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ARTICLES

REVEL: Memo of oie .

BARRIO; Au rronesian Element In Philippine reol ani h

n Ito rano fOE an lokano L i al Da base. -0

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OBITUARY: Brother Andrew Gonzalez FSC 1940-2006)

riarn Brother Andrew 11 I

DOC ME TATJON

11 ]I n 1

, • EDITOR'S NOTE

Manuscripts forpublication,exchangejoumals, and books for review 0 rlistingsshould be sent to the editor, Ma. Lourdes S. Bautista, Department of English and Applied Linguistics, De La SalleUniversity-Manila, 2401 Taft Avenue, Manila, Philippines.

EDITORIAL BOARD

Copyright 2006 by the Linguistic Society of the Philippines SecondPtinting2008 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS Volume 37, Number 1 June 2006 MEMORY OF VOICE

NICOLE REVEL Directeur derecbercbe

In today's world, an outstanding poetic and musical heritage is present in living memories and practices among many Austronesian languages and cultures. In spite of the many studies conducted since World War II, a great deal remains to be listened to, collected, safeguarded, transcribed, translated, analyzed, and comprehended. Modern technologies are now available which can be explored and developed in our respective attempts to do so. This paper focuses on the Nusantara region, the Western branch of the Austronesian family, and more particularly on the Philippines, where, since 1992, we have begun to build up a 'Philippine Oral Epics Archive', based at the Ateneo de Manila University. This tridimensional audio, audio-video, and computerized archive will be presented briefly. A pluridisciplinary approach is employed in order to capture a 'mental text' and its elaboration in performance. Specific aspects considered include: • the role of deixis related to action and text processing, particularly in repetitive segments and in the macrostructure of the plot; • the close relationship between words and music; • the projection of time in space in establishing the first manuscript of a sung poetic composition. The referential knowledge encapsulated in the narratives and the teachings they convey, will be successively referred to and illustrated. Finally, epic singing is analyzed as a vocal 'skilled activity'. Linguistics, Ethnography, Ethnomusicology, and Cognitive Linguistics-Anthropology will contribute to our understanding of this creative process.

1. Introduction A new communication space is opening, and new types of memory have emerged. On the one hand, we keep our tradition for books, while on the other REVEL hand, we have to enter and master the new technologies, we have to explore the potentialities they are offering us. During the last decade of the twentieth century, I have implemented a program of preservation of an Intangible Heritage in the Philippines, among the national communities where what I call the 'literature of the voice' is a genuine, ancient, and contemporary treasure. This safeguarding involves the very people concerned, for this attempt is based on my initial experience in collaboration, since 1970, with the Katutubong Palawan in the southern part ofPalawan island. Elder knowledgeable people and younger ones trained in anthropology, linguistics, folklore, and/or ethnomusicology are being given the opportunity to gather their cultural heritage with modern tools and support, a set of tertiary retention devices. (SeeB. Steigler, LesTechniques etIeTemps, vol II.) I have worked with many people according to their interests, requests, and needs. I have been with them in the highlands or at sea, when the situation permitted, recording, videotaping the performances, making spontaneous workshops in ethnopoetics with the singer of tales, the shamans, and some members of the audience in order to bring out the formal rules of composition while establishing the first, or one of the first, manuscripts. For we have to project on a white space a 'mental text', listened to and deciphered by ear as the singer of tales is performing the sung narrative. This first manuscript generates a different kind of retention. The restitution of the performance of an oral poem, the

Ateneo de Manila University Philippine Oral Epics

Summary Report as of 21March 2005 GENRE (ETHNIC) DESCRIPTION MEMORY OF VOICE safeguarding of a vocal and musical heritage involving multimedia supports, then operates another kind of shift.

2. Philippine Oral Epics Archives (1992-2001) We have three sets of data: sound archive, video-sound archive, and computerized texts with transcriptions in the respective phonologies of 16 vernacular languages of the Philippines and two of Indonesia, with translations in vehicular languages, either English, Tagalog, or Malay depending upon the one who established the first and his linguistic competence. We have used the phonologies, lexicons, and dictionaries established by linguists and anthropologists. The work of Reid compiling phonologies and basic features and publishing them in Minor Languages ofthe Philippines (1977) was of great help. The sound documents we have gathered are not yet digitized and, therefore, are fragile. They are the most precious part of the conservation. They are not accessible to the public and are kept in a metallic cabinet in a room at a constant temperature of 16 degrees, 150 lux maximum, non magnetic, with 50% hygrometry. In the short term they need to be digitalized and duplicated on CD, CD-Rom, DVD-Rom, or DVD-Video. The text documents are kept independently in the form of manuscripts and diskettes. In the long run, I hope they will be accessible through a combined sound and vision-on-screen installation. For the time being we have established 67 manuscripts on paper and digital supports. For active safeguarding, the ideal solution would be to have a server with a computer engineer trained in data bases as well as a technician trained in sound

06DEC97 06DEC97 26FEB93 25FEB93 1995 JUN95 11MAY93 03MARC97 28FEB97 MAR97 15NOV96 REVEL

GENRE (ETHNIC) DESCRIPTION

KISSA KissakanParangSabilBaddun KISSA KissamasiJawaji KISSA MasaLibayan KISSAQ KissaqSinLupaqSugNakauna KISSAQ (p.ARil.NG SABIL) ParangSabilJikiri LINGON TUDBULUL (I'BOLI) Kelob Ie Benwu Tudbulul Lemlunay LINGON TUDBULUL Kebut Tudbulul: "The Origin ofTudbulul" LINGON TUDBULUL TudbululNeNgaq:"Tudbululandtbe... LINGON TUDBULUL TudbululSnaluLibun LINGON TUDBULUL Apo ni Bolinayen: "Bolinayen's Lady Master" MA.MA.N IstolyaniGumigiteng MA.MA.N IstolyatiPapasyal. .. MA.MA.N SiBabeyaDuliman... MA.MA.N Abdulla Iban Hi Put1igSara P.ARil.NGSABIL KissaqKan Datuq Sarikalaq PARlI.NG SABIL PagbunuqhaBudDabuq PARlINGSABIL TuwanNabudaq SAQIL (IAOSUG) Sindilan (Sambung laung)... SINDILAN DerikaryongPada SUGIDANON Humadapnon; also erroneouslyreffered to as Hinilawod epic SUGIDANON Humadapnon: Episodes I.IV TAD'OM Untitled TULTUL (pALAWAN) DatuqatPanarangsangan(l"night) TULTUL (pALAWAN) DatuqatPanarangsangan(2dnight) TULTUL (pALAWAN) DatuqatPanarangsangan(3dnight) TULTUL (pALAWAN) Datuq at Pallarangsangan (4th night) TULTUL (pALAWAN) Datuq at Panarangsangan (5U'llight) TULTUL (pALAWAN) DatuqatPanarangsangan(6thnight) TULTUL (PALAWAN) Kaswakan; "Branches Brises," "Broken Twigs" TULTUL (PALAWAN) Mamiminbin TULTUL (pALAWAN) Si Tiyaw: "The Mayna Bird' TULTUL (TAGBANUA) Pala'isgell: "Aug Epiko ng Tagballua" *AlIinldisk tVHStape :j:CDROM §Book and video to take care of an expanding archive of this kind. In order to store and publish, we have to choose either a support that combines the three elements, sound plus synchronized transcription and ttanslation into one or two languages in mirror-like presentation, as I did in the CD-Rom of Mamiminbin (2004) according to the computer program developed since 2000 by M. Jacobson at LACITO (Internet site: http://lacito.archivage.vjf.cnrs.fr), to which I added a hypertext contextualizing the epic, or an audio me accompanying a book as in the DVD-video, another attempt I realized in 2005 for Situngan Baltapa in collaboration with A. Martenot and two technical assistants for audiovisual and multimedia at the CNRS, Centte Andre-Georges Haudricourt, Villejuif. MEMORY OF VOICE

TAPES MSS ALBUM/PHOTOS AUDIO/VIDEO ORIG/TRANS

30AUG98 21AUG98 1997 2 1 20NOV97 4 13SEP95 3 26FEB95 6 1t 25NOV97 2 26NOV97 2 1988-1990 1 1988-1990 1 1988-1990 2 1988-1990 1 300CT97 1 1998 1&.5 1998 .5 280CT97 1 21AUG98 NOV94 7 AUG-NOV93 24 47 MAR94&OCT96 24 1t 50 1 JUN88 1 21JUL90 4 10AUG91 2 25JUL92 5 04JUL03 8 19AUG95 4 09JUL90 2 25JUL92 1971

I would like to mention we worked with 19 collaborators in 16 different languages as I was conducting this program of safeguarding an Intangible Heritage in the Philippines from 1992 to 2000. Some of them are here today and I want to express to them my deep appreciation for their endeavor, their physical as well as intellectual commitment through the years. Some of them are sadly no longer among us: Lourdes Dulawan, with her deep mastery of hudhudlanguage, and Rita Cembrano, with her profound attachment and commitment to the national communities of Mindanao, particularlyAgusan Manobo singers of tales. I also want to express, in the name of all, our gratitude for the financial support of the French Embassy, on the one hand, which provided four grants per REVEL

year during nine years to do the work in situin close collaboration with the singers of tales, and the Ateneo de Manila University, on the other hand, which shelters the Philippine Oral Epics Archives and where, every year since 2001, I have been invited to teach in collaboration with anthropologist Dr. F. Zialcita and philosopher Dr. L. Garcia in order to continue the work of analysis and interpretation.

3. Epics as literature of voice Literatures of voice are simultaneously action, context, and process in the here and now. They are characterized by the demand of a faithful memory, the and the inalienable aptitude to vary, the part of creativity. In the context an aural-oral tradition, transmission of knowledge is based on reiteration, and there are many modalities according to the various cultures: faithful repetition, with many diverse mnemonic devices, and/or various spaces for creativity and variation from a given pattern. As it is chanted, an epic recalls a knowledge and a 'savoir etre' in a given world. Through the medium of music, a language, a poetic, it exalts an ensemble 6 MEMORYOF VOICE

°4JUL99 Mi\.Y04 (n.d.) 2t 1+ 13-14APR2K I] 1t

[232] [25] [52] (42] (24] [334] of values, of cosmogonic views, social, customary, and ethical rules. With all often implicit social fresco as a background and a whole set of references, the plot develops between protagonists: actors, helpers, opponents (les 'actants', les 'adjuvants', les 'opposants') and imparts a coherence to the story, I mean to say, a coherence to the intentions, the actions, and the behavior of each protagonist that weaves and unfolds a plot. Human voice, the very unique presence and the sensitive-abstractwork of the singer of tales as he composes,.the virtualpresence of the 'mental text' (Revel, 199(5) that precedes any attempt to fix the song or the narrative on a tangible support, are the very subject-matter upon which I inviteyou to reflect today. The sung narrative unfolds as a very elaborate vocal gesture. The sets in motion a mental capacity of concentration and memorization singer of tales as well as the capacity to build, out of a succession, a configuration for a 'mental text' composed of narrative elements and generic rules for reproduction and creation. This verbal art affects the sensitivity and stimulates multiple emotions among members of the audience for the art of listening is at the same time pleasure and affirmation of a real presence. Hence REVEL we are, somehow, blind witnesses of many cognitive and multimodal motor activities, extremely elaborated and co-ordinated. We shall try to focus successively upon some of these various mental processes and their mastery by way of performance and textual analysis.

4, The singer of tales and his singing body: a phenomenological intertwining of language and music The knowledge and perpetration of an epic rest upon various perceptive, motor, and innovative skills: vocal action together with body postures and movements, the skill of composing and building up an emplotment, which is relevant to logic and imagination. A sung narrative, epos, displays, firstly, a specific voice, a timbre with one prevalent color or several colors, an ambitus, a tessitura, rhythms and melodies during the proferato (Zumthor, 1987); a living motion of sung speech and its moving fragile uniqueness, its fugacity in space and time. The embodiment of poetry invites a particular mode of hearing. In this a music, body movements, and a beautiful story are closely linked. and emotional dimensions weave an artistic composition. the carrier words, a mental text is set in sound, long and complex ideas are developed in various kinds and forms of discourse (descriptions, dialogues, monologues, addresses to the audience). This materiality of the body that comes through the voice and affects the listeners at the level of personal pleasure, this 'grain of voice' as formulated by Barthes (1977), also has a specific social life, which we shall go back to later. Beyond this subtle and concrete matter, what is really happening? The vocal gesture is not a given, it has to be acquired by observing the breathing techniques of other singers, by selecting the interpretative style that is most appropriate at the level of register, breathing capacity as well as the syllabic delivery of each one. For instance, a Palawan singer of tales, manunultul, has to experience in his body various breathing capacities, as the basic unit of the composition is a 'breathing group of words' (Revel, 1983, 2000a,b) in contrast to measured and alternativelyunmeasured heptasyllabic stanzas as found in a Sarna kata-kata.He has to adjust his own breathing and vibrating capacities to the 'mental text' that he simultaneously internalizes (Revel, 1993c). He conducts this work alone, most often in silence - the epic sings within himself - and usually sets himself apart from the glances and ears of others. He goes to the forest to be inspired by the aural perception of the sounds of the wind in the canopy of trees as well as a gift, of a Good-Doer-of-the-Forest, bingiIY at Manungang Tawat Gabaq,and retires to the field house in order to develop his mastery, in solitude. He gives himself fully to this act of imitation, this mimesis, which is simultaneously an act of appropriation as his memory has captured a story and the melodic cells, !Jig 'voice', of the various characters as sung by another before him. However, he will introduce his own MEMORY OF VOICE individual style, his 'signature' in various ways. The necessary adjustment between melodic cells, breathing capacity, and mental text invites this variation to take place and this is going to generate variants in text and melody as Usuy exemplified with Kudaman(Revel, 1983, 1992). It will reveal the very style of each singer of tales and in this sense we can speak of livingmemory, 'la memoire vive'. For the Sama, in a kala-kataperformance, the music is fundamental. In this beautiful chanted story, however, the narration takes precedence over the chant; in other words, the music serves the text, in which narrative parts alternate with the dialogues, makingup a dramatic action. However music is closelylinked to semantics and this is what is deeply interesting to analyze.In this case, Binsu Lakbaw, the singer, has a stock of four melodic cellson which to draw.

Four Melodic Cells

Cells 3 and 4 are assigned to the narration of the actions that lead the plot to its end, thus carrying the narrative. Cells 1 and 2 are characterized by the amplitude of the melodic movement They express a sentiment, an emotional atmosphere that the singer of tales wishes to evoke in hislisteners, a kind of deep breath that is moving and somehow emphatic. nd m th Breath taken after every 2 , 3 , and sometimes 4 verse is closely linked to the meaning of the utterance within the constraint of the given melodic cells making up the stanza, a closed space. The art of the singer lies in the way the narrative utterances and the rhymed dialogues are made to coincide with the global melodic structure and its components. Sinama is a six vowel and 17 consonant system with nine geminates in intervocalic position. Stress is on the penultimate syllable. Melodic cell 3, with its use of recto-tono, allows syllabication of the Sinama REVEL narrative. A regular melodic flow will be observed, based on one note = one syllable, while the lines of verse are mostly heptasyllabic and the last syllable is rhymed. Often an assonance is present, but it is unstable.

SilunganBaltapa

looking from a distance.

from the time I was born,

(hp)

He descended the scales and continued walking.

There was a path branching into three. nilanpamambilaq He almost mistakenly took

(hp)

The Ultimate of Heaven appeared!

10 MEMORY OF VOICE

my mother and father protected me f.rom the outer world 1 have no sin." Silunganthehandsomeonewentin,chewed He proceeded away from Hell.

Sta"zaI75-178,pp.41-42

~Y-~~~",y,," y .... y"" "" v "" ~- .. ", ·yU y.u v ~

$:#.. y;.u ryr r ..

~.. ;.yU

Although the melodic motifs recur, the verse cycles are sometimes irregular passing from seven to nine or 10 feet and irregular number of verses to make a stanza. There are different modalities of rhyming: it may be constant as in stanza 002 whose five verses end on the same syllable (aaaaa) or in stanza 003 with seven verses, stanza 005 with eight. Another modality would be the

11 REVEL

alternating rhyme, as in stanza 004 with six rhymed verses (aababa), stanza 006 with nine (aabbbcccc), or stanza 007 with five (aabcc). At the general level of the composition of 'Si/ungan Baltapa', we have noticed a contrast between the measured sung delivery of the narrative, a recto­ tono, cell 3, and the melismatic unmeasured delivery closing each stanza. This is observed at the melodic level. I propose to go deeper.

