DOCSLIB.ORG

Joining Together for Galiza

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Joining Together for Galiza Galizan Nationalist Bloc (BNG) September 2018 International Newsletter nº 6 50th anniversary of “Galizan National Day” Joining together for Galiza “One simple idea: Joining together for Galiza” was the phrase chosen by the Galizan Nationalist Bloc (BNG) for this year’s Galizan National Day celebrations on 25 July, with even more people talking part in the demonstration than in previous years, with over 20,000 people answering the call of the Patriotic Front and taking to the streets of the capital, Santiago de Compostela, demanding the right of the Galizan people to build a future of freedom for itself. This year’s demonstration was especially important, marking the 50th anniversary of the restoration of the commemoration earlier in 1964. The UPG called gain popularity during the Spanish by Galizan nationalism. Galiza upon the Galizans to converge Republic thanks to the mass line Nationalism was relaunched as on the main Obradoiro Square adopted by the Galizanist Party, we know it today on 25 July 1968 in Santiago, although finally with the public speeches and rally in the midst Franco’s dictatorship this was not possible as the and the patriotic demonstrations by the Galizan People’s Union city was literally overrun by the held in 1933 and 1934. The regime (UPG), one of the parties within Spanish military. Undaunted, the of Fascist terror which followed the BNG, founded four years nationalists militants present the military coup of 1936, with decided to relocate to the main the ruthless persecution of park where they hung a banner nationalism, led to a break in the over the entrance emblazoned celebration. with the words “Long live Free Socialist Galiza!” which remained Coinciding with the 50th in place for several hours. anniversary of that first reinstated Galizan National Day, this year That action in 1968 followed in the BNG commemorated this the footsteps of the nationalism landmark by hanging an exact of the pre-war period which had replica of the original banner been celebrating 25 July since across the main entrance to the 1920 demanding national rights park together with a publication for Galiza, established at the 2nd containing images from this Nationalist Assembly held by half a century with key political the Language Brotherhoods in information to contextualise each 1919. The commemoration was year. expressly forbidden by the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, but went on to 2 Sovereignty for Galiza and social justice: the main demands on a massive Galizan National Day Galizan National Day is the it continues to suffer at the hands here, yet do not have the strength culmination of a long year of of the Spanish State, it left and to raise their voices in their HQs in unflagging political activity of the right alike. This change will only Madrid, nor those who defend one part of the BNG, demonstrating be come about if it is led by the thing in Madrid and the preach that ours is the only organisation BNG: “Galiza is in urgent need of the opposite in Galiza”. in Galiza capable of mobilising a change of direction which will society in defence of the right of only come about through the The National Spokesperson the Galizan people to exercise BNG because it alone has its head emphasised the need to join forces its sovereignty and upholding and its heart firmly rooted in this to lead a better country: “Joining the rights of the working classes country. That is the challenge forces for Galiza means defending by being permanently involved before us. That change must begin decent jobs and wages, equality in social conflicts to defend the with the local elections in 2019. and the right to live and work in interests of our people in the By incorporating more people Galiza. A bright future awaits us institutions and in the streets. and ideas, we must offer all of if we place our trust in our own The BNG is firmly convinced that the boroughs a nationalist project forces […]. We have a united BNG national sovereignty is the only which takes full advantage of our with clear ideas which represents way forwards to building a Galiza own true potential, enabling us to the only real, viable alternative based on social justice. push onwards to a better future. to the untoward Peoples’ Party, […] A better future for Galiza will which is why a large sector of In her address at the final rally in never be forthcoming if we look Galiza society is looking to us with the main Obradoiro Square, the to the [Spanish] People’s Party hope. We stand well placed to take National Spokesperson for the (PP), nor indeed do any of the a great stride forwards, so let us do BNG, Ana Pontón, stressed that our other Spanish parties have a it.” country needs a radical change project for this country, including in order to reverse the process of those who are ready to waste vast abandonment and discrimination amounts of energy in-fighting 3 Festigal 2018 For several years now, the youth wing of the BNG, Galiza Nova, and the BNG’s Galiza Sempre