists, civil organizations, which have been demarcated by the legacy net work , have its share of victims136 and have become barriers for these networks is not despotic consolidate as absolute authorities. The new institutional desig ns , in particular the prohibition to organize groups of armed civilians, the court judgments against politicians and officials involved with the paramilitari smo137, the directives issued by the Ministry of Defense and the various efforts to inculcat e a culture of human rights and IHL, the political currents with voice and vote in instances such as those of the Congress of the Republic are those that have prev ented this consolidation . However these barriers, the foundation of despotic orders at the local level and years of arbitrary constraints imposed by the guerrillas, they leave legacies, victims wh o are calling for the recognition of the suffering inflicted and the systematic violation of their rig hts. 3. WHAT THE VICTIMS WE ENSEÑAN: A WAR WITH A PAST BUT WITHOUT FUTURE In addition to more than 220,000 victims who have lost their lives in this war; of the more than five million seven hundred thousand displaced who are forced to leave their life projects and their homes; of the more than one thousand seven hundred women138 that have suffered harassment, humiliation and sexual violence; of the more than six hundred men that have also been outraged sexually139; boys and girls that have been forced to wit ness outrages or have been forced to join one of the groups in weapons; of indigenous peoples and communities of African descent who have lost their ancestral territories and Have seen their forms of coexistence razed; whole families living in suspense about any news of the more than twenty-five thousand necessarily missing; of the relatives of one of the more than twenty thousand abducted uncertain waiting for news of survival of their loved ones; of the more than ten thousand people who have died or have been disabled by stepping on a mine 140; in addition to them, men and women who have experienced first hand the horr ors of war, all the Colombian men and women we have also lost in these years of conflict. 138 In terms of sexual violence, there is a huge underreporting and so the women who have suffered sexual violence in the context of armed conflict are many more. See GMH, Women and war, Op. Cit. 139 Although the Victims Unit recorded 650 cases since 1985, the subject is tabo o. See Tatiana Escarraga, the drama of the men in the war violated, at the time, published on 16 September 2014 , http://www.eltiempo.com/politica/justicia/el-silencio-de-los-hombres-violados-en -el-conflicto/14496395, consulted on 1 December 2014. 140 Annexs, Document 9: The figures of the conflict. To understand the dimensions of the damage caused by the war, we will stop first in the victims of the conflict. When we listen attentively to the story of their sufferings, we recognize that the balance sheet that leaving these years of weapons and conf rontations is ripper. For them, there is no heroic speeches but a painful experience that in m any cases leaves footprints traumatic that survive in their bodies and spirit for a long time . These trauma is widening when their suffering is trivialised with euphemisms or appointed by the alleged perpetrators. For example, the young peop le who have been victims of sexual violence and hear by the media or in the mouth of paramilitaries, who sought us them, can no longer feel that they are helpless and enmudecidas by versi ons that deny them a voice and are unaware of their suffering. The same is true with the victims of kidnapping that you hear appointed by the guerrillas as retained, an adjective that hides the disgraceful conditions in which they are maintained and the unassailable fact th at their lives are, sometimes for months and years, in the hands of armed persons w ho treated with utter contempt; or the families of a loved one missing necessarily that they have to cope with the stratagems of the concealment of the institution s allegedly responsible for the disappearance; or the groups of exiles from their lands or t erritories that then to deal with the pain of having lost everything, even the hope of a better future, must be addressed to the indifference in the large cities and fou nd that The majority of their fellow human beings do not understand that the exile had t aken from them, not merely a material resource, but a way of being and being in the world with dignity. The s peeches no justification for the actors in weapons, legal or illegal, are challenged by the victims themselves that, as living files containing the suffering and resistance, question the commonplace or minimization of what they have suffered. But not only have suffered these people. Society as a whole has also lost. If democracy is the meeting place for dealing with the conflicts and to find, howev er the differences , a common space of debate between adversaries to discuss, without arrasamientos physical or symbolic, the possible routes of solution of inequalities and differ ences, then in these years of war this path of deepening democratic has been weakened. This decline has been the outcome not expected so many years of war an d tangling and reinforcements of the knots of the that we have been talking about and that ,both current generations as the previous, we have not known trigger. On the one hand we see the knot of the political representation of a peasantry, which, thanks to an ingenious colonization of the agricultural frontier, has developed ways of life that have allowed him to successfully resist his conversion as forced agricultural workers, urban wage earners or displaced from the war. This peasant ry has always hoped that their demands and aspirations of a good living are taken into account by those w ho make decisions about public policy in this country. After a failed opportunity for inclusion under the model Llerista of the National Front, its political ignorance left to drift the organization that represented him, and for ced him into new areas where coca colonization was the product link to market economies. The first knot which fed the war and that is still unresolved then alludes to th e conflict over land in Colombia that has as background a problem of political representation and recognition of an actor, the peasants, which, thank s to its appropriation of a recursive geography in the edges of the domestic social order, development along the decades own forms of associative life. Those peasants and those farmers who have been able to recreate worlds-in-common in the midst of adverse circumstances, claim a place and a listener in the area where the decisions are made that affect thei r future . This political ignorance is combined with the second knot, a polarization that, in the absence of a professionalization of the democratic public force, easily d rift into war. Despite efforts to develop good practice in terms of respect for human rights, the Public Force is still trapped, by one side in a few little garantistas141 institutional designs, and on the other in interpretative frameworks that encode many conflicting aspects of life in society as absolute enmity. This combination is explosive because the institutional designs little elements, to be filtered by these interpretative frameworks, are converted into a fertile field for that responses to the challenges guerrillas are prone to violations of human rights and IHL of the population in a state of helplessness. To the extent that the own institutio nal designs do not promote exemplary penalties on those who transgress the rules registered in our Constitution, nor encourage a culture of accountability agency, its own members receive confused signals that end up exploring the problem. 141 In particular referred to the military justice system. Finally, the fractures between the policies at the national level and those adop ted at regional level make many efforts should presuppose does not translate into more democracy at th e local level . On the contrary, below a democratic norms and regular elections , carving perverse networks that link to different sectors and regional authorit ies to despotic projects and domains. Faced with this paradox, the alliance of force s that are in favor of a social and institutional democratization must resolve as defeat in an institut ional manner, within the existing norms, to criminal networks and despotism that survive because they have so many feet in the legality, and know how to use and abuse of the clientelistic patterns strongly rooted in certain territories for his accomp lices are, by electoral means, democratically elected and to establish as legitimate authorities, with a degree of immunity and in not a few times, too mu ch power. 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