Melodic system, transcription in intergral

002_001 • 1:::,1 • 1::1:':",,1 • !I!!I,! 004_ • • 003. •• • ~i.~llli • !a~~li • • W"ll,m 005. • • mii'liilil • '!lfelill 006. • -•• ,",I,mil,,! 007. • • 1::';'::'.:1' • i,i.i.!!~!! 00•• • • I'ill'um' • ~::,ill!il~ 009. -Flll,i'::!:1 010. ••••• ,,'l!ill!illm! • ~j!l!oo!!li The spectral analysis of timbre corroborates this observation. Linked to the syllabic delivery of the recto-tono, one can observe a timbre contour with fast and sharp variations, while that of the melismatic delivery of the part ending each stanza is soft and undulating (See D. Bolger's graphs, stanza 007 on).

Considering now the prelude, sambahakan, to the whole story as well as every reprise, we see that it is characterized by a more melismatic melodic contour, which is corroborated by an undulating timbre contour with a generally higher harmonicity. There is an exception on reprise V (stanzas 192-193), where there is less vocal stability.

12 MEMORY OF VOICE

Spectral Analysis of Timbre

SambahakanI :PreludeI

001 tot» In L\,abuv---z---nz ~Ierau---rz-·_--z

(Ip) amaurain---tagsukuq

(hp)

The roughness as well as the irregularity is also consistently high and this reflects the spectral richness of Binsu Lakbaw's voice. The voice is consistently bright in the preludes and in the narrative and more so in the melismatic ending of each stanza which functions as a litany with a recurrent onomatopoeic formula uy,uy,uy,-----iq suggestive of a blowing sound, a sound of wind. The 'intimacy' of the links between sound and meaning, not of the word but of the verse and the stanza as a whole, is manifested in the qualities of the vocal timbre of the singer of tales. Beyond a phonetic symbolism enhanced by Roman Jakobson ('Poetics'in

13 REVEL

ESJayson GeneralUnguistics, 1963 and Six Lessonson Sound and Meaning, 1976) there is a symbolism of the voice, which has a poetic function. This tentative exploration opens new insights into the complexity and subtlety of the bonds between poetry and music in epics as a verbal art. We have, on the one hand, the manifestation of a skill and, on the other hand, the setting in motion of this knowledge base by reasoning processes, narrative and argumentative schemes, worldviews and cosmogonic values, topologies, and associative webs. I have already described in The Teaching oftheAncestors(Revel, 2001, 2005) the specific procedures and various motor skills of the Palawan singers of tales, their own method to store information in long-term-memory (LTM) and retrieve it in a rapid and unfailing way. The acquisition of encoding methods and retrieval structures is relevant to the verbal art and mastery of the singer­ narrator together with a perfect vocal gesture in attacking, in pausing, in sounding and relating a story that is to be achieved simultaneously. This is a multimodal, long lasting creative activity for it can go on for half a night or an entire night. I have also shown in the past (Revel, 1994, 2000a,b, 2004) how self­ reiteration takes place in building up the long-term memory and how a Palawan highlander, by self-repetition of segments uttered together with specific melodic motifs, internalizes and memorizes a long sung narrative. By doing so, he builds up a corpus of narratives and saves them in his memory as mental narratives. As he performs a tultul he reactualizes it constantly according to events, circumstances, and personal emotions. Hence we are in the presence of a traditional world, but also of a personal world. And this is particularly clear and manifested in chanting ulaging in the Binukit tradition of northern Mindanao with the performance of the salaas a lyrical interlude to the long narrative of an episode of 'Great Agyu'.

5. Formulaic style: Parallelism as a creative tool in Tala-andig Bukidnon ulaging Since the work of Milman Parry on HomericEpithets(1928), we are familiar with the INoun + EpithetI formula and there is a Rubik's Cube of formulas to play with and fit well in the dactylic hexameter. This mold can generate new formulas. The process of composition, so highly praised by the Talaandig-Bukidnon in their epic, is based on parallelisms and pairs of synonyms, sampal.The bag­ ulaging has to be a master of description by setting into motion his vast database of synonyms. The performance starts with pamada,an invocation to the guardian spirits of the house, of the staircase, of the teeth, of the lips, of the voice. Singing ulagingtakes place during weddings and after harvest of corn or rice as an entertainment. During the wake for the dead, the song will last for the whole night continuously, without the interlude of a sala, a lyrical composition with 14 MEMORY OF VOICE philosophical insights. Someone in the audience will take over to let the singer of tales rest and to express a personal feeling, an anguish, to relieve oneself by such an artistic expression. Sometimes the narrator abandons himself in performing the saia.

PAMADA: Tala-andig text

------heeay lSiginsiginlagengku . sinuku kadisal ku 2 Kadisalpasagmawka . hupanayawwedlantipi

3 Lagengpasugipitka . ngipenwedsagiala 4Amansuyagenka . namantasugipitenka

5 Yannupamanampuni... sagtaladayahabantay 6Diwatahanamintu hupanayawwedlantipi

susuguyhanamaiyak

namantamapamadaan

10 Nayanpamanadapi . sagtaladayahabantay llYutumelawhubuhukku

12Nayanpamanpamadai .. sasuguyyhatagadayaatumanud 13Hu du paralwas ki Lubaycn

14Namantamaadapannu......

15 Nayannupamanadapi ..... sa tumanudinpabantay 16 Hupasigihalangkuban

17Yanpamanpamada-i sasaguyinpalintanud 18 Hudasaghalimbubungan

19 Naimantamaadapannu .

20Nayannupamanadapan suSinyudahaKahibunan 21 AyBaiKadawayaan

22 lyannuagampunan. 23 Ay suguyya Manuliman

24 Aw arnan ta maarnpunan naman tamapamadaan

25susuguy haTinglaluyan . 26 Daw ikaduwag ampunan . su Diwata Sadayan

27 SusuguyyaKulatayan 28NadaludukiTekdawan ilingkiTuyadegan

Transcription according to the declamatory style, mantukaw

15 REVEL

PAMADA Opening invocation

------hceay l Oh my beloved voice ... my very precious sound 2 my voice please filter., through the unfiled teeth

3 My voice come pass through . the unlevelled teeth 4 As soon as you come out when you come through

S'Iben you shall pay courtesy..... to the allgned guardians 6 to the Diwata thar dwclls ... on the unfiled teeth

7 Then you shall give greetings .. totheguardillnliving 8 onto the unlevelled teeth.

9 Once your greetings are expresscd.... once your courtesy is paid

10 Then you shall render greetings. to the aligned guardians 11 of the tip of my hair

12 Then you shall pay courtesy to the lining up guardian spirits 13 of the very tip of my hair

14 When your courtesy is expressed... when your greetings are offered

15 You shall present yourrespects.... to the guardians who secured 16 the clipped ridge of the roof

17Thenyoupaycourtesy.... to the guardians who keep 18 the fastened ridge of the roof

19 And once your greetings are exprcssed...... and your respects are presented

20 Then you shall present your regards.. to the Lady-keeping-the-Assembly 21 The Lady-Keeping-the-Gathering

22 Then you give greetings..... to the Listening-Diwata 23 The Hearing-God

24 And once your greetings aregiven...... once your respects are rendered

2S Then you shallpayrespect... to Diwata-Guarding-the-Stairs 26Theguardian-of-the-Staircase

27ThenyoushaUpresentyourregards...... to Diwata-Keeping-the-Stair-Railing 28 The Deity Securing-the-Stair-Guide

English Translation of the opening song in declamatory style, mantukaw

16 MEMORY OF VOICE

Graph of the Poetic Composition

PAMADA Opening invocation Hee...... •.•...•.•••••••••..·heeay

FngHsh Translation o£ the opening sgngin dec1aw etory"tyle wantukaw

I Parallelisms / Chiasmus

17 REVEL

The mirror-like presentation is the intricacy of parallel constructions and crisscrossed synonyms in or distant pairs. The mastery and constant exploration of of intricate parallelisms therefore challenges the composer and his listeners. Here the narrative projected on paper has to capture a stream of utterances linked to the singer of tales' sung delivery and reflecting his mastery of wordplay with synonyms in three, and sometimes four parallel successive or delayed formulas. parallelism might be crisscrossing synonyms in proximate or distant pairs, might be a balancing construction and!or the combination of both. The sung narrative is by no means a frozen, memorized text that one has to reiterate strictly. Performance is the privileged moment in which the singer of tales sets his creativity and lexical wealth into motion within the constraints of a metrical composition. The way the song runs together with the text totally disrupts the semantic content of the words, phrases, and sentences, in other words, disrupts the morphology, the syntax, and the lexicon. That is why it is necessary to shift to the mantukaw speech delivery, the declamatory style, to bring to the surface the verses and the hemistisch break. The sung delivery is intense, loud, and hard to sustain for long hours but here the text is prevalent over the voice, and words, breathing, and melodies are disconnected. The singer is also free to interrupt his delivery at any time in order to take a short breath, in fact, the singing technique consists of four moments in less than a one minute span making up a stanza (Revel,2003). The first moment is vocalic with a strong, tense attack. The second is a recto-tono at the very junction between uttering and singing, I mean to say, a syllabic uttering of the text on a constant pitch, in this case, on the finalis or the point of reference of the scale. The third moment is an optional one and is characterized by an accelerated speech delivery, while the fourth instant is silence, the end of breathing followed by a new intake of air. These four moments make up the vocal composition of a stanza that develops into a cycle and is repeated all night long. Considering the length of one episode of the cycle of Agyu, this vocal technique is productive and has to be mastered. By doing so the singer of tales conducts his own sung delivery and simultaneously keeps his audience intellectually alert, in a way, he takes care of his own voice in order to keep his listeners' interest. There is a genuine inclination for them in following the usage of this vocal technique carefully in order to take pleasure in detecting the patterns of the compositional structure through the many disruptions of the vocal effects. This is the way, in Binukid, the singer of tales maintains a specific state of communication for an entire night. Empathy and sharp intellectual attitude have to prevail between the singer of tales and his listeners. A very different kind of macro-parallel construction and distant balance is

18 MEMORY OF VOICE found in the Ifugao hudhudwe have worked on with Patricia Afable and this parallel description and actions of the heroine Bugan(Stanzas 17-40) and her brother Dulnuan (Stanzas 176-191) have a semiotic and sociological function.

6. Formulaic style: a lexicometric approach and its efficacy on a Palawan tultul I started to implement lexicometry in 1999 with the ptogram Lexicloud, then Lexico.s, on a Palawan tuitui 'Mamiminbin'. Palawan is a four-vowel and 16-consonant phonological system. Stress is not contrastive. The text was converted into ASCI and I configured a segmentation grid. In the published book TheQuestfor a Wift (2000b), I came out with: - a brief lexicometric study of the hierarchical frequencies of the fillers of the voice as enunciative particles with phatic and stylistic values in the sung narrative: atin (633), gasi (359), kunuq (353), batdn(183), ti!Yan (191), banar(67). These words are monolexemes, are not lacking in meaning, and are evidence of precise grammatical categories but in this sung verbal art their function shifts and their semantic values differ. - a Iexicometric treatment of interrelating formulas on three major paradigms, which show how the narrative activity works in its dynamics: - pivotal words linked to perlocution towards the audience - comparisons which are more discursive but manifest a formulaic style: tibanat, 'like....' (94 instances), samaat 'similar to .. .' (four instances), a total frequency of 98 instances is present in the whole narrative, hence comparison has a formulaic value while metaphors, sindir,are not used in tuitui, in contrast to karang, lyrical compositions in heptasyllabic verse (Revel, 1992) - pivotal word expressing politeness: ingasiq, rity', mdmaqan', 'to chew sharing a quid', and mdgkactJari, 'if it is possible'. The analysis of frequency of words was completed with a program of repetitive segments and a program of concordances. Few central words and their functional co-occurring phrases on the theme of politeness and respectful sympathy to others reveal a paradigm with a higher frequency of 4S instances of which 32 are followed to the right of nominative personal modality in the first person, followed by a personal benefactive modality in the second person singular or plural. Nine are followed on the right by a form of address to a stranger, a friend, or a family member. In their verbal exchanges, aggressor and victim call each other mayaq, 'friend'. Here is a distribution of actants experiencing a sentiment of compassion, pity, or sympathy from the speaker, thanks to the singer of tales' mediation. This relationship between the '1' and the 'You' after ingasiq clearly manifests an ethos where the three values, namely, bagi 'egalitarian sharing', tabang 'genetous helping one to another', and ingasiq 'compassion' predominate and are expressed.

19 REVEL

In 2000, I started the analysis of specificities as they explain the relative weight of the various forms of discourse in a closed corpus. Then the specificity of discourse of each protagonist is relative to all the others. We have a partition of the text in eight, as there are eight actors and their respective styles. The Hero has two speech styles (p2 and P3). Then three main contrasting axes emerge. These axes locate the speakers within the frequency of specific words of vocabulary that they use. One can observe overuse (+), under use (-), and normal use (0) of words.

Axis 1: is the main axis and reveals a first contrast at two levels of registers in vocabulary to operate on the horizontality of the graphs.

The social space of the singer as narrator and three main protagonists / the middle space of two supernatural beings: Pl, P2&P3, P4, PS P7, P8

Narrator, Miimiml&2 Labit, Labit's sister / Thunder Balud

P6, the Lady of Fishes is located at point 0 and is not part of this contrast.

The first is a world of dialog: calm / loss of temper, of level headedness / violent attitudes and actions, of doing good / wrong-doing. A space where the 'I' (aku, ku) prevails, where individualities affirm themselves in order to build up the plot. On the other hand, the middle space, the space of the seven Nutmeg Pigeons and the seven Brothers Thunder, is characterized by plurality, the 'We' (ryu;kqy) of seven prevails, negative injunctions and prohibitions (with the modalities: kas, kasiq, dikt) by helpers who are benevolent, magical beings, gifted with clairvoyance and wisdom.

Axis 2: complements Axis 1 and takes care of the 'left-over' of Axis 1. It operates on the verticality of the graph. It reveals a second level of contrast, namely:

Pl P8 P2&P3 P4

Narrator 7 Balud Marniminbin Labit

The first set is made up of two protagonists, always distant, not directly concerned nor involved. They have a narrative style that sets the story in perspective and use the perlocutory style towards the audience. The other set is made up of two protagonists, two men very involved in the plot, for they are

20 MEMORY OF VOICE suddenly confronted with a potential alliance of marriage. Mam.P2 is daring, audacious, violent / Labit is calm, courteous, surprised by the sudden offer made to him. In the last part of the epic the singer of tales vanishes away, Balud remain a symbol of union, and Miim.P3 who is from now on appeased, reasonable, with the required seemliness to gain a wife and Labit is confronted by the possibility of an alliance of marriage. A symmetric exchange between two men is settled as he accepts the woman, the fictive sister I of Mamiminbin that comes to him in reciprocity. As the story comes to a close the two strangers become brothers-in-law. In other words, Axis 2 reveals the action between protagonists and the core of the plot, namely: a symmetrical alliance of marriage.

Axis 3: acts in depth in relation to the levels of Axis 1 and Axis 2. It is relevant to another dimension as it contrasts:

P7 P2 P4 PS P6

Thunder Marui Labit Labit's sister Lady of Fishes

A clear contrast in vocabulary appears between male and female protagonist liwan / salad, 'outside' / 'inside': Men are always moving, traveling, changing worlds, while women have to stay home, in an interior space, a domestic place with specific objects (artaq'object'; badyuq'dress'; salapaq'betel quid box'). Then the vocabulary of confrontation, suspicion, violence, healing contrasts with the vocabulary of parity, harmony, alliance of marriage between affines. A question then arises: Could memorization processes and frequencies be linked? One can see that an isolated word, non-valorized word, will not be memorized, while repetitive segments, co-occurrences or sequences of joint words, will be memorized. In other words, would the singer of tales memorize by blocks? A frequency of words goes with connections, clusters of words that are coagulate and these generate habits of words, blocks and rhythms. One can analyze an epic by a statistical analysis based on repetition, its absence or its modulation. Statistics pinpoints problems of discursive strategies that have to be analyzed within the images, within rhetoric and stylistics. It does not provide an answer but clearly opens the matter and provides indices that have to be interpreted. I foresee a highly productive application of the lexicometric analysis in the formulaic styles of Ifugao Hudhudsinging and we have started to apprehend the formulas in space, time, kinship, as well as people categories in Bugan an Imb'!Jagda, 'Bugan the Rejected Child'. But the real implementation of the program needs a finalized transcription of the text before its conversion to ASCI. I can foresee a highly productive lexicornetric analysis too for the Sarna kata-kata that just came out Silungan Baltapa(2005) and on which I am going to work.