foundation, have jointly organised the Festigal festival as part of the National Day celebrations, with concerts, sports events, craft stalls, books, food, etc., as well as a wide range of talks and debates, especially a round-table on international politics focusing on the right of peoples to self-determination, democracy and social justice within the framework of the EU, with Ana Miranda (BNG), Josu Juaristi (EH-Bildu), Jordi Solé (ERC) and Megan Fearon International Delegations (Sinn Féin), and another round-table where Roger Castellanos (Poble Lluire), David Minoves (CIEMEN) We were accompanied throughout the and Ramón Grosfoguel discussed the current political National Day celebrations by several situation in Catalonia, coinciding with the presentation international delegations from the rest of of the latest issue of the review Terra e Tempo entitled the State and around the world, namely “Catalonia and Galiza: analysis for progress”. Sinn Féin (Ireland), Plaid Cymru (Wales), Republican Left of Catalonia, Poble Lliure (Catalonia), Valencian Nationalist Bloc (BNV), Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ/PNV), EH-Bildu, Sortu and Eusko Alkartasuna (Basque Country), Més per Mallorca, Més per Menorca, European Free Alliance (EFA), Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), Canarian Nationalist Alternative (ANC), People’s Unity (Canary Isles), Castilian Left (IZCA), Left Bloc (Portugal), Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) as well as CIEMEN, the Consul for Venezuela and the intellectual from Puerto, Ramón Grosfoguel. 30th Anniversary of Galiza Nova On 24 July, Galiza Nova, the youth wing of the BNG, commemorated its 30th anniversary with a political act bringing together many historical members of the organisation, together with several international delegations and nearly 400 members. The speeches and concert were followed by a tribute to Castelao and Rosalía de Castro, two key figures for Galiza and Galizan young people, buried in the Parthenon of Illustrious Galizans. The event culminated with a March for Independence, organised for the second time through the streets of the old town of Santiago de Compostela. 4 Galiza with Catalonia Over the last few months, the of Art. 155 of the Spanish Galizan Nationalist Bloc has Constitution which suspended carried out a series of political the Autonomous Government in acts on its own and in conjunction Catalonia and the role played by with other political and grassroots the Spanish Crown. organisations as part of the Galiza with Catalonia Platform in Anyone who calls themselves a support of the political and social democrat, be they nationalist or forces in Catalonia who defend not and regardless of where they the right of their people to decide stand on the question of Catalonia its future freely for itself. independence, now has more than reasons to be deeply worried These have included institutional about the democratic back- declarations and motions in local sliding we are undergoing. The and provincial councils and the repression unleashed last year Galizan Parliament, rallies and a against the pro-independence wide range of symbolic acts and movement in Catalonia is talks and debates involving the now being turned on anyone, participation of leaders of the organisation or political proposal Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) for transforming society which and the Popular Unity Candidacy inconveniences the powers that (CUP). be. The BNG has unwaveringly As usual, the response on the The BNG will continue to support adopted a clear position part of the Spanish left (including the Catalan cause, in an exercise condemning the violent conduct all of its offshoots) has been of true international solidarity of the Spanish security forces in to keep its distance, failing to and also because we as a nation Catalonia, the manipulation of speak out in an apparent show also have much at stake in what the justice system and the sewers of even-handedness which takes place on the streets of of the deep State, the persecution only falls short practice, placing Catalonia. and imprisonment of political them clearly on the side of the dissidents, the application oppressor. 5 The Meirás 19: Fascism never again! Defending democracy, freedom, justice and dignity is not only a right, it is a duty. That is precisely what a group of democratic Galizans made up of left-wing nationalist militants, trade- unionists, grassroots and cultural activists and people working to restore the memory of what happened during the Francoist dictatorship did on 30 August 2017 in a peaceful and symbolic include an apology of Fascism and such as the Casa de Cornide in act which involved unfurling two the Francoist dictatorship which A Coruña and the sculptures of banners from the Meirás Manor should not even exist, much less Abraham and Isaac taken from house calling upon the public receive State funding.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Pathways out of Violence Desecuritization and Legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Bourne, Angela
