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Tone and Syllable in Kagoshima Japanese

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TONE AND SYLLABLE IN KAGOSHIMA JAPANESE Haruo Kubozono Kobe University 1. INTRODUCTION This paper examines the accent (tonal) patterns of foreign words in Kagoshima Japanese, a dialect spoken in the south of Japan. This dialect is among those dialects in south-western Kyushu which have two contrastive tonal patterns, Tone A and Tone B. In Kagoshima Japanese, Tone A has a high tone on the penultimate syllable followed by an abrupt pitch fall, whereas Tone B bears a high tone on the final syllable followed by no pitch fall. As in many other dialects of Japanese, accentual/tonal distinctions in this dialect are believed to be basically unpredictable so that language learners have to learn tonal patterns word by word. This paper challenges this popular belief by demonstrating that Engilsh alphabetic letters such as A, B and C take either Tone A or Tone B depending on their syllable structure. Accordingly, the tonal patterns of compound words and phrases beginning with an alphabetic letter such as SL ‘steam locomotive’, NHK ‘Nihon Hoso Kyokai’, A-gata ‘A type’ and B-tiimu ‘B team’ are totally predictable from the syllable structure of the alphabetic letter. To demonstrate these points, this paper begins with a brief sketch of Kagoshima Japanese with main focus on its characteristic tonal features (section 2). This will be followed by a report of two experiments carried out with native speakers of this dialect as subjects (sections 3 and 4). Section 5 explores the reasons for the regular and irregular patterns pertaining to alphabetic accent. Section 6 summarizes the main points of the paper. 2. TONAL SYSTEM OF KAGOSHIMA JAPANESE 2.1. Salient Features The tonal system of Kagoshima Japanese is very unique and strikingly different from that of Tokyo or Kyoto/Osaka Japanese in several crucial ways. First, Kagoshima Japanese permits only two accentual (or tonal) patterns, traditionally called A and B (Hirayama 1951). Tone A involves a pitch fall towards the end of the word, with only the penultimate syllable high-toned. Tone B, on the other hand, does not involve an abrupt pitch fall and keeps only the final syllable high-toned. These two types are exemplified in (1) and (2), respectively, where loanwords are used for illustration. In these examples and in the rest of the paper, high-toned portions are capitalized and syllable boundaries are denoted by dots (.). According to Kibe and Hashimoto (2003), 1 the two tonal patterns are equally popular in Kagoshima Japanese as a whole so that words belonging to one tonal type do not outnumber those belonging to the other type. (1) ka.NA.da ‘Canada’, DOI.tu ‘Germany’, IN.do ‘India’, HA.wai ‘Hawaii’, su.WEE.den ‘Sweden’ (2) a.me.ri.KA ‘America’, i.gi.ri.SU ‘England, Britain’, hu.ran.SU ‘France’ A second salient feature of Kagoshima Japanese is that its prosodic system is based on the syllable rather than the mora (Sibata 1962, Kibe 1997, 2000, Kubozono 1999). As is clear from (1) and (2), this dialect determines its tonal patterns entirely on the syllable rather than the mora. This nature is manifested in two distinct ways. First, the distance from the end of the word is determined by counting the number of syllables. The loci of high tone in (1), for example, can be generalized by stating ‘find the second syllable from the end of the word and keep it high-toned.’ This generalization holds in a syllable-counting dialect like Kagoshima Japanese, but not in a mora-counting dialect like Tokyo Japanese. In Tokyo, the words in (1) are ‘accented’ basically on the antepenultimate mora, i.e. a sudden pitch fall occurs between the second and third moras from the end of the word. This is illustrated in (3). (3) KA.na.da ‘Canada’, DOi.tu ‘Germany’, In.do ‘India’, HA.wai ‘Hawaii’ Kagoshima Japanese is not only a ‘syllable-counting’ dialect; the tone bearing unit is also the syllable rather than the mora. Thus, penultimate syllables are high-toned in (1), whereas final syllables are high-toned in (2). Note that the accent-bearing unit in Tokyo Japanese is also the syllable (McCawley 1978), but this is different from the situation we find in Kagoshima Japanese. In Tokyo, so-called ‘non-syllabic moras’ like the moraic nasal, moraic obstruent and the second half of long vowels and diphthongs, cannot bear an accent. The accent placed on these elements by rule is automatically shifted to the mora immediately preceding them, that is, onto the ‘syllabic mora’ of the syllable concerned. This creates a high tone on the syllabic mora, but a low tone on the following non-syllabic mora within the same