21 REVEL

7. Deixis and its structuring power on the narrative In a strict oral situation, for the singer of tales, the points of reference in time and are the voyages and the ordeals of the heroic characters, their helpers opponents, and we shall see how the plot is a mediation between the many successive incidents and a unified story. Firat, let me focus on the temporality of the narrative and I refer here to P. Ricoeur, to understand the process of 'emplotment' (1985). It consists of 'a relevant succession, a series of incidents and a temporal aspect characterized by the integration, culmination and closure so that the story receives a particular configuration'. So composing a story is from the temporal angle, 'drawing a configuration out of a succession' (p. Ricoeur, 1977, in Word, 1991, LzfeinQuest qlNarrative). Each action, each event has to be part of a chain of temporal sequences with a rigorous and necessary causal relationship. The thread of causality is a major organizational principle of the mental view of the story. Ricoeur observes: 'One can detect a competition between succession and configuration. However concordance is prior to discordance' (1977)and 'configuration' has to prevail. In this respect, one can represent a story as a network of causal relationships, as the performer and the listeners work to infer a link between two events. This is a problem relevant to 'text processing'. With Silungan Baltapa, in the sequence of 216 stanzas, Binsu Lakbaw, the singer of tales, alone introduces the plot, develops it, and brings it to a close. In Kudaman and Miimimibin, Usuy and Masinu respectively do the same. As a matter of fact the narrative is the ere-presentation of people in action' and we have to detect what the immediate constituents of the 'sentence of action' are (Molino & Lefhail,2003). In every story we deal with a 'textual dews' which borrows from spatial and temporal dews at a meta-textual level, and I will show the structuring power of space for constructing the narrative. In this respect, I have to emphasize the importance of topoi, I mean to say, the voyages; the trajectory of the hero and/or the heroic couple, as complex as it might be, can be topographically represented. I propose to draw a map in three dimensions of the actions of the various protagonists building up the plot in an attempt to capture the inner vision of the one singing, the 'mental map' that governs his delivery. In a chain of oral-aural transmission, this cognitive map builds up in the listeners' active thinking and memory as the ephemeral, privileged moment of internalizing the plot takes place. Beyond the linear delivery of the story, there is topological thinking. Palawan highlanders speak of the 'paths', dalan,and they are, in a way, aware that there is a structural centrality and a causal connectivity with multiple retrieval routes, as many links connect the components of a story.

22 MEMORY OF VOICE

Re-presenting the story by a graph is in fact re-presenting a network of causal relationships and is related to 'text processing' in a situation without written support. Within a given culture, singers of tales and listeners move in a closed system at the intersection of several sets, social institutions, system of attitudes, moral code, customary law, cosmogony, ritual practices, verbal and musical art, a world as lived in, 'un monde habite', the importance of which Levi-Strauss has revealed to us in the structural analysis of myths. The epic projects this manner of living in the world in the mode of fiction and a confrontation will emerge between the world of the narrative and the world of the listener. The world of the text also confronts us with the 'fictive experience of time', the importance of which Ricoeur has emphasized and deeply analyzed. The idea of drawing graphs came to me while working with Lourdes Dulawan on two Ifugao hudhud, namely: Aligrgon nak Amtalao and Bugan nak Panga'iwan. !fugao is a five-vowel and 14-consonant system plus one long mark. We follow the systematic orthography based on phonological contrasts established by H. C. Conklin. (1991,2004). In this case, the narrative is split in two parts: the plot, the narrative thread, is exclusively sung by a leading voice munha'we, with a very restricted melodic curve and paying no attention to metric in order to deliver her utterances. However, the leading voice brings her utterances to a close with a constant melodic formula that becomes paving the way for the chorus to come in. The names of protagonist(s) his/their kinship relationship(s), his/their location and motion in space (villages' center, rice fields, hills, rivers and forests) and time of the day (morning sun, midday sun, setting sun, and dusk) are constantly activated by the chorus, munhudhud, as the performance functions by periodic cycles. 'Spatial deixis' and 'temporal dews' are used as landmarks by the chorus whose function is to locate the actions and motions of the topic characters within a given territorial space that is vast and delimited. The chorus as a community sings the interrelationship.

23 REVEL

lfugao Hudhudsinging: the leading voice and the chorus

However, the chorus is not strict unison. It is rather a plurivocal monody. There is some kind of clock to the group as the chorus follows a measure. There is a soloist over the chorus, not the reverse, and this is the mark solo leading voice with her narrative thread over the deixis. In monody, the chorus actions and paths of motion within the space and time of the narrative (Revel & Toumy, 2003). This orientation process is a dynamic one, giving information to the audience while the leading voice is then free to think of the next step in action, the next motion to be sung and overlaps without considering the metric nor the measure that the chorus tries to maintain. As the performance functions by flexible periodic cycles, it rests on two melodic ideas, two prototypical melodic formulas on which some variations may appear.

24 MEMORY OF VOICE

IFUGAO BUGAN NAK PANGATWAN

In an Ifugao hudhud performance and related transcribed text, this split in singing and the necessary complement between the soloist woman leading the plot and the accompanying women's voices singing the temporal and spatial deixis, is very functional and reveals clearly the part of a 'mental text' and the part of a 'mental map', their interplay and necessary complement as the plot is woven between two villages Gonhadan and Luminggaling and two places of abandonment and re-encounter for the heroic characters in the forest. The plot unfolds among five places in 10 action-events. The aesthetic device and emphasis on textual deixis described above could, I think, resonate as the Ifugao major interest in and concern for 'Territory'. In other cultural traditions, as among the Palawan or the Sarna, the two, mental text and mental map, are merged as a single voice sings the whole epic with a feedback, tubag,of the audience. Among the Palawan, tubagis either the repetition in unison of the name of the hero as in the Lowlands of the Punang area, or in the highlands' culture, some comments and exclamations of wonder, compassion, and empathy for the protagonists as the story unfolds.

25 REVEL

Space in the narrative sequence is a principle according to which the singer of tales structures his 'mental text' (Revel, 1996). Such a synoptic view of the plot is simultaneously analysis and synthesis. This is a mental scheme implicit in the singer's thinking process as he performs the narrative. Thus, I perceive the charted space as a 'pre-textual frame' that imparts a pattern to the narrative and the linearity of events turns into the 'configuration' of a plot (Ricoeur, 1985, pp.113-120).

Plot and Textual Deixis:

A constant interplay between a mental text and a mental map: Arrows, numerals and colors in the graphs identify the actions and motions in space and time of each protagonist and reveal the structuring power of space within the time of a fiction.

MACROSTRUCTURE OFAN IFUGAOEPIC BUGANNAKPANGA'IWAN lnltlatorytraj.c.torl•• &Alllanc •• o'marrlalie

The graphs represent the macro-structure or the respective pre-textual frame of the respective narrative of a Palawan tultuL' Mamiminbin.

26 MEMORY OF VOICE

This is followed by a Sarna kata-kata:Silungan Baltcrpa.

27 1 REVEL

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

28 1

1 MEMORY OF VOICE

8. 'Mimesisof action' and memory Aristotle, in his Poetics, noticed that the time-space of the fiction is a mimesis of the time-space of the reality as experienced by the very people themselves. Listeners follow and internalize these long narratives as they configure a fictive reality that is similar to the natural, social, and cosmogonic space surrounding them. We are in the presence of a genuine 'mimesis of action' and I would add, this evocation of a given world and of a 'stream of life' has a 'ring of truth' that probably helps the singer of tales to internalize the story and retain it. In a ludic and poetic manner an oral epic tradition represents not only an intangible heritage of great beauty, but it is the repository of customs that re­ actualizes on the narrative mode and revives in a fictive way, the life and the system of values and customs of each cultural group. Within the Palawan corpus of 13 epics that I have been gathering through the years, I noticed that we are in the very presence of an anthology of alliances of marriage and the various cases related to it according to 'Customary law', Adal. For the Ifugao, in northern Luzon, a very different society, the affinity rules are similar to those of the Palawan as the ideal alliance of marriage is also a symmetric exchange of their respective sisters between two men but of the same wealthy status, the Kadan.f!)lan. In order to maintain parity in these two different

29 REVEL

societies, one equalitarian and the other stratified but observing parity, this affinity rule prevails and is highly valorized and constantly illustrated by their respective long chanted narrative repertoires. Beyond the knowledge base that each of tales possesses in his trained memory and that he presents to his as he performs, the listeners themselves can take turns to enter into the creative game because they are stimulated at the level of reasoning and composing. The wealth of oral traditions rests upon infinite combinations, the virtual result between mnemonic devices and customary stories. Within the knowledge base of a given culture, an ancestral repertoire together with a dynamic intelligence and a creative potential are always at work. As it is sung, an epic is expanding on the side of the singer of tales as well as on that of his listeners, 'ces interpretes silencieux', these silent performers as Levi-Strauss qualified them. As the song is received, I mean to say perceived and comprehended, new 'interpretants' are emerging. In order to reveal the dynamics of the emission, comprehension, and transmission of an epic, I have already proposed to extend the notion of 'interpretant' as defined by C. Sanders Pierce (Revel, 2000b, pp. 363-364). One can then understand more deeply the cognitive activity of the listeners as receiving subjects who are moved, but also constructing themselves, who are memorizing and interiorizing the plot. Configuration conveys a coherence much needed for the memorization as it reinforces the various mnemonic devices formerly mentioned, namely: -repetitive segments in sound and images, -sound icons and visual icons characteristic of the 'formulaic style' as defined by A. B. Lord; -the 'epic moments' revealed by A. Hatto, as well as 'rhetorical moments' of C.H. Breteau, P. Galland-Pernet and M. Galley. -rnaterial motives and social motives as explored by W. Heissig in the Mongol epics. Some day, one of the listeners will take over and will compose in performance after working in solitude or under the close guidance of another singer of tales. As an aspiring singer of tales emerges, then a slow and secret 'rumination' starts within himself. I like this physiological metaphor for it suggests the embodiment of the sung narrative. The training itself is a compositional process, a gathering process, and a recalling process. The result, however, is new knowledge, the product of a dilatation. Carruthers (1990) qualifies this traditional act of composition as a 'memorative composition' and this is done mentally and by muttering or chewing the words. In the Middle Ages, this substance of the composition needed many adjustments and reshapings, some kind of oral 'multiple draft', as I mentioned before (Revel, 1993a), a notion I borrowed from D. Dennett and adapted to oral epic chanting. This was called the res (Carruthers, 2003, p. 285).

30 MEMORY OF VOICE

In my analysis of oral compositions, the graph I propose, this mental product of a compositional process, this pattern of composition, would be the res. In literature of voice, composing is not an act of writing, 'it is a rumination, a cogitatio, a listening to and a dialogue with, a gathering of voices arising from their various places of memory'. Within a culture X or Y and its knowledge base there is a dynamic intelligence, a creative potential, indeed an ancestral repertoire which is, as the song is performed, always expanding on the side of the poet-musician who is the performer on that very night as well as on the side of his listeners, the performers to be. At this point the system opens, composition within Tradition is set in motion and, in this respect, it would not be mistaken to consider the singing of epics as a vocal 'skilled activity' (un systerne expert), like playing chess or playing the piano. Certainly, the symbolic function and the teaching of these narratives is expected, but the pleasure, the emotion, and 'la fonction realisante de la Poesie' are the gifts of a night listening to this ephemeral verbal art.

REFERENCES

Carruthers M. (1990). The book ofmemory: A Cambridge University Press. (2002, Meur, Edition Macula, 428 p.) Conklin, H. (1991) A systematic orthography for writing Ifugao. Philippine Journal o/Linguistics22(1-2),31-36. Reprinted with some corrections in Conklin 2004. Jakobson R. (1963). Essaisdelinguistique generale. Traduit en francais et preface par N. Ruwet, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris, (CH XI: Linguistique et poetique), 260 p. Jakobson, R. (1976). Six lecons sur Iesonet lesens.Preface de Cl. Levi-Strauss, Les Editions de Minuit, Paris, 125 p. C. (1964). Mythologiques 1. Le cru et Ie cuit. Paris: PIon.

(1969) Introduction to the science ofmythology: HJO .'uw ,""U 'DO coorceu­ New York: Harper & Row.) Molino J. & Lefhail Molino, R. (2003). Homo FabulatorTheoneet analyse du reat. Lemeac/Acte Sud. Parry, M. (1928) The traditional epithet in Homer. In A. Parry (ed.), of Homeric verse. The collected papers ofMilman Parry. Oxford: University Press, Reid, L. (ed.) 1971. Phtiippine minor languages: Word lists and phonologies. Oceanic Linguistics Special Publication, University of Hawai'i Press Revel-Macdonald, N. (1983). Kudaman: Une epopee Palawanchantee par Usuj, La

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Haye/Paris, Mouton, Lss Cabiers de l'Homme,385 p., 11 illust.A. Fer, 1 clisc45t. Revel-Macdonald, N. (1992). Kudaman, !sangepikong Palawanna inawit ni Traduction de E. B. Maranan et N. Revel-Macdonald. Quezon Ateneo de Manila University Press. 401 pp. Revel N., et al. (1993). 'Epopee' Enryclopaedia Universalis, Nouvelle edition imprimee et sur CDRom, Paris, 39 p. Revel, N. (1993). Problematique de l'epopee, Routes terrestres et maritimes, I.es Routesde la Soie.Patrimoine commun, identitisplurielles, UNESco,Collection Memoire des Peuples, pp. 99-109. Revel, N. (1993). Esthetique des voix epiques, Palawan, Philippines, Pour une Anthropologie desVoix, N. Revel et D. Rey-Hulrnan (eds.),1993d. INALCO­ L'Harmattan, Paris, pp. 109-134. Revel, N. (1996). Kudaman, Oral Epic in the Palawan Highland, Oral Tradition 11/1 L. Honko (special ed.) Epics alongtheSilk Road, [Mental Text and the notion of 'Multiple Draft' (Original title), First UNESCO Workshop on Epics, Turku, Finland, University of Missouri, pp. 108-132. Revel, N. (Ed.). (1998) Epopees Litteratures de la voix. Diogene, Revue internationale des sciences humaines, no. 181, janvier-mars, 136 p. (English eclition: Diogenes, Epic literatures ofvoice, no. 181,46 (1). New York: Bergham Books. 159pp. Revel, N. (2000). Epic singing in Palawan Highlands (philippines), vocal and musical styles. In K. Reilch (ed.), Inter-cultural MusicStudies,11, 191-210. Third International Wokshop on Epics: Performance and Music, September 7-10,1997, Berlin. 10 illus. Revel, N. (2000). La quite en epouse. Mdmiminbin. Epopeepalawan chantee par Mdsinu/ The questfor a wife:A Palawan epicsungI?J Mdsinu.Paris, Eclitions UNESCO/Langues&Mondes l'Asiatheque, 440 p., 1 CD, illust., 8 photos by Quincy Castillo. (Edition trilingue Palawan-Fram;ais-Anglais). Revel, N. (2001). The teaching of the ancestors. Conference on Literature of Voice: Epics in the Philippines, Ateneo de Manila & Far Eastern University, Manila, June 29-30, 2000. Philippines Studies,49, 3rd Quarter, 417-428. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. Revel, N. (2003). How to project time in space in an oral composition: A foreword to a Tala-anclig Bukidnon epic. Ulaging: Tumulin ku Kayamag: 'Strong Wind~ Kinaadman SilverJubilee Issue, 25 (2),1-15. Revel N., Martenot, A., Nimmo, H. A., Rixhon, G., Sangogot, T. L., &. Tourny, O. (2005). I.e Vtryage au a« d'un HerosSama / The vtryage to heaven ofa Samahero. Silungan Baltapa. Geuthner, Paris, 252 p. and a DVD video. Ricoeur, P. (1985). Temps et rieit, TomeII, La configuration dans le rieit defiction, l'Ordrephilosophique. Paris: Le Seuil,. 234 p.

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Ricoeur, P. (1991). Life in quest of narrative. In D. Wood (ed.), On PaulRicoeur: Narrative andinterpretation (pp. 20-33). London: G. Routledge. Stiegler, B. (1996). La technique et le tempsT .2 , Call.Pbilosopbi« en Effit. Paris: Galilee. 224p Tourny, O. et Revel N. (2003). A poetic and musical approach to sung narratives: A comparison between Ifugao hudhud and Sarna Dilaut kata­ kata of Tawi-Tawi, (philippines). In J.Buenconsejo (ed.), A search inAsia for a newtheory ojmusic(pp. 271-290). Quezon City: University of the Philippines Center for Ethnomusicology. Zumthor, P. (1987). Introduction d lapoisieorale, Le Seuil. 263 p.

Discography

Maceda, J. - Martenot, A. (1980). Sama deSitangkai; Philippines: ArchipeldeSulu, 33T, 12 extraits, Textes (sama-francais-anglais), ORSTOM / SELAF, Collection Traditions orales, Paris,1livret, ed, bilingue franc;ais/anglais, textes et transcriptions musicales, 24 P: MacedaJ et Revel-Macdonald, N., 1991. (1ere ed, 1987,331), MusiquedesHautes­ Terns Palawan, CD: LDX274865, (2 ieme ed. augmentee), Collection CNRS / Musee de I'Homme, Paris (1 livret, ed, bilingue francais.' anglais, textes et transcriptions musicales, 51 p.).