    Roskilde University Pathways out of violence Desecuritization and legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Bourne, Angela Published in: Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Publication date: 2018 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (APA): Bourne, A. (2018). Pathways out of violence: Desecuritization and legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country. Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, 17(3), 45-66. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain. • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 01. Oct. 2021 Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 17, No 3, 2018, 45-66. Copyright © ECMI 2018 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/fileadmin/downloads/publications/JEMIE/201 8/Bourne.pdf Pathways out of Violence: Desecuritization and Legalization of Bildu and Sortu in the Basque Country Angela Bourne Roskilde University Abstract In this article, I examine political processes leading to the legalization of the Batasuna- successor parties, Bildu and Sortu.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Spatialities of Prefigurative Initiatives in Madrid
    Spatialities of Prefigurative Initiatives in Madrid María Luisa Escobar Hernández Erasmus Mundus Master Course in Urban Studies [4Cities] Master’s Thesis Supervisor: Dr. Manuel Valenzuela. Professor Emeritus of Human Geography, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Second Reader: Dr. Nick Schuermans. Postdoctoral Researcher, Brussels Centre for Urban Studies. 1st September 2018 Acknowledgments First and foremost I would like to thank all the activists who solidarily shared their stories, experiences, spaces, assemblies and potlucks with me. To Viviana, Alma, Lotta, Araceli, Marta, Chefa, Esther, Cecilia, Daniel Revilla, Miguel Ángel, Manuel, José Luis, Mar, Iñaki, Alberto, Luis Calderón, Álvaro and Emilio Santiago, all my gratitude and appreciation. In a world full of injustice, inequality, violence, oppression and so on, their efforts shed light on the possibilities of building new realities. I would also like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Manuel Valenzuela for the constant follow-up of this research process, his support in many different ways, his permanent encouragement and his guidance. Likewise, to Dr. Casilda Cabrerizo for her orientation on Madrid’s social movements scene, her expert advice on the initiatives that are being developed in Puente de Vallecas and for providing me with the contacts of some activists. After this intense and enriching two-year Master’s program, I would also like to thank my 4Cities professors. I am particularly grateful to Nick Schuermans who introduced me to geographical thought. To Joshua Grigsby for engaging us to alternative city planning. To Martin Zerlang for his great lectures and his advice at the beginning of this thesis. To Rosa de la Fuente, Marta Domínguez and Margarita Baraño for their effort on showing us the alternative face of Madrid.
    [Show full text]
  • Fiestas and Fervor: Religious Life and Catholic Enlightenment in the Diocese of Barcelona, 1766-1775
    FIESTAS AND FERVOR: RELIGIOUS LIFE AND CATHOLIC ENLIGHTENMENT IN THE DIOCESE OF BARCELONA, 1766-1775 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Andrea J. Smidt, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2006 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Dale K. Van Kley, Adviser Professor N. Geoffrey Parker Professor Kenneth J. Andrien ____________________ Adviser History Graduate Program ABSTRACT The Enlightenment, or the "Age of Reason," had a profound impact on eighteenth-century Europe, especially on its religion, producing both outright atheism and powerful movements of religious reform within the Church. The former—culminating in the French Revolution—has attracted many scholars; the latter has been relatively neglected. By looking at "enlightened" attempts to reform popular religious practices in Spain, my project examines the religious fervor of people whose story usually escapes historical attention. "Fiestas and Fervor" reveals the capacity of the Enlightenment to reform the Catholicism of ordinary Spaniards, examining how enlightened or Reform Catholicism affected popular piety in the diocese of Barcelona. This study focuses on the efforts of an exceptional figure of Reform Catholicism and Enlightenment Spain—Josep Climent i Avinent, Bishop of Barcelona from 1766- 1775. The program of “Enlightenment” as sponsored by the Spanish monarchy was one that did not question the Catholic faith and that championed economic progress and the advancement of the sciences, primarily benefiting the elite of Spanish society. In this context, Climent is noteworthy not only because his idea of “Catholic Enlightenment” opposed that sponsored by the Spanish monarchy but also because his was one that implicitly condemned the present hierarchy of the Catholic Church and explicitly ii advocated popular enlightenment and the creation of a more independent “public sphere” in Spain by means of increased literacy and education of the masses.