accented syllable: e.g. /su.weE.den/ → /su.WEe.den/ ‘Sweden’. In Kagoshima Japanese, this word is pronounced with a high tone on the penultimate syllable: /su.WEE.den/. This contrast reveals a crucial difference between Tokyo and Kagoshima Japanese: The tone-bearing unit is the mora in Tokyo, whereas it is the syllable in Kagoshima. In other words, Tokyo Japanese distinguishes between the accent-bearing unit (syllable) and the tone-bearing unit (mora), while Kagoshima Japanese makes no such distinction. The latter only needs the tone-bearing unit, which is the syllable. Since Kagoshima Japanese is a syllable-counting language in which syllables rather than moras carry a high/low tone, it is rather easy to identify syllable boundaries in this dialect. One advantage of this, which is not readily available in Tokyo Japanese, is that it is possible to identify diphthongs as against vowel sequences across a syllable boundary. Kubozono (2004) looked at the tonal data of Kagoshima Japanese from this viewpoint and found out that /ai/, /oi/ and /ui/ are genuine diphthongs, whereas other vowel sequences including /au/, /ao/ and /oe/ are heterosyllabic vowel sequences, i.e. they form two separate syllables. It is interesting that /au/ and /ao/ do not form a 2 diphthong although they involve a falling sonority just as do /ai/ and /oi/. This distinction between genuine and pseudo diphthongs becomes crucial when we discuss the correlation between tonal patterns and syllable structure later in this paper. Returning to the main line of argument, a third major tonal feature characteristic of Kagoshima Japanese concerns its compound rule. In Tokyo Japanese, the basic accent pattern of compound words is determined by the final member, so that one and the same accent pattern emerges in compound words sharing this member (see Kubozono 1995, 1997 for a foot-based generalization). Thus, all the names of prefectures in (4) are accented on the final syllable of the first member. In (4) and the rest of this paper, accent in Tokyo Japanese is marked by an apostrophe placed on the accented vowel, i.e. the nuclear vowel of the accented syllable. In phonetic terms, pitch stays high until the end of the accented mora/vowel and then becomes low thereafter. (4) hyoo.gó-ken ‘Hyogo Prefecture’, ka.go.si.má-ken ‘Kagoshima Prefecture’, hi.ro.si.má-ken ‘Hiroshima Prefecture’, na.ga.sa.kí-ken ‘Nagasaki Prefecture’ In Kagoshima Japanese, in contrast, the tonal pattern of compounds is determined by their first member. Specifically, compounds bear a high tone on the penultimate syllable if their first member belongs to Tone A, while they bear a high tone on their final syllable if their first member is a Tone B word. This is shown in (5a) and (5b), respectively, with the same names of prefectures in (4). (5) a. HYOO.go, hyoo.GO-ken; ka.go.SI.ma, ka.go.si.MA-ken b. hi.ro.si.MA, hi.ro.si.ma-KEN; na.ga.sa.KI, na.ga.sa.ki-KEN The automatic rightward shift of a high tone in compounds is a very unique property of this dialect. This is partly responsible for the fact that only two tonal patterns, A and B, are found no matter how long a word may be. This is illustrated in (6), with the word ‘Kagoshima’ as an example. (6) ka.go.SI.ma, ka.go.si.MA.ken ‘Kagoshima Prefecture’, ka.go.si.ma.KEN.min ‘people in Kagoshima Prefecture’, ka.go.si.ma.dai.GA.ku ‘Kagoshima University’ A fourth major characteristic of the tonal system of Kagoshima Japanese has to do with the tone shift illustrated in (5) and (6). In this dialect, the tone shift in question is not bound by word boundaries but occurs across a word boundary within a minimal syntactic phrase equivalent to the so-called ‘bunsetu’. Thus, all minimal phrases beginning with the word ‘Kagoshima’ bear a high tone on their penultimate syllable by inheriting the tonal pattern (Tone A) from this initial element (NOM and GEN stand for nominative and genitive markers, respectively). (7) ka.go.SI.ma, ka.go.si.MA-ga ‘Kagoshima-NOM’, ka.go.si.MA-no ‘Kagoshima-GEN’, ka.go.si.ma-KA.ra ‘from Kagoshima’, ka.go.si.ma-ka.RA.mo ‘from Kagoshima, too’ 3 The same is true of words with Tone B. Phrases beginning with the word ‘Nagasaki’, for example, are always high-toned on their final syllable because their initial word belongs to Tone B. (8) na.ga.sa.KI, na.ga.sa.ki-GA, na.ga.sa.ki-NO, na.ga.sa.ki-ka.RA ‘from Nagasaki’, na.ga.sa.ki-ka.ra.MO ‘from Nagasaki, too’ The tone shift within the domain of the minimal phrase does not occur in Tokyo Japanese. Particles such as /ga/ and /kara/ do not constitute an independent accentual unit in this dialect, either, but they simply attach to a content word without changing its accent pattern.
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