CD Rom & DVD Video

Revel, N. (2004) Le chant d'une epopee palawan. Litteratures de la Voix I: Mdmiminbin, Chant synchronise avec texte en trois langues, (palawan ­ - Anglais) (Logiciel M. Jacobson.) Hypertexte: conception et N. Revel. Assistance technique et graphique: C. Michelet, D.Trinephi, P. Grison. Production: LMS, Villejuif. Distribution: CNRS­ Images, Meudon. Revel, N. et al., (2005). Litteratures de fa Voix 2/Literatureoj Voice2: Silungan Baltapa DVD video (1 Audio file in Sinama and 2 files of a Diaporama with a narrative in French and in English) CNRS- Genthner, Paris.

33 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS Volume 37, Number 1 June 2006

AUSTRONESIAN ELEMENTS IN PHILIPINE CREOLE SPANISH·

AIREEN L. BARRIOS

One hypothesis of creoles is that the superstrate or lexifier language of a creole contributes to its vocabulary, while its grammar comes directly from its substrate (Crowley, 1997). A look at the lexicon and grammar of Philippine Creole Spanish or Chabacano shows that this theory works specifically for its variant Zamboangueiio. Terms for numbers, days of the week, months, and body parts are obviously derived from Spanish. Some properties of its grammar, on the other hand, show obvious Austronesian traces, particularly Tagalog and Cebuano. Zamboangueiio exhibits a prototypically Philippine-type verb­ initial word order. The influence of Cebuano on Zamboangueiio is conspicuously manifested in the plural personal pronoun series in the si-type, kon-type, and di-type pronouns. The si-type plural pronouns are the nominative kame (Ip, excl.), kita (Ip, incl.), kamo (2p), and sila (Jp). Zamboanguefio has also created the di-type and kon-type forms based on the Cebuano genitive pronouns amo (Ip, excl.), ato (Ip, incl.), inyo (2p), and ila (3p), resulting in the genitive pronouns diamon (Ip, excl.), diaton (Ip, incl.), diinyo (2p), and diila (3p), and the accusative pronouns kanamon (Ip, excl.), kanaton (Ip, incl.), kaninyo (2p), and kanila (3p). The Zamboanguefio nominative noun marking si, which marks phrases whose heads are personal names, corresponds to the personal si in Tagalog and Cebuano. Finally, like Tagalog and Cebuano, the Zamboanguefio plural marker mga, which is pronounced variously as maga, mana, and mana, is used when the noun it precedes is explicitly plural.

• The researcher is indebted to Rowanne Marie Maxilom for providing most of the Cebuano data, and to Carlos and Eulogia Barrios for providing additional information on Zamboangueno, She is also grateful to Dr. Hsiu-chuan Liao for guiding her during the conceptualization and development of this paper, as well as to Dr. Carl Rubino for his helpfulsuggestionsatlO-ICAL. ZAMBOANGUENOCHABACANO

1. Introduction Philippine Creole Spanish (PCS) is more familiarly known as Chabacano, whose variants include Cavitefio, Ternateiio, Cotabateiio, Davaoefio, and Zamboangueiio. Of these five variants, Zamboangueiio is the only surviving PCS (Lipski, 1987). One hypothesis of creoles is that the superstrate or lexifier language of a creole contributes to its vocabulary, while its grammar comes directly from its substrate (Crowley, 1997). A look at the lexicon and grammar of Chabacano shows that this theory works specifically for Zamboangueiio, which is spoken in Zamboanga City. It is easy to see that Zamboangueiio words are predominantly derived from Spanish. Number words, days of the week, months, and body parts are obviously Spanish-derived. Some properties of its grammar, on the other hand, show obvious traces of Austronesian influence, particularly Tagalog and Cebuano. This paper attempts to answer the question: What grammatical properties, particularly of Tagalog and Cebuano, are found in Zamboangueiio Chabacano? It attempts to show the similarities in the grammatical properties among Zamboangueiio, Tagalog, and Cebuano to draw support for the hypothesis concerning the contribution of the substrate to the grammar of a creole. It is organized into four main parts to correspond to the four traces of Austronesian influence in Zamboangueiio covered in this paper: a. word order, b. plural pronominal system, c. nominative noun marking, and d. plural noun marking. Data are drawn from the researcher's knowledge of Zamboanguefio, as well as from previous studies done on Zamboanguefio, Tagalog, and Cebuano. Some native speakers of Zamboanguefio and a native speaker of Cebuano also participated in the data gathering. Each of the major parts of the paper is provided with a set of sentences presented in the order of Zamboanguefio, Tagalog, and Cebuano. Each sentence is numbered consecutively throughout the paper, and is provided with its English gloss, some grammatical information, and a rough translation in English. Some of the grammatical information and translation have been altered from their original sources for uniformity of presentation.

2. The Grammatical Features of Zamboanguefio

2.1 Word order Like Tagalog and Cebuano, as well as many other Philippine languages, Chabacano exhibits a prototypically Philippine-type verb-initial word order, different from the SVO pattern of Spanish. A number of scholars share the observation that Chabacano is a VSO language: Holm (2001), Forman (2001), and Lipski (1987). They also agree that while SVO order may occur, VSO is still the unmarked order for Chabacano. A look at the structure of Zamboangucfio,

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Tagalog, and Cebuano shows that these languages share the same VSO structure, here demonstrated in the following major grammatical categories.

2.1.1 Nominal predicate clauses In sentence un maestrayo'I am a teacher', the predicate noun phrase a combination of the determiner un, which means 'a', with base word maestra 'teacher', to form a constitute with a nominal use (McKaughan, 1954). The noun phrase in the subject position yo '1' is a first person singular nominative, serving as the subject to the predicate NP un maestra. The same construction can be seen in the Tagalog sentence (2) narssi Maria 'Maria is a nurse' where the predicate is the noun nars'nurse', and in the Cebuano sentence (3) higalanaku si Rowena 'Rowena is my friend' where the predicate is the noun + genitive first person singular pronoun combination higalanaku.

(1) ZAMBOANGUENO Un maestra yo. DET teacher NOM.1s 'I am a teacher.'

(2) TAGALOG (Reid, 2000, p. 12) Nars si Maria. nurse DET Maria 'Maria is a nurse.'

(3)CEBUANO Higala naku si Rowena. friend GEN.1s DET Rowena 'Rowena is my friend.'

2.1.2 Adjectival clauses Predication in Zamboangueiio may also consist of an adjective such as biensabroso 'very delicious' in sentence (4) biensabroso eIcomida 'the food is very delicious' where the intensifier bien 'very' (Forman, 1972) combines with the adjective sabroso 'delicious' to form an adjectival phrase serving as predication to el comida 'the food'. Such a construction is evident in the Tagalog sentence (5) maganda angbabae'the woman is beautiful' where the adjective maganda 'beautiful' forms the predicate of the sentence to the subject angbabae'the woman', and in the Cebuano sentence (6) buutanangbatangagamqy 'the little child is good' where the adjective buutan 'good' precedes the subject ang bata ngagamqy 'the little child'.

36 ZAMBOANGUEl'il'O CHABACANO

(4) ZAMBOANGUENO Bien sabroso el comida. very delicious DET food 'The food is very delicious.'

(5) TAGALOG (Schachter and Otanes, 1972, p. 61) Maganda ang babae. beautiful DET woman 'The woman is beautiful.'

(6) CEBUANO (Trosdal, 1992, p. 32) Buutan ang bata nga gamay. good DET child LIG little 'The little child is good.'

2.1.3 Verbal clauses A verbal clause in Zamboanguefio consists of a verb phrase followed by noun phrases. The verb phrase consists of tense markers: /ya-I (punctual, perfective); Ita-I (habitual, durative, present or past imperfective); and Iqy-I or ley-lor lel1 (future) and a verb. In cases where the verb is unmarked, the meaning may be understood from the context (Forman, 1972). A verbal clause is demonstrated in sentence (1)ya come eJperro komipescao 'the dog ate the fish' where the verbal clauseya come 'ate' precedes the subject eJ perro 'the dog' and the direct object konelpescao 'the fish'. We see the same verb­ initial construction in the Tagalog sentence (8) humawak srya nglibro 'he held a book' where the verb humawak 'held' precedes the rest of the sentence, and in the Cebuano sentence (9) nal!PaJit ang babqye sa saging 'the woman bought bananas' where the verb nagpalit 'bought' serves as the predication.

(1) ZAMBOANGUENO Ya come el perro konel pescao. Asp-Past eat DET dog ACC fish 'The dog ate the fish.'

(8) TAGALOG (Schachter and Otanes, 1972, p. 294; in Reid and Liao, 2004, p. 441) Humawak siya ng libro. held NOM.3s GEN book 'He held a book.'

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(9) CEBUANO (Dryer, 1977, p. 1) Nagpalit ang babaye sa saging. bought DET woman OBL banana 'The woman bought bananas.'

2.1.4 Prepositional predicate constructions In sentence (10)paracontigoestecancion 'this song is for you' the predicate contains a preposition para 'for' and the second person singular locative pronoun contigo 'you' which takes on a locative thematic role. This prepositional phrase comes before the nominative phrase estecanaan'this song', composed of a deictic determiner este'this' and the noun cancion 'song'. Tagalog shares this construction where we see a prepositional phrase construction in sentence (11) nasamesaangpambura'the eraser is on the table' where the locative nasamesa'on the table' serves as predication to angpambura 'the eraser'. We also see the same construction in Cebuano where the prepositional phrase gikan naku 'from me' in sentence (12) gikan naku ang singsing 'the ring comes from me', where gikan means 'from' and naku is a first person singular genitive pronoun.

(10)ZAMBOANGUENO Para contigo este cancion. for LCV.2s this song 'This song is for you (sg).'

(11)TAGALOG (Ramos, 1971,p. 85) Nasa mesa ang pambura. LCV DET eraser

(12) CEBUANO Gikan naku ang singsing. from GEN.1s DET ring 'The ring comes from me.'

The grammatical categories discussed demonstrate a similarity in word order among Zamboangueiio, Tagalog, and Cebuano, giving evidence to the Philippine-type word order characteristic of Zamboanguefio, which departs from the word order of its superstrate.

2.2 Plural pronominal system The influence of Cebuano on Zamboangueiio is conspicuously manifested in its pronominal system, specificallyin the plural personal pronoun series with the exception of nosotros 'we' (lp, dual, formal), bosotros 'you' (2p, familiar), and ustedes 'you' (2p, formal), which are Spanish-derived. The Cebuano

38 ZAMBOANGUENO CHABACANO influence is demonstrated in all the three basic cases: nominative, functioning as the subject of both transitive and intransitive clauses; genitive, as a possession marker; and accusative, serving as the direct object. Note that in Table 1 the kon-type pronouns in Chabacano take an accusative case, different from the kang-set in Table 2. Nolasco (2005) argues that Chabacano exhibits an accusative system, rather than the ergative actancy structure characteristic of most Philippine languages, explaining further that this is one feature that Chabacano has inherited from Spanish and Portuguese.

Table 1. Personal pronouns in Zamboanguefio Chabacano

English gloss Si-type Di-type Ken-type Nominative Genitive Accusat!ve Free Bound Preposed, Only postposed preposed Is'!' (i) 6 -va dimiyo,mfvo dimf,mf komjmfgo 2s 'you' (common) eb6s -b6s deb6s komb6s 2s 'you' (familiar) ttl dituyo.niyo dini.tu kontigo 2s'you'(formal) uste diuste konuste 3s'he,she' ele -Ie disuyo,siivo disusu konele Ip(ex) 'we' kame diamon amon kanamon (common) lp(in) 'we' kim diaton aton kanaton (common) Ip'we'(dual) nos6tros (formal) 2p'you'(common) kam6 diinvo fnvo kaninvp 2p 'you' (familiar) bosotros 2p 'you' (formal) ustedes diustedes konustedes 3p'they' sila diila ita kam1a (Forman, 1972,p. 107)

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Table 2. Personal pronouns in Cebuano

English gloss Si-set Ni-set Kang-set Nominative Genitive Locative Non-clitic Clitie Preposed Postposed 1sT aku =ku aku naku,ku kanaku,naku 2s'vou' ikaw =ka imu nimu,mu kanimu, nimu 35 'he, she,it' siya siya iya niya kaniya, niva 10(ex) 'we' kami =mi amu namu mu kanamu namu Ip(in) 'we' kita =ta atu natu,tu kanatu, natu 2p 'you' kamu =mu .inyu ninyu kaninvu ninvu 3p'they' sila sila i1a nila kanila, nila (Dryer,1977,p.3)

2.2.1 Si-type pronouns The si-type plural pronouns are kame'we' (1p, excl.), kita 'we' (1p, incl.), kamo 'you' (2p), and sila'they' (3p). This set is similar to the si-set nominative case pronouns categorized by Dryer (1977) as shown in Table 2: kami 'we' (1p, excl.), kita 'we' (1p, incl.), kamu 'you' (2p), and sila'they' (3p). Sentence (13) tapaseakamenapuebloabora'we are walking around town now' shows the use of the first person plural exclusive kame 'we', which is similar to kami in sentence (14) mo'anikami ug humqysa bulansa Noi?Jembre 'we harvest rice in the month of November'. A number of sources attest that nain sentence (3) is a general locative preposition which is derived from Portuguese: McWhorter (2000), Forman (1993), and Lipski (1986). In particular, Lipski states that the Zamboanguefio na is identical to the Portuguese na, which is a contraction of the preposition em and the feminine definite article a. In Zamboangueflo, na means at or in (Camins, 1999). In addition, Forman (1972) that na marks phrases whose head is a common or proper name of a

a. First person plural exclusive kame 'we'

(13) ZAMBOANGUENO Ta pasea kame na pueblo ahora. Asp-Pres walk NOM.1p.excl LCV town Adv 'We (excl)are walking around town now.'

40 ZAMBOANGUENOCHABACANO

(14) CEBUANO (Bell,1976, p. 59) Mo'ani kami ug humay sa bulan sa will harvest NOM.1p.exd OBL rice OBL month GEN Nobyembre. November We (exd) harvest rice in the month of November.' b. First person plural inclusive kita 'we'

(15) ZAMBOANGUE~O (Ay) anda kita na Fort Pilar luego. Asp-Fur go NOM.1p.ind LeV FortPilar Adv We (inel)will go to Fort Pilar later.'

(16) CEBUANO Muadtu (kt)ta sa balay ugma. will go NOM.1 p.incl OBL house Adv We (inel)will go to the house tomorrow.' c. Second person plural kamo 'you'

(17) ZAMBOANGUE~O Entra kamo na casa, apura! enter NOM.2p LCV house hurry 'Enter the house, hurry!'

(18) CEBUANO (Trosdal, 1992, p. 26) Mugbu man gud kamu. short NOM.2p 'You (PI)are short.' d. Third person plural sila'they'

(19) ZAMBOANGUE~O (Forman, 1972, p. 158) Ya anda sila na Lamitan, Asp-Past go NOM.3p LCV Lamitan 'They went to Lamitan.'

(20) CEBUANO Mukatkat sila kahuy. will climb NOM.3p LCV tree. 'They will climb the tree.'

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2.2.2 Di-type pronouns The genitive plural pronouns in Zamboanguefio are formed via the preposition diwhich means of,from, by,or with (Camins, 1999) and the Cebuano genitive pronouns amu 'our' (lp, excL), atu 'our' (lp, incl.), i1!Ju 'your' (2p), and ila'their' (3p), resulting in the plural genitive pronouns diamon'our' (lp, excl.), diaton'our' (lp, incl.), dii1!Jo 'your' (2p), and diila'their' (3p) (Lipski, 1986). Sentence (21) no quieresi Fe konel diamonbermano 'Fe does not like our brother' is an example of a sentence containing diamon'our' which combines the preposition di + amo. Cebuano uses amu + the ligature ng for the preposed genitive personal pronoun as in sentence (22) naltpqyamungMama 'Our mother was happy'. Sentence (21) also exhibits negation of verbal predication (Forman, 1972) with the negator no preceding the verb quiere'like'. Sentence (23) tienepa lugar na diaton aparador 'there is still space in our cabinet' is an example of existential predication (Forman, 1972). Both sentence structures also occur in Tagalog and Cebuano. Moreover, the particle pa in sentence (23) is also Philippine. Tagalog and Cebuano pa means 'still' (Schachter & Otanes, 1972; Trosdal, 1992), among other meanings, which the particle pa in sentence (23) carnes. a. First person plural exclusive diamon 'our'

(21) ZAMBOANGUENO No st Fe konel diamon hermano. Neg DET Fe ACC GEN.lp.excl brother 'Fe does not like our (excl) brother.'

(22) CEBUANO Nalipay amung Mama. was happy GEN.lp.excl=LIG Mother 'Our (excl) mother was happy.'

b. First person plural inclusive diaton 'our'

(23) ZAMBOANGUENO Tiene pa lugar na diaton aparador. Existential space LCV GEN.lp.incl cabinet 'There is still space in our (incl) cabinet.'