    [Show full text]
  • Pdf (Epimg.Net)>
    HispanismeS Revue de la Société des Hispanistes Français 16 | 2020 Langues en contact avec l’espagnol et défis sociétaux Radicalización nacionalista en Cataluña y pacificación en el País Vasco Un breve análisis del tiempo presente Radicalisation nationaliste en Catalogne et pacification au Pays basque. Une brève analyse de l'époque actuelle Nationalist radicalisation in Catalonia and pacification in the Basque Country. A brief analysis of the present time Mathieu Petithomme Edición electrónica URL: https://journals.openedition.org/hispanismes/757 DOI: 10.4000/hispanismes.757 ISSN: 2270-0765 Editor Société des Hispanistes Français Referencia electrónica Mathieu Petithomme, «Radicalización nacionalista en Cataluña y pacificación en el País Vasco», HispanismeS [En línea], 16 | 2020, Publicado el 01 diciembre 2020, consultado el 31 agosto 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/hispanismes/757 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/hispanismes.757 Este documento fue generado automáticamente el 31 agosto 2021. Les contenus de cette revue sont mis à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Radicalización nacionalista en Cataluña y pacificación en el País Vasco 1 Radicalización nacionalista en Cataluña y pacificación en el País Vasco Un breve análisis del tiempo presente Radicalisation nationaliste en Catalogne et pacification au Pays basque. Une brève analyse de l'époque actuelle Nationalist radicalisation in Catalonia and pacification in the Basque Country. A brief analysis of the present time Mathieu Petithomme Introducción Desde hace más de una década, en el contexto posterior a la crisis económica del 2008, un marco de referencia casi monolítico se ha impuesto en los medios de comunicación y en el espacio público, según el cual estaríamos asistiendo en Europa al auge de los «nacionalismos» y de los «separatismos».
    [Show full text]
  • İspanya'da 2011 Seçimleri Ve Bask Solunun Yükselişinin Nedenleri
    Akademik İncelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) Cilt/ Volume:7, Sayı/Number:1 Yıl/Year:2012 İspanya’da 2011 Seçimleri ve Bask Solunun Yükselişinin Nedenleri 2011 Spain Elections and The Reasons of The Rising of Basque Left Ömer Behram Özdemir1 Özet 2011 yılı İspanya’da yerel ve genel seçimlerin yapıldığı yıl olmasının haricinde hükümet değişikliğinin yaşandığı yıl olarak da tarihe geçecektir. Lakin bu seçimler yılının gelecekte İspanya siyasi tarihinde önemli bir yere sahip olacak olmasının sebebi ise Abertzale (Yurtsever) solun tekrar Bask siyasi yaşamında bir aktör haline gelmesi ve genel ve yerel seçimlerde oldukça parlak sonuçlar almasıdır. Bask bölgesinde hükümet koalisyonunu oluşturan merkez partilerin oy kaybı yaşadığı, gelenekçi sağ Bask milliyetçisi PNV’nin ise duraklamaya girdiği 2011 seçimlerinde Abertzale solun çekirdeğinde yer aldığı Bildu ve Amaiur koalisyonlarının yerel ve genel seçimlerde yaşadıkları oy patlaması ve elde ettikleri başarı ETA’nın zayıflatıldığı ve ateşkes ilan ettiği bir dönemde Bask sorununun siyaset mecrasında çözülmekten başka bir çözüm yoluna sahip olmadığını göstermektedir. Bu makalede 2011 seçimlerine kadar yaşanan süreç ve 2011 seçim süreci ele alınarak Bask solunun yükselişinin siyasi ve sosyal sebepleri tartışılacaktır. Anahtar kelimeler: İspanya, Bask, Abertzale, Seçimler, ETA. 1 Arş. Gör., Sakarya Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü. 89 Ömer Behram Özdemir Abstract In 2011 Spain had a year of elections which changed the government but also changed the Basque politics. Under the Bildu and Amaiur coalitions Abertzale left gained a huge success at both general and local elections. While centralist parties PP and PSE were loosing votes and autonomist-traditionalist PNV was making no headway, with the results which Bildu and Amaiur coalitions got Abertzale left had shown that in this era which ETA is weakened politics is the only solution for the Basque problem.
    [Show full text]
  • New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain • Carsten Jacob Humlebæk and Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain
    New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain in Nationalism on Perspectives New • Carsten Humlebæk Jacob and Antonia María Jiménez Ruiz New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain Edited by Carsten Jacob Humlebæk and Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez Printed Edition of the Special Issue Published in Genealogy www.mdpi.com/journal/genealogy New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain Editors Carsten Humlebæk Antonia Mar´ıaRuiz Jim´enez MDPI • Basel • Beijing • Wuhan • Barcelona • Belgrade • Manchester • Tokyo • Cluj • Tianjin Editors Carsten Humlebæk Antonia Mar´ıa Ruiz Jimenez´ Copenhagen Business School Universidad Pablo de Olavide Denmark Spain Editorial Office MDPI St. Alban-Anlage 66 4052 Basel, Switzerland This is a reprint of articles from the Special Issue published online in the open access journal Genealogy (ISSN 2313-5778) (available at: https://www.mdpi.com/journal/genealogy/special issues/perspective). For citation purposes, cite each article independently as indicated on the article page online and as indicated below: LastName, A.A.; LastName, B.B.; LastName, C.C. Article Title. Journal Name Year, Article Number, Page Range. ISBN 978-3-03943-082-6 (Hbk) ISBN 978-3-03943-083-3 (PDF) c 2020 by the authors. Articles in this book are Open Access and distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license, which allows users to download, copy and build upon published articles, as long as the author and publisher are properly credited, which ensures maximum dissemination and a wider impact of our publications. The book as a whole is distributed by MDPI under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND.