42 ZAMBOANGUENOCHABACANO

(24) CEBUANO Nagduwa ang atung mga anak ug played DET GEN.1p.incl==LIG Pltl children OBL bula gahapun. ball Adv 'Our (inel) children played ball yesterday.' c. Second person plural diinyo 'your'

(25) ZAMBOANGUENO Cre konel diinyo y obey ACC GEN.2p father and mother 'Obey your father and mother.'

(26) CEBUANO Gipalit sa inyung higala ang payung. bought GEN GEN.2p=LIG friend DET umbrella 'Your friend bought the umbrella.'

d. Third person plural diila 'their'

(27) ZAMBOANGUENO Ya lleva sila kane! diila maga Asp-Past bring NOM.3p ACC GEN.3p Pltl anak na aplaya. children LCV beach 'They brought their children to the beach.'

(28) CEBUANO Daku dang tindahan. Adj. GEN.3p=LIG store 'Their store is big.'

2.2.3 Kon-type pronouns Like the genitive plural pronouns, the accusative plural pronouns also exhibit this Cebuano influence in kanamon(lp, excl.), kanaton (lp, incl.), kaninyo (2p), and kanda (3p). Lipski (1986) suggests that these accusative pronouns may have been influenced by the use of con+ subject pronoun, which is supported by their popular pronunciation such as konamonand konaton.

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a. First person pluralexclusive kanamon'us'

(29) ZAMBOANGUEJ:\lO (McKaughan,1954,p. 205) Ya dale sila kanamon un dyario Asp-Past give NOM.3p ACC.1p.excl DET newspaper disuyo. GEN.3s 'They gave us (excl)a newspaper of his.'

(30) CEBUANO Gihatag ni Ana ang pagkaun kanamu. gave GEN Ana DET food LCV.1p.exd 'Ana gave food to us (exd).

b. First person pluralinclusive kanaton'us'

(31)ZAMBOANGUEJ:\lO Ta dale kanaton gracia el Senor. Asp-Pres give ACC.1p.ind grace DET Lord 'The Lord givesus (inel)grace.'

(32) CEBUANO Nasuko si Ana (ka)natu. was mad DET Ana LCV.1p.incl 'Ana is mad at us (inel).'

c. Second person pluralkaninyo'you'

(33) ZAMBOANGUEJ:\lO Ta busca kani'!)lo el vieja, Asp-Pres Prog look ACC.2p DET old woman 'The old woman is looking (for) you (PI).'

(34) CEBUANO Gipalit ni Roel ang libru para kani'!)lo. bought GEN Roel DET book for LCV.2p 'Roel bought the book for you (PI).'

44 ZAMBOANGUENO CHABACANO

d. Third person plural kanila'them'

(35) ZAMBOANGUENO Ya perdona mi tata kanila. Asp-Past forgive GEN.1s father ACC.3p 'My father forgave them.'

(36) CEBUANO (Morey, 1961, p. 77) N agsipa ka kam/a. kicked NOM.2s LCV.3p 'You kicked them.'

Besides these pronouns, Zamboanguefio is also rapidly showing the use of ka 'you' (2s) to replace tu, ebos, or uste(2s). For example, it is common to hear people say 'donde ka anda?' 'where are you going?' instead of 'dondetu anda?' Another development is the use of the preposition di + ikaw (2s) to show possession. An example is 'cosadi-ikawnombre' 'what is your name?' instead of 'cosadit'!Yo nombre?Although their use is observed to be popular, conservative speakers of Zamboanguefio prefer to use the Chabacano pronouns.

2.3 Nominative noun marking si Like si which marks a personal subject NP in Tagalog, as well as Cebuano (Forman, 1993), as in sentence (38) bumilisi Rosa ng bigas'Rosa bought some rice' and sentence (39) nagbasa si Ind'!Yug libm gahapun'Inday read a book yesterday', the Zamboanguefio noun marking si marks phrases whose heads are personal names. An example is sentence (37) ya quemasi Conching eone! retrato 'Conching burned the picture'.

(37) ZAMBOANGUENO Ya quema si Conching konel retrato. Asp-Past burn DET Conching ACC picture 'Conching burned the picture.'

(38) TAGALOG (Schachter & Otanes, 1972, p. 81) Bumili si Rosa ng bigas. bought DET Rosa GEN rice 'Rosa bought (some) rice.'

(39) CEBUANO Nagbasa si Inday ug libru gahapun. read DET Inday OBL book Adv. 'Inday read a book yesterday.'

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The Zamboangueiio eIcorresponds to the non-personal angin Tagalog and Cebuano as used in sentence (41) pumasok ang babae'the woman entered' and sentence (42) guwapaang bata 'the child is pretty'. Sentence (40) jendeh ta oividael madnna konel disuyo ahfjado'the godmother does not forget her godson' contains the NP el madrina'the godmother' where el marks the common noun madrina 'godmother'. Sentence (40) contains jendeh 'not', which is another example of negation of verbal predication (Forman, 1972). Both Forman and Lipski (1986) share the observation thatjendeh 'not' is Philippine. Lipski is more specific in saying that it is from the Tagalog or Hiligaynon bende'not'. In all three languages, these markers are used in nominative noun phrases.

(40) ZAMBOANGUENO Jendeh ta olvida el madrina konel disuyo ahijado. Neg Asp forget DET godmother ACC GEN.3s godson. 'The godmother never forgets her godson.'

(41) TAGALOG (Reid & Liao, 2004, p. 467) Pumasok ang babae. entered DET woman 'The woman entered.'

(42) CEBUANO Guwapa ang batao pretty DET child 'The child is pretty.'

2.4 Plural noun marker mga Finally, like Tagalog and Cebuano, the Zamboangueiio Philippine plural particle mga, which is pronounced in three variants (maga, mana, and matJa) (Lipski, 1986), is used when the noun it precedes is explicitly plural. Forman (1972) posits that magaas in sentence (43)ya ri el magagentekonele'the people laughed at him' has a Filipino connotation of lower status, while mana carries a Spanish connotation, and is more elitist, reflecting further that Spaniards had difficulty pronouncing the velar nasal. Mga carries a younger Filipino connotation and is the more central and important plural marker (Forman, 1972) as used in the Tagalog sentence (44) wala sa bahCfY ang mga dalaga'the maidens are not in the house', and the Cebuano sentence (45) gimingawsila sa ilangmgaginikanan'they miss their parents'.

46 ZAMBOANGUENOCHABACANO

(43) ZAMBOANGUENO Ya ri el maga gente konele. Asp-Past laugh DET PIrI people ACC.3s 'The people laughed at him.'

(44)TAGALOG (Akil,2000,p. 77) Wala sa bahay ang mga dalaga. Neg Prep house DET PIrI maiden 'The maidens are not in the house.'

(45) CEBUANO Gimingaw sila ilang mga ginikanan. miss NOM.3p OBL GEN.3p=LIG PIrI parents 'They miss their parents.'

The Zamboanguefio plural noun marker mga is, in some instances, optional, especially when the noun is marked by the plural marker -(e)s suffix, However, both the plural marker and the plural suffix may also occur in the same noun phrase (Forman, 1972).

3. Conclusion In summary, traces of Austronesian elements, specifically traces of Tagalog and Cebuano, can be found in the grammatical properties of Zamboanguefio, particularly in its verb-initial word order, plural pronominal system, nominative noun marking si,and plural noun marking mga. This discussion is, in no way, exhaustive. This paper suggests further study on the finer influence of the substrates on the grammar of Zamboanguefio Chabacano. It suggests using data from the recently completed Chabacano Language Corpus Project, which is available at the Institute of Cultural Studies in Western Mindanao based in Ateneo de Zamboanga University in Zamboanga City. This recommended study will serve to assess the current state of Zamboanguefio Chabacano, and possibly, to provide empirical analysis to support the drive for the conservation of the language.

Abbreviations

DET detertniner NOM nominative GEN genitive LIG ligature ACC accusative OBL oblique 47 BARRIOS

LCV locative Asp aspect Pres present Fut future Prog progressive Adv adverb Adj adjective Prep preposition Neg negator PIrI plural incl inclusive excl exclusive 1s first person singular 1p first person plural 2p second person plural 3s third person singular 3p third person plural

REFERENCES

Akil, L. (2000). Malayo-Polynesian influence on Chavacano syntax. The.Ateneo deZamboanga Journal6, 62-92. Bell, S.J.(1976). Cebuano su!?jects in twoframeworks. Cambridge: MIT dissertation. Camins, B. S. (1999). Chabacano de Zamboanga handbook and Chabacano-English­ Spanishdictionary (2nd edition). Zamboanga City: Office of the City Mayor. Crowley, T. (1997). An introduction to historical linguistics (3'dedition). Auckland, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. Dryer, M. (1977). Some theoretical implications of grammatical relations in Cebuano. Universiry ojMichigan Papers in Linguistics. Forman, M. L. (1972). Zamboangueiio texts with grammatical analysis: A study of Philippine Creole Spanish. Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University. Forman, M. L. (1993). Verb serialization, word order typology, and Zamboangueiio: A comparative approach. Oceanic Linguistics 32,63-182. Forman, M. (2001). Confidence in Chabacano: Counterbalance to a western ideology of language. EstudiosdeSociolinguistica 2 (2), 95-117. Holm,]. (2001). Chabacano versus related Creoles: Socio-linguistic affinities and differences. Retrieved 8 November 2004 from http://filipinokastila.tripod.com/chabal1.html. Lipski,]. M. (1986). The Portuguese element in Philippine Creole Spanish: A critical assessment. Philippine JournalojLinguistics 16-17, 1-17 Lipski, J. M. (1987). Modern Spanish once removed in Philippine Creole

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Spanish: The case of Zamboanguefio. Language andSociet; 16,91-108. McKaughan, H. P. (1954). Notes on Chabacano grammar. The Universit; of ManilaJournalofEastAsiaticStudies3 (2), 205-243. McWhorter, J. (2000). The missing Spanish Creoles: Recovering the birth ofplantation contact languages. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press. Morey, V. (1961). Cebuano reftrence materials. Philippines: Summer Institute of Linguistics and Philippine Association for Language Teaching. Nolasco, R. M. (2005). The Chabacano challenge to Philippine ergativity. In D. T. Dayag & J. S. Quakenbush (eds.), Linguistics and IangNage edRcation in the Philippines and bryond: A ftstschrift in honorof Ma. LoNTdes S. Bautista(pp. 401-433). Manila: De La Salle University Press. Ramos, T. V. (1971). Tagalog structures. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Reid, L. (2000). Philippine languages. Introduction to language workbook. Department of Linguistics, University of Hawaii at Manoa. Reid, L. & Liao, H.-c. (2004). A brief syntactic typology of Philippine languages. Language andLinguistics 5 (2), 433-490. Schachter, P. & Otanes, F.T. (1972). Tagalog reference grammar. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press. Trosdal, M. (1992). Formalfimctiona! grammar of the Cebuano language. Cebu City: Salvador and Pilar Sala Foundation, Incorporated.

49 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS Volume 37, Number 1 June 2006

LEXICAL RELATIONS IN ILOKANO FORAN ILOKANO LEXICAL DATABASE

JOSIE P. CLAUSEN Universi!)l ofHawaiiManoa [email protected]

Approximately 60 kinds of lexical relations have been recognized in languages of the world (Grimes & Grimes, 1993). In this paper, I present evidence for a wide range of lexical relations in the Ilokano language. Grimes explains the meaning of lexical relations in terms of the way two words are related but differ in meaning, giving examples such as write and writer, row and rower. I will exemplify some of the types of lexical relations attested in Ilokano: 1) Verbs with an incorporated nominal, e.g. ag-diram'os 'to wash one's face' where the implied noun is face'; aginnaw 'wash dishes'. implied noun, 'dishes'. There is no word for face' in agdiram'os, nor word for 'dishes' in aginnaw. 2) Derived nouns expressing an agentive relation, e.g. from the verb agsugal 'to gamble' the derived noun is mannugal 'gambler', agsurat 'to write', mannurat 'writer'. 3) Reduplication of a noun describing a condition of that noun, e.g. saka foot', saka-saka 'barefoot'; ima 'hand', irna-irna 'empty­ handed'. 4) Derived verbs denoting animal vocalization, e.g. aso 'dog', agtaol (phonation) 'to bark', ul'ul'ol (onomatopoeia); 5) Derived verbs denoting a quantum, e.g. sangalilig a sua 'one section of a pomelo'; 6) Complements, e.g. biag ken patay 'life and death'; 7) Derived verbs denoting junction, e.g. karayan 'river', agayos 'to flow', sabong 'flower', agukrad 'to bloom'. I will then show how these derivations are handled in the Ilokano Lexical Database where they are listed making use of the band format.

1. Introduction In this paper I present evidence for a wide range of lexical relations in the Ilokano language based on Grimes & Grimes' (1993) list of lexical relations. Each of these lexical relations is exemplified. Finally, it will be shown how these derivations are handled in my Ilokano Lexical Database. ILOKANO

1.1Definition In his Catalogue of Lexical Relations Grimes (1986) develops the concept of lexical relations as follows: Often the difference in what two words mean is paralleled by the difference in what two other words mean. For example, the meaning of writeand writerare related, but not the same. Rowand rower also do not mean quite the same thing, and their meanings differ in the same way as do those of writeand wn'ter. The same is true off!yandpilot, even though there the difference in meaning is not backed up by an analogy in form .... Words that are related in meaning by the standard differences are called 'lexical correlates'; they match each other. The meaning relations by which they match are called 'lexical relations'. Furthermore, at least two pairs of words must differ in this way. He claims that there are about 60 kinds of lexical relations that have been recognized among a number of languages of the world. He also refers to lexical relations as lexical functions.

1.2 Words and Lexemes Grimes (1986) suggests that when describing the argument and values of lexical relations, they are best referred to as words, adding that a more precise term to use would be lexeme, denoting a single unit of expression, whether it is greater than, equal to, or less than a word. However he chooses to use wordas equivalent to lexeme. Thus in his discussion of lexical relations, wordis narrowed down to one particular sense of meaning at a time. At the same time, the meaning may include words, parts of words, or combinations of words provided they express a single unit of meaning.

1.3 Ilokano Lexical Relations

1.3.1 Verbs with incorporated nominal The verb 'wash' in Ilokano has several forms, each having an implied co­ occurring noun.

Verb Implied Noun Definition ag-diramos 'face' to wash one's face ag-innaw 'dishes' to wash dishes ag-baldi 'floor' to wash the floor ag-/aba 'clothes' to do the laundry ag-buggo 'elsewhere' to wash

1.3.2 Action-doer relation Ilokano has an affix manag-, or manang- which when attached before the root of some verbs will result in changing the meaning to someone who is a habitual doer of the action. Thus to illustrate, when manag- is attached before the root word sugal'to gamble', the resulting term means someone who is a habitual

51 CLAUSEN gambler. There is also a morphophonemic change where instead of the form managsugal after prefixing manag, the final form is mannugal. Additional examples are given below.

Verb Definition Doer Definition ag-sugal to gamble mannugal gambler ag-takaw to steal mannanakaw thief ag-bartek to get drunk mammartek drunkard ag-padto to predict/guess mammadto prophet ag-daniw to orate mannaniw poet ag-surat to write mannurai writer

1.3.3 Reduplication The process of reduplicating some nouns results in a term that describes the condition of that noun. For example, the noun saea 'foot' when reduplicated as in saea-sakameans 'barefoot'. More examples of this process are given below.

Noun Definition Reduplicate Definition saka feet saka-saka barefoot ima hand ima-ima empty-handed u/Q head u/Q-ulo head uncovered batik bead batik-batik beaded pigis tear pigis-pigis tattered pitak mud pitak-pitak muddy takop patch takop-takop full of patches daga dirt daga-daga full of dirt tikap chip tikap-tikap chipped kuppil dent kuppi-kuppil full of dents lussok hole lusso-Iussok full of holes

1.3.4 Animal vocalization Imitating the sound produced by an animal identifies that particular animal. Below is a list of some animals and the corresponding sound each one produces.

Animal Phonation Onomatopoeia dog (aso) agtaol(bark) ul-ul-ol cat (pusa) ag-ngiaw ngiaw-ngiaw rooster (kawitan) agtaraok kakkaka-ok cow (baka) agemmak tnaaaaaa' water buffalo (nuang) agngo-ak ngoak-ngo-ak horse (kabalio) aggaraigi ngi'ngiiii' pig (babqy) agungik ungik-ungik crow (wak) aguwak uwak-uwak

52 ILOKANO

1.3.5 Quantum To express a small quantity of a substance, the prefix sanga/sangka'one' plus the unit, followed by the name of the substance is used. For example, sanga 'one' followed by ngipen plus the name of the item bawang'garlic means' 'one clove of garlic'. Other examples are given below.

Sangka-ngipen ngabawang Sangkatedted ngadara (one tooth) lkr (garlic) (drop) lkr (blood) 'One clove of garlic' 'One drop of blood'

Sangalilig nga Sangkakelleng nga daga (section) lkr (pomelo) (plot) lkr (soil) 'One section of an orange/citrus' 'A piece of land'

Sangapirit nga Sangkaidos nga kanm (pinch) lkr (salt) (scoop) lkr (food) 'A pinch of salt' 'A scoop of food'

SangkapifJ!,is nga lupot (shred) lkr(clothing) 'A piece of clothing'

1.3.6 Complementarity Complementarity involves two nouns, opposite in meaning, joined with ken 'and'. More examples are found below.

babbarokenbabbalasang napudot ken nalamiis 'unmarried men and women' 'hot and cold'

biagkenpatay narugitkennalinis 'life and death' 'dirty and clean'

tuokkenrigat nabangsit ken nabanglo 'sufferings and difficulties' 'stinks and smells good'

1.3.7 Function Derived verbs denote function such as agayos 'to flow' denoting the motion of the karayan 'river'. Below are additional derived verbs denoting function.

53 CLAUSEN

'fire' apqy aggil-qyab 'rain' tudo agtinnag 'river' karqyan agqyos 'flower' sabong agukrad 'lightning' kimat aggilap

2. IlokanoLexical Database The Ilokano Lexical Database incorporates all published Ilokano-English dictionaries, e.g. Vanoverbergh (1957) and Constantino (1968), as well as unpublished word lists (such as those of Dizon, Laconsay, Barlahan-Dagdagan, and Clausen). It includes word lists gleaned from other sources such as novels, short stories, poems, and essays e.g. Lam-ang. Dinak Sagiden, an Ilokano translation of Jose Rizal's classic novel NoliMe Tangere. The first principle in the selection of the lexical items for this database involves listing root words and all of the derivatives (stems). The next step focuses on determining which pieces of information will contribute to a better understanding or explanation of the meaning and usage of these Ilokano root words and stems. These lexical components are categorized according to their syntactic, semantic, morphological, ethnographic, characteristic, and/or function. A short mnemonic code, a 'band name', is used for each type of information. Common types are rt for root word itself, st for stem, ps for part of speech, dffor definition, cultfor cultural, etc. A band name, followed by a piece of information, with one or more spaces between is called a band. The sample word below illustrates what a band looks like. In this particular example, it is calledanrtband.

rt abak

A number of these 'bands' is then typed into the computer, with the first band usually the root word or stem, followed by a sequence of bands pertaining to it. This bundle of bands is a lexicalentry. An example of such an entry is the following:

54 ILOKANO

ADV AGT 1 2ABS 30BL l[Napan] 2da dimmanon 3[idiay balay da Lorna]. [Theywent to Loma'shouse(toaskforherhandinmarria e.

A lexical file, then, is simply a sequence of entries like this, each consisting of a sequence of bands. These formal devices, along with the freedom to invent new bands at have proved sufficient to meet almost every need for structuring within entries. The user is free to invent and use further conventions, on a band-by-band basis, to indicate additional structure within the bands. None of the programs needs to be informed as to what bands to expect, unless some process specific to a particular band is being performed. The band format model is thus to a large extent independent of any programs; it can be used with other programs than Lexware, or even without any programs at all. A list of band names used in this database, together with a description of the contents of each, is given in Appendices I and II. A longer list of lexical entries suggesting what the electronic version of the final product will look like, is found in Appendix III. This list reflects the fact that not all of the bands listed in Appendix I are applicable to a root word or a stem. Appendix IV exemplifies a Finderlist.

3. Lexware The programs now collectively known as Lexware are designed to help linguists compile and manage files of lexical data. They are oriented toward compilation and exploitation of a lexical file as a resource for investigation into aspects of a language and culture, such as phonology, lexicon, grammar, semantics, ethnography, natural history, etc. They are not immediately useful for the production of a dictionary. The lexicographer usually continues to add band names, and to tease apart different types of information that might have originally been conflated into single bands, long after the beginning of the project. This seems to be one of the principal benefits of the system (even though no programs need be involved) when working with a large and detailed lexical database. Files typically acquire dozens or hundreds of band names. (In practice, especially since they are added gradually, and usually after some thought, it is not difficult for the

55 CLAUSEN

lexicographer to keep track of all the names.) Of course, in a typical entry not every band is used. Out of some hundred band names occurring in a file, an average of five to 10 may actually appear in any given entry.

4. Comparison with Other Dictionaries The Ilokano Lexical Database has many advantages over the Ilokano­ English dictionaries, published or unpublished, that are currently being used. Qualitatively, it provides a wide range of information for each entry. For example, each entry includes grammatical, phonological, and cultural explanations, subcategorization frames, and morphological analyses. It also provides restrictions on the use of a particular lexical item when necessary. Syntactic and semantic environments are specified and exemplified with 'illustrative sentences. Not only is a wider range of information provided, but also a more explicit form as well. Some comparative entries illustrate the differences between the existing dictionaries and the one proposed here. The three Ilokano words are: danon, dt/tdt/t,and daan. In Constantino's dictionary, the description of each entry is stated and formatted as follows: DANON,v, /-UM-/ to come inside or enter a building, especially a house. Dumanon ka. Come inside. /-UM-:-EN/ often /MAKA-;MA-/ 1. to reach, arrive at, come to, go as far as. Ti la Manilan ti diko pay nadanon. Manila is the only place that I have not reached so far. 2. to see or find in a place upon arriving there. Nadanon nak idiay baby da mayor. He found me in the house of the mayor (upon his arrival there). / -UM-;EN/ to ask for the hand of a girl in marriage for someone, to propose marriage to a girl for someone. Mapan da danonen ni Maria. They will go ask for the hand of Mary in marriage (for someone). / AGI-, MANGI­ ;1-/ 1. to take to, cause to reach. Idanon mo man daytoy librok idiay balay mi. Will you please take my book to our house. 2. to report to someone, cause to reach someone. Saan mo nga idanon kanyana dayta nga damag. Don't report that news to him.

1DUmUT, N. 1. feather. 2. body hair. adj. /-AN/ full of this. v. /MANG-:-EN/ to remove the feather of, to dress (a chicken, etc.). 2DUmUT, v. /MANG-;en/ to extract, draw out, pick off. DAAN,adj. /NAG-/ old, ancient: said of inanimate objects. DAAN,v. /AG-, MANG-:-AN/to wait for, watch for. Sino ti nangdaan keuka? Who waited for you?

56 ILOKANO

MADADAA or SIDADAAN, adj. ready, prepared. Madadaan kami nga tumulong kenka. We are ready to help you.

In Vanoverbergh's dictionary, the entries are as follows: danon. danonen, To reach: to arrive at, to come to, to get to, to find, to meet with; to attain (by stretching out the hand); to arrive at by effort, to attain to, to gain; to understand, to comprehend; to touch, to hit with a missile. pananon. To be sufficient until, to last till. nadanon. To have been living at the time; to have been coetaneous [sic], contemporary. idanon. To report, to inform of, apprise of, to tattle. As talebearers and telltales do. nadanonan. Very, extremely, exceedingly. dutdut. Hair (of the body), fur, wool, coat, feather, plumage, down, pubescence. dutduten. To draw out, to extract, to pick out (a stick from a fagot, a card from the pack, etc.); to excite, to rouse (to anger. etc.); to draw, to entice, to allure, to induce, to incite, to spur on, to stir up. dinnutdutan. Drawing lots. One of the men holds in his hand as many strips as there are partakers. The others in turn pull out one of the of wood, etc., whose tips are protruding. The one who the shortest is the winner. agkadutdut. To be congenial, sympathetic, in sympathy. dutdutdutan, A kind of large, elongated marine fish, whose meat is esteemed. daan, Old: stale, obsolete, disused; ancient. daanan. To await, to wait for. madadaan, sidadaan, Ready, disposed, prepared. agpapan iti rnadaan. From now on.

In an unpublished quadrilingual word list of Dizon, the entry is defined sfollows:

English Tagalog Ilocano Visayan

feather balahibo ng ibon dutdot balahibo (fedher) amanok samga langgam

dumanon - not listed

old matanda; dati; laon baket; lakay; daan tigulang; daan

57 CLAUSEN

In the lexical database proposed here, these are entered in the following explicit format. (This is the database or the electronic version.) The publication format will be more conventional and compact but will preserve all the information.

2df

2synenv 2cfonn 2il

4eq 4semenv

daan adj *old said only of non-living things, institutions, and customs not said of humans, emotions, feuds, relationships

58 ILOKANO

I(S)he does

Constantino's description of the entries provides the affixes to derive stems from the root word but it does not explain the derivation process, i.e., where the affix, e.g. -UM- should be placed. The notations/conventions he uses are not explained anywhere in his dictionary. This information is usually given in the introduction but his does not include one. In the project proposed here, the dictionary will have an introduction which will include, as mentioned earlier, morphological and phonological information to explain derivational processes. Moreover, Constantino's dictionary does not provide cultural information, e.g. see the cultband under the entry dumanon in this project proposed here. Other types of information not included in Constantino's dictionary that are provided in this proposed project are: syntactic information (synenv), semantic environment in which a word may occur (semenv), and restrictions (rstrc). The restriction band is extremely necessary to avoid incorrect use of a lexical item. For example, the entry daanin this proposed project has a restriction band that tells the user that this word is 'not said of humans, emotions, feuds, and relationships'. Thus one cannot say 'daan nga (linker) lalaki (man), for 'old man'. This concept of restrictive use is a very salient aspect of this research because this is not explored or covered at all in existing dictionaries.

Of equal importance is the cultural band illustrated above, and repeated here:

2cult Traditionally a man's parents go to the woman's parents to ask for her hand in marriage. During this ritual, the wedding date is set and preparations for the wedding ceremony and reception are begun.

This type of information captures the essence of certain situations. Quantitatively, this lexical database will contain approximately 10,000 entries.

5. Conclusion In this paper I presented evidence for seven lexical relations in Ilokano, and provided descriptions of these lexical relations, and suggested a method for handling these derivations in my Ilokano Lexical Database.

59 CLAUSEN

REFERENCES

Barlahan-Dagdagan, B. (translated by Bautista,J. 0.) (1980). Trilingualdictionary. Metro Manila, Philippines: National Book Store. Carro, A. (1950). Iloko-English dictionary. Andres Carro'sVocabulario iloco-espanol, translated, augmented and revised by M. Vanoverbergh. Baguio, Philippines: Catholic School Press. Clausen, J. P. (1990). Ilokano verbs argument structure. Working Papersin Linguistics. Honolulu, Hawaii: Department of Linguistics, University of Hawaii in Manoa. Constantino, E. (1971). Ilokano dictionary. Social Sciences and Linguistics Institute. Honolulu, Hawaii: The University Press of Hawaii. Dizon, N. C (1947). Dictionary in English,Tagalog, I1ocano and Visqyan anda brief Tagalog grammarwritten in English and translated in Ilocano and in Visqyan. Honolulu, Hawaii: Juan de la Cruz Book Room. Grimes, J.E. & Grimes, B. F. (1993). Ethnologue: Language familYindexsupplement. Dallas, Texas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Hsu, R (1990). Lcxuare manualcomputer programs for lexicograpry developed at the University oj Hawaii. Honolulu, Hawaii: Linguistics Department, University of Hawaii. Laconsay, G. C (1993). Iluko-English-Tagalog dictionary. Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing House. Vanoverbergh, M., CLCM. (1950). Iloko-English Dictionary. Baguio City, Philippines: Catholic School Press.

60 ILOKANO

Appendix I. Band Definitions

Band Name Abbrev. Definition 1. root the headword band name when it is a root

2. stem the headword band name when it is derived from a root

3. part of speech ps noun or verb, etc.

4. inflection infl different inflection processes of the headword

5. equivalent eq an English word or phrase that is equivalent to the headword

6. explanations expl a sentence that provides additional information on the use of the word

7. English lexical englxenv shows the possible environment environment the headword can occur in an equivalent English word or phrase

8. idiomatic use id a sentence in Ilokano that illustrates the idiomatic use of the word, with an English translation

9. semantic this band describes the semantic environment environment within which the headword is used

10. subcategoriz- sef this band gives a subcategorization ationframe frame, indicating the syntactic category and/or case form of each argument, preceded with numbers that refer to the corresponding arguments in the illustration

11. synonym synm this band contains an Ilokano word that has the same meaning as the head word

12. antonym opposite word/term/phrase in Ilokano

61 CLAUSEN

13. conjugation cnj this band gives the number of the conjugation process, listed in the introduction, that the headword undergoes

14. culturalin- cult a description of the practice, formation custom, process, ceremony or ritual that helps explain the meaning of the headword

15. definition df definition of the headword

16. English frame engfrm the position of the English definition in an equivalent English phrase or sentence

17. Ilokanolexical ilolexenv an explanation of any lexical environment restriction in the environment of the headword.

18. restriction this band explains the restrictions on the semantic environment of the headword

19. semanticfield semfld this band gives the semantic field to which the headword belongs

20. illustration an Ilokano sentence to illustrate the use of the headword. Number before each word indicates syntactic category or case form.

21. Ilokano def- dfil definition of the headword inition in Ilokano

62 ILOKANO

Appendix II. Outline of Some Possible Kinds of Bands

ORTHOGRAPHIC spelling form orthographic variants (judgment vs judgement) regional variants (color vs colour) orthographic combining forms (travell-) hyphenation if irregular

PHONOLOGICAL phonetic shape phonemic shape syllabification variants, regional or social class or age-group etc. phonological characteristics (onomatopoeia, ideophone, non-ca nonicaI) similarandeasilyconfusedfonns other comments

MORPHOPHONEMIC morphophonemic, underlying, or base form combining forms (sandhi forms, liaison)

MORPHOLOGICAL morphological status: word,prefix,suffiX,boundroot, etc. root(s) (if headword is complex) mocphoIogicalanalysis(ifheadwordiscompIex) form-class (conjugation class, gender, concord-class, etc.) gaps in paradigm (defective paradigms) alternate paradigmatic forms (burned/burnt) allomorphs('principalparts',srrongpreterits,suppletiveforms) productive derivatives of predictable meaning not further elucidated (un-, -ness)

SYNTACTIC function class (part of speech, etc.) case-frame or other valency statement (shear) syntactic (or semantic) features (animate/inanimate, mass/count) govemmentof,(e.g.prepositions) description of syntactic function (especially for function words, for which a 'definition' band would not be appropriate)

DISCOURSE discourse functions (now)

63 CLAUSEN

LEXICAL

SEMANTIC translational equivalent description (where equivalent not available) placenameorotherpropername 'monolingual'definition definition in a lingua franca or trade language of the area definition in another major language used in the area simplified definition for schools edition literal morpheme-by-morpheme translation (for complex form) scientific designation (for flora and fauna) semantic field and subfield semantic features according to some model 'inherentlyrelational'vs'absolute'(?) cultural features relevant to selectionalconstraints specialized meaning in some technical field (' subject labels') (warfare, arts, navigation, etc.) connotation (e.g. derogatory)

BACKGROUND cultural historical 'encyclopedic'

ILLUSTRATIVE phrase or sentence with translation and comments reference to text for an illustration which is not quoted at length citations from text, in the style of the OED

SOCIOLINGUISTIC marked speech level (formal, royal, polite, literary, Biblical, ritual language, slang, vulgar,obscene,baby-talk,non-standard,'substandard',etc.) regional or class or sex-dependent restrictions

HISTORICAL and COMPARATIVE etymology cognates and related fonnsinotherlanguages reconstruction in parentlanguage(s) dialect variants equivalent(semantically)fonnsinotherdialects loans: sourcelanguage,sourceword,originalmeaningofsourceword historical development of meaning and usage neologism,obsolescent,obsolete,archaic

64 ILOKANO

EXISTENTIAL STATUS unattested or inferred form hapax legomenon nonce word rare, 'only in chants' etc.