    [Show full text]
  • Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization
    Prescribing Democracy? Party Proscription, Militant Democracy and Party System Institutionalization Angela K. Bourne and Fernando Casal Bértoa Introduction When democracies ban political parties, one of the central issues that usually emerges in both public and academic debate concerns the effects of proscription. Some argue that proscription may lead to radicalisation, a growth of militancy and readiness to use violence (Minkenberg, 2006, 36). Restrictions on the party may be only temporary especially if a party has deep social and ideological roots in a community, or if state authorities are reluctant to prevent the party re-emerging under a different name (ibid, 37; Husbands, 2002, 64) The party ban is not a suitable mechanism for the „civic re-education‟ of extremists (Husbands, 2002, 64) and may merely treat the symptoms rather than the more complex underlying causes of dissatisfaction with the status quo (Gordon, 1987, 389). Ban proceedings may increase public exposure and opportunities to claim martyrdom or reinforce anti-establishment critiques (ibid, 391). Some also argued that, in the long-run, banning parties may damage the foundations of a democratic polity: The party ban may be interpreted as „lack of faith in the democratic process‟ and an „admission of failure‟ (ibid, 390) or its „chilling effect‟ may signify a silent weakening of democratic rights in the state (Niesen, 2002, 256). On the other hand, proscription may be punishing for the targeted party, as the „cost of claim- making increases across the board and for particular members‟ (Tilly, 2005, 218). A party subject to ban proceedings may see its room for manoeuvre, its visibility and mobilising capacity severely curtailed by reductions in its organisational and financial resources, access to the media and through stigmatisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Sub-State Nationalist Strategies in Multilevel Polities*
    JCMS 2018 Volume 56. Number 3. pp. 717–729 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.12710 Breaking-up within Europe: Sub-state Nationalist Strategies in Multilevel Polities* DANIEL CETRÀ1 and ROBERT LIÑEIRA2 1University of Aberdeen and Centre on Constitutional Change 2University of Edinburgh Abstract This article examines sub-state nationalist strategies in relation to European integration in the Basque Country, Catalonia, Flanders and Scotland. First, we discuss the impact of European and economic integration on sovereignty and the cost of independence for small nations. Second, we compare the support for the European project in our four territories. We stress that European integration is a divisive issue in British politics but fundamentally consensual in the other cases. Third, we examine the European strategies of sub-state nationalist parties. We distinguish between two broad strategies, one maximizing regional influence in the EU and the other promoting inde- pendence within the EU. Regarding the latter, we focus on the cases of Scotland and Catalonia, where sub-state nationalist parties currently seek independence. Keywords: sub-state mobilization; Basque Country; Catalonia; Flanders; Scotland Introduction European integration is not only transforming domestic politics and policies, but it also has the potential to transform European polities.1 However, the direction of change is unclear given that European integration seems to create incentives to both polity integration and polity segmentation. While early functionalist theories maintained that economic integration would lead to political integration (Haas, 1958; Mitrany, 1966), more recently it has been argued that economic integration facilitates small countries’ independence by providing them with access to large markets (Alesina and Spolaore, 2005; Colomer, 2007).