REFERENCES references to grammar, texts, ethnographic descriptions, ethnobotanical texts, and other works containing re1evant information

TYPOGRAPHICAL special formatting commands

HOUSEKEEPING source (informant name, manuscript, radio transcript, etc.) fie1dnotebookpagenumber person who entered the information into the file date entered, date last edited, etc assessment of reliability of information in the entry orin an adjacent band queries, points requiting further investigation notes to other workers on the project otherprivatenotes

65 CLAUSEN

Appendix III: Sample of Ilokano Bandsort antm antm antm antm lantm antm antm lantm antm 'alert' 2antm lantm antm lantm

66 ILOKANO

CU) 1 CU) 1 CU) 1 cnj 1 lenj 11 cnj 12 enj 13 cnj 13 cnj 3 cnj 4 en) 4 CU) 4 CU) 4 en) 4 en) 5 CU) 7

2df ldf abak> pangabakan

df df

abak>ipaabak gupden

df df magam?ud > magam?udan magam?ud > magam?udan

67 CLAUSEN

abak> agabak abak>mangabak dumanon abak >maabak abak> pakaabakan abak>abaken

englexenv

lenglexenv tosuffera_,tosufferlosses

eq aged, previous year's 3eq bristle 2eq feather 4eq fur leq habit leq hair leq loss 2eq loss, defeat leq mild eq month eq 2eq normal eq old eq old grandma eq old, worn out (but not necessarily falling apart) leq reach or arrive at eq tattered, worn out leq to attain or achieve eq to defeat; to win eq to lose/be defeated 2eq to quit or abandon 2eq to realize eq to win (intrns) 2eq weak

2expl an instance oflosinga game, competition, an election lexpl loss of money or other property in gambling or betting expl tom to shreds or falling apart

68 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS Volume 37, Number 1 June 2006

MORPHEME-BASED VERSUS WORD-BASED MORPHOLOGY

VIDEA P. DE GUZMAN TheUniversityrfCalgary [email protected]

Several questions have been raised about morphology over the past few decades and various accounts have thereby been proposed. Some linguists favor a morpheme-based morphology whereas others argue for a word-based type. Still others contend with neither one. Two of such types - Lexical Morphology and Seamless Morphology - are explored here to determine which better represents the morphological system of any given language. The three aspects of morphology reviewed in each type are inflection, derivation, and compounding. The cases of affixation and reduplication, being prevalent morphological processes in Philippine languages, are also used to test the plausibility of each theory. Furthermore, this paper also makes reference to some language acquisition and psycholinguistic studies that may shed light on the issue.

1. Introduction This paper explores two radically different theories, among of theories that have emerged over the past few decades, namely, Morphology (Lieber, 1990,1992; Di Sciullo & Williams, 1987; Selkirk, 1982) on the one side and Seamless Morphology (Ford, Singh & Martohardjono, 1997; Singh & Starosta, 2003) on the other. Whereas the former recognizes the MORPHEME as the basic element or unit in morphology, the latter considers the WORD. From this basic difference, we will trace the other conceptual distinctions that follow from these two views particularly in the areas of inflection, derivation, and compounding. As we discuss the strengths and weaknesses in the way each view accounts for the morphological system, we hope to be able to draw some insights that will serve as guide in making an adequate description of the morphological system of a given language.

2. Morpheme-based Morphology Among those linguists who contend that the basis of morphological analysis is the morpheme, I concentrate on Lieber (1992) because she presents an DEGUZMAN

innovative treatment of morphology. Her approach differs from the more common statements of 'word formation rules' (WFRs as in Aronoff, 1976) or the formulation of 'word structure rules' (WSRs as in Selkirk, 1982) even when these earlier works are also both based on generative grammar.' For example in English, note the following WFRs (Aronoff, 1976, pp. 49, 63)2 (1) which forms N(oun)s from V(erb)s by attaching the suffix -ee and (2) which forms negative A(djective)s from A(djective)s by attaching the prefix sn-: (1) [+[X]v+ee]N (2) [X]Aclj ~ [un#[X]AdJ Adi employ + ee kind ~ unkind

From Selkirk (1982, pp. 80, 85)3,compare the following parallel but more general WSRs: (3) N[V NalN (4) A[AfA]A employ-ee un-kind In contrast, Ueber proposes to eliminate entirely a separate morphological component of grammar by generating complex words using only principles from Chomsky's X-bar theory that are already independently used for syntax. This means that there are no word formation or word structure rules that put together constituents of complex words. In her framework, all morphemes, both stems (free morphemes) and affixes alike, are listed in the lexicon with their syntactic categories, semantic and phonological representations. In addition to these features, affixes bear sub categorization information to indicate the environment in which they can be inserted into unlabeled binary-branching word structure trees. When an appropriate affix attaches to a stem, the structure is projected from these lexical entries following the Projection Principle (Chomsky, 1981). The operation involves two theories which Ueber proposes, namely, the theory of HEADEDNESS and the theory of FEATURE PERCOLATION.

2.1 Headedness Ueber contends that as in phrasal structures the head of a complex word is followed or preceded by its complement, modifier, or even specifier. Thus, for Tagalog, which Ueber (1992, pp. 40-49) uses as one of the test languages to prove her predictions about headedness in both phrase and word structures, she

I This is not to say that there are totally no similaritiesin theformulation of their respective theoriesof morphology.It will be observedthoughthat these two types of word formation rules are ratherfamiliarto mostlinguists. 2 Note that with the inclusionof morphemeboundaries,the applicationof rules in terms of levelsin lexicalphonologyis implied. 3 Note thatin rule (4), the constituentAF (for affix)does notbearanycategorylabel;in(3) it issurprisingthattheNconstituentisidentifiedasan'af' (for affix)instead of the constituent beingan AF and labeledas aN category. 70 MORPHOLOGY

effectively shows it to be left-headed. The heads N of NP, A of AP, or P of pp all appear on the left of their complements, modifiers, and specifiers. Compared with the structure of complex words, she shows the prefix as head of the stem that follows (Lieber, 1992, pp. 44-46): (S)a. ma- lA [{N.A1 bigat 'weight' mabigat 'heavy' b. mang-duPl . [IN,vl tanggol 'defend' manananggol 'lawyer" c. pang- 'hand' pangkamay 'for the hand' Being the head, whatever is the category of the prefix becomes the category of the affixed word. However, when a suffix attaches to a base, the suffix carries over its own category to the resulting complex form. This appears then to be right-headed. Lieber identifies the Tagalog suffixes -an and -in with various functions in the following examples (Lieber, 1992, p. 4W: (6)a. giiklv'thresh' giikan]N 'threshing place' b. mag-awaylv 'fight' awayanlN 'fighting one another' c. dugo?lN 'blood' dugu?anlA 'covered with blood' d. mag?aral]v 'to study' aralinj., 'something to study' e. antokj., 'sleepiness' antukin], 'given to sleepiness' She offers two explanations for this: first, that the processes may not be particularly productive (no indication of productivity was mentioned by Schachter & Otanes, 1972, her source for these data) and therefore, these items should just be listed separately in the lexicon; and second, that V bases, as above, generally function as predicates, rather than as modifiers, complements, or specifiers in which case a right-headed structure would not be ruled out. We may find these explanations unsatisfactory for at least two reasons: (i) both the locative function of -an with either N or V base, such as lairii-an'playground', tutu-tin'place for cooking', tagu-tin 'place for keeping or hiding something', etc. and the nominal object of the V function of -in as in fa:bdh-in 'clothes for laundering', ta:hi?-in 'materials ready for sewing', sulat-in'things(to be) etc., are deemed productive; (ii) as for the other functions, identified from examples, such as group action or reciprocity of action, susceptibilities or health conditions, they are naturally constrained by the semantics and pragmatics of the resulting complex forms. For instance, only certain actions can be done to each other; only a minimal number of items can cover or drench a person

4 It will be observed that the phonologicalform of the resulting complex structure is not accountedfor here. 5 It may be added that the complexforms, with suffixes,usuallydifferintheirstressand/or vowel length patterns from those of the roots used as bases. ForexampIe: giikvs. gi:ikan; iiwayvs.awayiin;dug6?vs.dugu?iin; iiralvs. aralfn;ant6kvs. annikin.This, to my mind, speaksof the need for a morphonological accountof thesecomplexforms.

71 DEGUZMAN involuntarily. Moreover, besides the functions of these two suffixes identified above with N bases, they are predictably quite productive as verbalizers, not to mention their greatest use with V bases resulting in the objective or locative voice/focus verbs, all exhibiting right-headedness. A few examples, following Lieber's forms above, are: (7)a. bato]N'stone' batuhin]v'to stone someone or something' b. laro?]N'game' laru?in]v'to playsome gameor playwith someone' (8)a. sabaw]» 'soup' sabawan]v 'to put soup on something' b. damit]» 'dress' damitan]v'to put a dress on someone or something' (9)a. kain]v'eat' kainin]v 'to eat something' b. punas]v'wipe' punasan]v 'to wipe off something' Where the affixes involved are not uniquely prefixes, the left-head principle may be put into question. As it stands, it may be more prudent to state that the tendency of the direction of headedness for Tagalog is towards the left. In this way the existence of forms formed via the opposite direction is not completely ruled out. What is sometimes overlooked in analysis is the extent of alternation or constraints in word order within phrases. For example: N+A - A+N as in mabait na bata/bata-ng mabait 'good child', Maganda-ng umaga pol *Umaga-ng maganda po 'Good morning po', anak ngmahirap/*mahirc¢ na anak 'child of the poor'. The alternation given in the first instance is quite pervasive. How will such variation in headedness translate in word structure? The next set of complex word structure Lieber presents to provide evidence for left-headedness in Tagalog is that of compound words. A combination of two forms each with its given category results in a complex form that bears its own category specification. Again, Tagalog shows itself to be left-headed (Lieber, 1992, pp. 46-47). Not to belabor the point that there are also many instances of right-headed compounds (see De Guzman, 2005), it has to be mentioned that it is an overstatement for Lieber to say that 'Tagalog in fact has no compounds which are either syntactically or semantically right-headed' (1992, p. 47). The first example below is simply to show a right-headed compound" and the succeeding ones from Lieber are meant to highlight the complex forms some constituents of compounds may take:

(lOa. [A-NlN pang-bansa-ng awit (pambansang awit) for-nation-linker song 'national anthem'

6 Other examplesof [A N]N compoundsin Tagalogare: madali-ng araw 'dawn', hati-ng gabi 'midnight', huli-ng habilin 'last will/request',etc. With [V N]N compounds,we have: basag ulo 'a fight/brawl', hanap buhay 'occupation',buka-ng bibig 'favorite expression', etc.

72 MORPHOLOGY

b. [V-N] mag-bigay galang give respect 'show respect' mag-bango(n)-ng pun raise honor 'redeem one's honor' c. Deverbal (synthetic)"

[pang-patidvl N uhaw (pamatid-uhaw) cutter thirst 'thirst quencher'

[pang-tawagvl N pansin (panawag-pansin) caller attention 'attention getter' Note that in the above examples all the first members of the compound words are complex forms and given that these are not listed or stored in the lexicon, they must be projected individually before each is combined with the other constituent. Undergoing the process every time a complex form is used in compounding, or in any complex word formation for that matter, appears to involve a greater complication following this view. At the end of the exposition on Tagalog, Lieber (1992, p. 49) concedes that the examples given in (6) 'are the only ones which pose any challenge to the predictions' of the conditions on Tagalog headedness. To this we may add the challenge of the existence of productive right-headed suffixes and compounds. On top of these may also be included the consequent changes resulting from strictly morphonological processes applying as the complex words are formed, e.g. secondary stress (or vowel lengthening), stress shift, nasal substitution, etc. There is no provision for morphonology, but these processes are incorporated in a modified version of Lexical Phonology (Lieber, 1992, 178ff., 197ff.).

2.2 Feature percolation In describing the mechanics for projecting word structures, Lieber employs what is known as feature-percolation. This process accounts for the labeling of word structures projected from lexical entries. She identifies the features which percolate to the dominating node of the head morpheme category features, morphosyntactic features relevant for a particular category in a given language. If certain relevant features are missing from the head, then those in the co­ occurring constituent may serve as back up. For example in Tagalog, from a V morpheme such as talon 'jump' there is a corresponding complex N form pagtalon 'the act of jumping' with the prefix pag-. The figure below shows its feature percolation:

71have shown here the complex form of the first word in the compound. The resulting phonological form is in parentheses. The observed nasal assimilation here can be automatically dealt with in the phonological component of the grammar. However, compare (5)c where the same rule does not apply and (S)b where it applies first before reduplication.

73 DEGUZMAN

(ll)a.

~ +gerund [ ~~gID

N V +gerund +active +gerund -um­ mag­ 'jump' 'wash'

In both (ll)a and (ll)b, the features of the affixpag-percolate to the dominating node giving the complex forms their features. While feature percolation ensures that the features of the head be registered in the resulting complex form, there may also be specific features in the nonhead that playa significant role in terms of the resulting complex form. In the above examples, the two resulting complex forms differ. Whereas (11)a is a simple combination of the prefix and the V root, pagta/on 'the act of jumping', (ll)b is paghuhugas 'the act of washing', requiring reduplication of the first CV of the V base. In (ll)a, the V base is marked with the voice affix [-um-] and does not require any reduplication; (ll)b, on the other hand, is marked with the voice affix [mag_]8 and manifests reduplication. But this constraint is not shown in the formation or projection. Obviously, there must be a phonological rule that can look into the voice feature of the V base of this type of formation, so that when it is marked [mag-], this triggers the required type of reduplication. This theory may probably resolve the difference between these two forms by creating another entry pag­ dup., except that its subcategorization will still have to specify the voice affix [mag-] that the V base takes, a necessary morphological condition. The distinction Lieber (1992, p. 112) makes between derivation and inflection is in terms of marking the features. She proposes that 'only stems, bound bases and derivational affixes' will have the full category and morphosyntactic features specified. Inflectional affixes will be marked only with individual features for which they contain specified values. This implies that the distinction between inflectional and derivational affixes is not an issue. Is this true of Philippine languages or of other languages for that matter?

8 For ease of presentation, the voice affix [m-] + [pag-] stem will simply be identified as [mag-I·

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2.3 Remarks In general, Lieber has shown a fairly plausible position. She has shown quite persuasively that special rules for combining affixes and roots can be dispensed with. With the specification of subcategorizational features along with their word categories and other morphosyntactic features, affixes are already marked for their combinatory potential. Moreover, a lexicon with just morpheme listing is obviously significantly more economical. Applying this theory to Philippine languages, however, we have already observed certain problems as follows: (a) It is not certain how stem-forming affixes, say pag-,pang-,paki-, etc., are to be subcategorized for taking multiple-affixed forms, such as causative, abilitative, requestive, etc. (b) There is a need for some morphonological processes, such as those needed to account for (S)b, nasal substitution before reduplication in [+occupation] forms, and for (11)b, reduplication triggered by the specified [mag-] voice feature in gerundive N formation. These particular classes of word formation and other types are morphologically constrained. (c) Certain phonological rules applying on complex word forms may appear automatic. But some are constrained by semantic features. the nasal substitution in (lO)c, pang-patid= pamatid 'for or -..__ .. , r"'" ...... -o panawag'for calling or caller' but not in hand' or pang-simba 'for wearing to the the feature [+reservational] in the resulting form rather than [+ instrumental]. (See De Guzman, 1978 for a fuller treatment of this constraint.) In consideration of the independent morphological, morphonological as well as semantic questions that have to be dealt with in accounting for the morphological system of Tagalog, which are most likely true of the majority of Philippine languages, the morpheme-based morphology account has these matters yet to contend with. Besides there are still existing questions on identifying morphemes, particularly in inflecting languages, not to mention the problems relating to conversion and reduplication. On the whole, it seems unnatural and uneconomical to compose each complex word every time one needs to use them or deconstruct them into constituents when she hears them.