    [Show full text]
  • Ending the Spanish Exception: Explaining the Rise of Vox
    Colby College Digital Commons @ Colby Honors Theses Student Research 2020 Ending the Spanish Exception: Explaining the Rise of Vox Ethan J. vanderWilden Colby College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.colby.edu/honorstheses Part of the Comparative Politics Commons Colby College theses are protected by copyright. They may be viewed or downloaded from this site for the purposes of research and scholarship. Reproduction or distribution for commercial purposes is prohibited without written permission of the author. Recommended Citation vanderWilden, Ethan J., "Ending the Spanish Exception: Explaining the Rise of Vox" (2020). Honors Theses. Paper 972. https://digitalcommons.colby.edu/honorstheses/972 This Honors Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at Digital Commons @ Colby. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Colby. Ending the Spanish Exception Explaining the Rise of Vox Ethan vanderWilden, Colby College Honors Thesis in Government First Reader: Professor Jennifer Yoder Second Reader: Professor Carrie LeVan 2019-2020 Abstract The “Spanish Exception” refers to Spain’s lack, until recently, of a populist right-wing party. Vox became the first party to the right of the conservative PP to win seats in a regional election in 2018 and in general elections in April and November of 2019. Vox is currently the third largest political party in the Spanish parliament, bringing an end to Spanish exceptionalism. This thesis addresses the rise of Vox through a conceptual framework of political opportunity structure. The framework allows for multiple explanations to account for Vox’s sudden breakthrough.
    [Show full text]
  • Regulating Political Parties European Democracies in Comparative Perspective
    Regulating Political Parties European Democracies in Comparative Perspective REGULATING POLITICAL PARTIES European Democracies in Comparative Perspective Edited by Ingrid van Biezen & Hans-Martien ten Napel Leiden University Press Cover design: Suzan Beijer Layout: CO2 Premedia ISBN 978 90 8728 218 9 e-ISBN 978 94 0060 195 6 (e-pdf) e-ISBN 978 94 0060 196 3 (e-pub) NUR 754 © Ingrid van Biezen / Hans-Martien ten Napel /Leiden University Press, 2014 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. Th is book is distributed in North America by the University of Chicago Press (www.press.uchicago.edu). Table of contents Introduction 7 Ingrid van Biezen & Hans-Martien ten Napel Chapter 1: Democracy and the Legal Regulation of Political Parties 17 Richard S. Katz Chapter 2: Dilemmas of Regulating Political Finance, with Special Reference to the Dutch Case 45 Ruud Koole Chapter 3: Lessons from the Past: Party Regulation in the Netherlands 71 Remco Nehmelman Chapter 4: Th e Constitutionalization of Political Parties in Post-war Europe 93 Ingrid van Biezen Chapter 5: Party Laws in Comparative Perspective 119 Fernando Casal Bértoa, Daniela R. Piccio & Ekaterina R. Rashkova Chapter 6: Explaining Legislative Confl ict over the Adoption of Political Financing Law in the European Union 149 Wojciech Gagatek Chapter 7: Th e SGP Case: Did it Really (Re)Launch the Debate on Party Regulation in the Netherlands 181 Hans-Martien ten Napel & Jaco van den Brink Chapter 8: Will it All End in Tears? What Really Happens when Democracies Use Law to Ban Political Parties 195 Tim Bale table of contents Chapter 9: Ethnic Party Regulation in Eastern Europe 225 Ekaterina R.
    [Show full text]
  • ELDH Statement
    ELDH European Association of Lawyers for Democracy & World Human Rights EJDM Europäische Vereinigung von Juristinnen & Juristen für Demokratie und Menschenrechte in der Welt EJDH Asociacion Europea de los Juristas por la Democracia y los Derechos Humanos en el Mundo EJDH Association Européenne des Juristes pour la Démocratie & les Droits de l'Homme EGDU Associazione Europea delle Giuriste e dei Giuristi per la Democrazia e i diritti dell'Uomo nel Mondo Duesseldorf / London, June 2011 ELDH: Appeal for the unbanning of SORTU In its statement issued on 24th February this year, ELDH stated that it “regards the foundation of the political party SORTU as opening up a real chance for transition to a peaceful and democratic solution of the conflicts in the Basque Country. This new party SORTU has on the occasion of its obligatory registration with the Spanish Interior Ministry presented its statute in which - without ambiguity – it clearly rejects the use of violence for the fulfilment of its political aims. In this context it refers explicitly to the violence committed by the ETA organization. It also clearly expresses its intention not to allow any continuation of those parties illegalized and banned by the Spanish Supreme Court.” Only a few weeks later SORTU was banned by the Spanish Supreme court. Although the founders of SORTU appealed to the Spanish Constitutional Court, it was not possible to get a decision in time before the local and regional elections. Therefore in order to give Basque politicians the possibility to participate in the elections in Spain on 22rd May 2011, Bildu, a coalition of pro-independence parties was founded.
    [Show full text]