3. Word-based Morphology In Pace Pdnini, toward a theory of morphology, Ford, & Martohardjono ((FSM), 1997, pp. provide a sketch of the theory. the outset, they define morphology as study of formal relationships amongst words' and for an expression to be considered a word they identify three properties, which are standard characteristics found also in other morphological theories: (i) a phonological structure, (ii) a syntactic category, and (iii) a semantic

75 DEGUZMAN use." A set of morphologically related words bound by some common features is expressed in what is described as a Morphological Strategy or a Word­ Formation Strategy and later, referred to as a word-schema. For example, the English words cats,dogs, gems,pins, bags, cards, and the like, can be shown to be related in the following word-schema that generalizes their similarities: (12) [ /Xz/ ] [N ] ['pluralityofxs' ] What (12) indicates is that the words listed above are all different, expressed as the variable /X/, but that all of them are similar in that they end in /z/, that they belong to the category N, and that they denote plurality of whatever /X/ is. Interestingly enough, the lexicon contains exactly similar words except that the /z/ ending is missing such that the word-schema that captures this set of corresponding words is as follows: (13) [/X/] [N ] ['x' ] It is significant for morphology that these two sets of words are related in terms of their form, category, and meaning, and such relationship can be captured through the following correspondence:

(14) [/X/N ] ...... [ /Xz/ N ] [ 'x'] [ 'plurality of xs' ] This type of morphological relationship is generalized as follows: (15) IX/a ...... /X'/~

In the above schema, X and X' are words, Q( and ~ are morphological categories, the double-headed arrow, ...... , indicates an equivalence relation (a bidirectional implication), X' is a semantic function of X, the prime symbol indicates a formal difference between the two poles of the morphological operation. But the prime symbol can be null if Q( f: ~. To illustrate a relation where there is no formal distinction between two words belonging to different categories, we have the following rule for pairs of English words such as paintN/paintv, spoon N/spoonv, brush.j/brushcetc.:

(16)/X/N,im , ...... /X/V, u,ex (as ins.)10 The class of Ns on the left are instruments and the related Vs of exactly the same form refer to 'use x (the instrument expressed by the variable),. In this particular case, we note readily how much simpler this morphological relation is

9 FSM specifically identify 'semantic use' in place of semantics or meaning because they don't believe that the meaning ofa word can be simply statedasa bunch of features as proposed in other theories. For ease of exposition here, we will forego the distinction, using semantic use or semantics or meaning alternatively, 10 The schema given here is an abbreviated one making the category and meaning as subscripts. 76 MORPHOLOGY stated in contrast to more complicated accounts of conversion in some morpheme-based morphology where a rule of category change may be stated or a zero affix derivation may be posited. The former account may be questioned because in a category change, the formulation of a rewrite rule necessitates directionality implying that the form on the right of the arrow is derived from the form on the left. For example: [XIN~ [Xlv' However, there are cases in which the direction may be reversed. For instance: [X], ~ [XIN as in English rea~, contactv : contactN , and more recendy readv: invitev:inviteN , etc. The alternative account to this shows that a zero affix with the category V may attach to a N or conversely, following the reverse direction of change of category. Of course, the age-old dissatisfaction with a zero affix, and more so with its bearing a category specification, strikes some linguists that this account is no more than an ad hoc solution. One other recourse is simply to list the two words separately in the lexicon at the cost of losing a generalization in terms of their lexical relation. As shown above, a morphological strategy or word-schema captures the morphological relatedness among the words in the lexicon. It should be remembered that in a word-based theory of morphology, only words, not morphemes, are listed in the lexicon. FSM (1997, p. 2) also claim that the WFS 'allows a speaker to morphologically analyze a word she may not have analyzed before or to create a new word that she may not have yet encountered ... ' The list of morphological strategies in a 'given language makes up a part of the grammar of that language. Thus, unlike Lieber's morpheme-based account, FSM set up a morphology with constraints (1997, p. 3) that defy traditional or even current analysis. Some of these constraints are as follows: (a) It does not distinguish between inflectional/derivational, clitic/non-clitic, productive/non­ productive, concatenative/non-concatenative, affixation/compounding, etc.; (b) Since the only object of a morphological strategy is the WORD, there are no other smaller units such as ROOT, STEM, LEXEME, etc.; (c) There is no 'morphophonology' that implies a division within morphology; the morphological operation is said to be unified; (d) The bidirectionality of the WFS gives no special status to back-formation or truncation. With these constraints, the authors have excluded a good number of notions/concepts that we have gotten so used to. Are they really that superfluous so they can be eliminated at no cost? The authors contend that the burden of proof for the concepts that continue to be employed in other morphological theories lies with the proponents of such theories. It doesn't take much then to deduce from these constraints that the word-based theory has made the morphological account much simpler in a number of ways although as will be pointed out later, it does not look totally economical. To determine its feasibility, efficacy, and adequacy, we must explore further other aspects of these Word-Formation Strategies (WFSs).

77 DEGUZMAN

3.1 Multiple derivational relations As can be observed in many agglutinating or affixing types of languages, words may contain not only one but two or even more affixes. While a morpheme-based morphology may account for a more complex structure in terms of a hierarchical tree-structure, a word-based morphology that makes use of WFSs will layout the word-schema of each set of words that are related according to the categories and constant affixes identified in each set without any reference to any kind of structure. (What you see is what you get!) For example, compare the two sketch accounts of the English word unhappiness:

(17)a. Morpheme-based account /\~

[[un- [happy]AlA-nesslNll

b. Word-based account /unX!A,'notx' ~ /unXness/N,'state ofbeing notx' (IX! A ~ /unX!A,'not x')

(17)a shows first that the prefix un- combines with the Aroot, happy(the head), resulting in a complex word of the same category A, via the projection principle. With the suffix -ness marked with the category N and subcategorized for a preceding A category, its specified category N percolates to the topmost node as it combines with the complex form A, unhappy. This same hierarchical structure will appear for other similar words such as unkindness, unsoundness, uncleanness, etc. As for (l7)b, the word unhappiness falls within the first WFS which states the morphological relation between the two sets of words, the I unXI on the left side bearing the category A and the I unXnessl on the right marked with the category N, differing in form and meaning. The former A form with the beginning portion I un] represents the negative meaning of what the variable IXI stands for and, correspondingly, the latter N form has exactly the same form as that of A except for its constant ending, Inessl, and the complex form meaning 'state of being not x', Therefore, what this schema covers are all I unXI forms of the category A being related to I unXnessl forms of the category N. I included a second WFS to show the relation between the A class IXI and the

11 Just to show the internal structure of the word in terms of tree-diagram and labeled bracketing. For simplicity of presentation, the meaning and subcategorization features have not been included. 78 MORPHOLOGY

negative A class with the form IunX/. And showing this implies that a separate WFS exists for the relation between IXIA and IXnesslN' What is not or cannot be shown in rules such as these is that both of these A sets are identically to the corresponding I ness]N forms. I think that to avoid redundancy and at the same time capture the identical relation stated, the WFS should allow for the conflation of the two sets of As as follows: ~ (18) l(un)X/A l(un)XnessIN The only stipulation here would be that the option of referring to I un] complex of A pairing them also with the same portion in the complex

Another type of generalization involving more than two sets of words may be shown to be morphologically related by identifying each word-schema, separated by a comma and collapsing them all under one pair of curly bracket. For example, given in Haspelmath (2002, P: 51): attract : attractive : attraction instruct : instructive: instruction suggest : suggestive : suggestion discuss : discussion - : aggressive : aggression (19) {[/XIv] , [/XivelA ], [/XionlN ['do x'] ['prone to doing x'] ['act of doing x'] It will be observed that there can be gaps in the listing and this is naturally accounted for, not by some rules of exception, but by their non-occurrence in the lexicon. Simply put, they do not exist. Perhaps, later in the future, the words aggress or discussive may possibly be created on the basis of analogy to the existing similar lexical relations. From a Morpheme-based theory, there need to be two separate projections of the I -ice]A and the I -ion]N complex words without stating any relations between them.

3.2 Inflectional relations The Word-based theory does not make any distinction between derivation and inflection; hence, any relation existing between two sets of what is commonly analyzed as 'inflected' forms is expressed as a WFS. At this point it will be appropriate to consider the account provided for inflected forms in Latin. One significant account is made by Bender (2000, pp. 15-17; 2003, pp. 304-307), who shows quite convincingly that between the WFSs stated for every inflectional relation occurring in each morphological category and his proposed 'paradigmatic strategies' (2000, P: 22), the latter is to be preferred. To illustrate, he compares the two strategies: (20)a. IX61 1sg ~ IXatis/2pl cf. amo - amdtis, porto - portdtis,etc.

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b. Conj 1: nonperf pres act ind sg. pl. Xc Xamus Xis Xatis 3 Xat Xant Instead of 15 WFSs to relate the six items in the paradigm, expressing person and number distinctions, his proposed paradigm in (20)b with an asterisk in the center shows in a more succinct way all these relations. More importantly, the paradigm provides a constant value for X, the maximum form shared by the members of the paradigm. On the other hand, this X will vary in the WFSs according to what is common in each pair being related. In sum, keeping the notion of the 'paradigm', i.e. 'the different inflections of one and the same word (or lexeme/lexical item)' (Bender, 2003, p. 301) and showing at the same time the relations existing between each pair achieves remarkable economy and naturalness. Experience from field work with adult native speakers tells us that they can immediately and unhesitatingly provide the forms ofVs expressing, say, tense or person, traditionally referred to as conjugation. Thus, to ask whether paradigms are part of a language's design remains a valid question that merits the linguist's serious attention and consideration."

3.3 Compounding On this particular class of words, each compound is naturally treated in the Word-based theory as a word, and like all other words, it does not have an internal structure, i.e, it is not made up of two separate words. Rather, there is a word-part that is a constant joined to a variable, with the constant bearing a lexical category. Starosta (1988, pp. 60-64; 2003, pp. 126-130) Singh & Dasgupta (2003, pp. 77-89) expound on this alternative account to the popular rules of compounding a la phrase structure rules, e.g. N -> N N. Under this alternative analysis, the morphological constant may look much like an existing word but its category and meaning cannot be associated with the latter (FSM, 1997, pp. 58-59). Starosta illustrates the relation between compounds and one of their 'constituents' where the constant part in the compound set is treated as an 'affix' (Starosta, 2003, pp. 126-27), restated here according to the WFS format as follows: (21) N-house 'compounding' /X/N,.Fi +-> /Xhaws/N,domicil".F;

[2 For a non-reductionist view, see Aronoff's Morphology by itself(l994). He reinforces the basic idea 'that morphology has a place of its own in language'. He refers to 'inflection classes as having a life of their own and existing as independent parts of the grammatical engine' (l994.p.62). 80 MORPHOLOGY

The set of words represented on the right side are 'compound words' ending in house or phonologically /haws/ as in English doghouse, birdhouse, cathouse, nuthouse, or even a possible monkryhouse, etc. It states that given any N with the semantic feature [cxF;], shared by this class of Ns, there may be a N in the sequence haws] and having the semantic feature [+domicile, cxF;]. is again based on analogical patterns similar to those stated for both 'derivationally' and 'inflectionally' related words."

3.4 Remarks Taking the constraints of Seamless or Word-based Morphology as a great simplification not only in terms of. reducing the elements employed in a Morpheme-based account, we may say that the former is more advantageous than the latter. Likewise, having whole words all listed in the lexicon, the speaker has easy access to them in both production and comprehension and even in the creation of new forms on the basis of analogy. Besides, there is always a corresponding check on the actual WFSs that list the various patterns of lexical relations. One other advantage of this theory is that it does not tax the speaker with 'knowing' all the details of feature specifications and subcategorization requirements for both stems and affixes that the Morpheme­ based account exacts from her. Even without referring to the terms 'affixes', they are isolated accordingly in the format ofWFSs. Some concerns about this theory are as follows: (a) As shown in (17)b compared with the suggested WFS (18), this theory misses showing the commonality of relation obtaining between positive and negative As in being both related to their corresponding Ns with -ness).For all we know, (18) may be judged unacceptable. (b) One other source of potential contention is the strategy of identifying one of the members of a compound as a constant, that is, a kind of affix and not as a word. This greatly minimizes its distinction from other derived words, and thus loses a significant morphological generalization. Perhaps, there may even be a corresponding psychological reality to the distinction as will be implied indirectly in the next section. (c) I still maintain, as discussed earlier, that morphonology is an essential part of morphology. Certain features in the V base trigger corresponding phonological operations. (d) Finally, as the sets of relations that can be covered by each WFS are rather limited, we are looking at an enormous number of WFSs to formulate for

13For a fuller exposition of the accounts for 'compounds' as well as 'noun incorporation', employing Seamless Morphology, see the other papers of Starosta in Singh & Starosta (2003).

81 DEGUZMAN all types of lexical relations obtaining in the traditional areas we have been calling 'derivation, inflection, compounding, etc.' in the old-time morphological tradition. Ways of avoiding redundancies may still be worked out in this theory.

4. What do Language Acquisition (LA) and Language Processing (LP) say about these two theories?

4.1 Language acquisition Morphological development studies inform us that children initially produce words that seem to lack any internal structure. The words consist of a single root morpheme. Later, they acquire complex words and treat them on a case­ by-case basis as though they are simple forms. Much later, they reflect in their use of certain affixes, e.g. English plural/-zl or past I-d/, on irregular forms that they have acquired some knowledge of the varying forms of a given word that they have previously encountered. And at a later stage, they learn to distinguish the irregular forms as not being the same in form as the so-called regular ones. Perhaps, we have been so much influenced into thinking that the inception of affix recognition and its application is an absolute sign that the child has acquired the rule of complex word formation, e.g. V root + I-dl = V, [+past] or N root + I-zl = N, [+plural]. It may equally be plausible that the English child speaker may have formed *goedor *foots, on the basis of the sets of words, as is represented in a WFS for (regular) past forms and (regular) plural forms, respectively. While the end result in either theory is the same, we cannot determine which approach the child uses. The question is whether the child uses the projection principle, knowing the morphemes and their corresponding features to compose these new complex forms, or on the basis of analogy with other existing forms and word relations she is already familiar with, follows exactly the same correspondence. What we can be sure of is that children, from whatever language background, are constrained in their initial use of words and even in their coining of words by certain principles, two of which are (i) transparency of meaning and (ii) simplicity of form (Clark, 1993, p. 15). Take for instance, Annie, age 2.8, who named the kind of egg she has been used to eating for breakfast as circle egg, because as it is cooked 'over-easy' she could dunk her pieces of bread in the soft yolk. Obviously, she knows what a 'circle' is and that a fried egg can show a yellow circle, if the yoke is not broken. Both principles are reflected in the creation of this compound. It is perhaps relatively much simpler to process this compound than to learn to say 'over-easy' or 'sunnyside up'. Note also that the constituents of this child's compound word appear to manifest to a large extent their individual features of meaning. It is usually reported that during the first stages of LA, children produce words, whether they be full or abbreviated. The focus of attention in the process

82 MORPHOLOGY is in matching forms with meaning and, generally, both may be short of the adult's corresponding forms and meanings. Unmarked forms ate produced preferably over marked ones. Thus, for a Tagalog child in the beginning stage, speaking about 'having eaten' or 'having drunk', she uses ka?inat inombereft of any voice affix. Once inflected arid/or derived forms ate acquired, some forms appear prior to other forms. In a previous study of Tagalog voice/focus affix acquisition, the objective affix -inand i- are acquired earlier than the active affix -um- or m-(pag) (Galang, 1982). Here, the function of the affix mote than its position in the word is considered more revealing of the learner's among the various voice affixes. However, in other studies, it has been shown that suffixes are learned earlier than prefixes. It may be asked then how this order of acquisition affects the principle of headedness, if it ever does. In second LA, it is reported that the learner is biased towards natural rules (Karpf & Dringel-Techt, 1995, p. 139), such as conversion or zeta derivation in the beginning stages, followed by compounding, which also occurs early in first LA. Following these early morphological processes, affixation without any internal morphonological modifications occurring simultaneously is next. It begins with the most common affixes in the given language, and for nominals in English, for instance, -er 'agent; instrument of V', -ize'to make into/put in N', and -ness'state of being N. The less familiar affixes are learned much later in the development. In sum, we see from the reports on these LA studies that: (1) the child follows the stages of learning simple forms first before complex forms of words; (2) having been exposed to new forms, she is able to deduce complex forms with similar patterns and use the same pattern(s) to create new forms, i.e, forms she has never heard before; (3) the young speakers are largely influenced in their morphological development by several factors, some stated above, but without informing the psycholinguist analysts with the precise result as to whether the learners are storing morphemes and affixes and none of the complex words, be they inflected or derived

4.2 Language processing From Bertinetto's (1995) review of some available psycholinguistic and neurolinguistic research results on morphological processing relevant to the question of compositionality and non-compositionality in the mental lexicon, he says that the evidence gathered is far from allowing conclusive statements. He that the cut between these two approaches 'may be relative to any '1-'''<''lil<'' ."U1~'L1a~<: type, rather than fixed for all languages' (1995, p. 11). While IS from the experiments that irregular or even semi-irregular forms of verbs in English and Serbo-Croatian are stored, other sources even state that high-frequency regularly inflected forms ate directly accessed (Stemberger & MacWhinney, 1988). In comparison to compositionality, he

83 DEGUZMAN

suggests that there may also be an alternative strategy of 'analogical processes' available to the speakers (as likewise suggested earlier). And even when the same result is reached by either rules or analogy, what matters is the cognitive path along which this result is obtained. Between rule and analogy, he favors the latter because 'it is more compatible with the sort of fuzziness' often observed in actual linguistic phenomena (1995, P: 25). From some recent psycholinguistic research (Ubben, 2005, pp. 389-391) on morphological processing, it appeats that accessing whole word forms and their constituents (in multimorphemic words) termed POST-LEXICAL DECOMPOSmON has an advantage over the alternative view termed PRE-LEXICAL DECOMPOSmON. In the latter, the constituents of a complex form ate computationally scanned and isolated in much the same way as words ate isolated individuallyin hearing or seeing a sentence. In the former, when a complex word form is accessed from the mental lexicon, both the whole word form and its constituent morphemes ate activated, resulting in a positive semantic priming."

5. Conclusion It is perhaps not surprising that we do not find direct evidence from either LA or LP as to which of the two theories discussed here is to be recommended not only for its adequacy but also for its plausibility and naturalness. The Morpheme-based theory may be seen as the more elegant and attractive approach fat the relationship it establishes between morphology and syntax in terms of being constrained by the same principles. What I find problematic with the theory is the content of the lexicon. If it consists only of morphemes and affixes, and all complex forms ate constructed via projection rules, this places a heavy burden on the speaker in both production and comprehension. Granted that the selection of the 'head' constituent is already given, barring non­ concatenative issues, the assignment of the necessary features for all heads that are in themselves complex may be too cumbersome to follow through individually. As it is, it already requires the speaker to keep close track of the specific categories, subcategorization features, including morphosyntactic and morphonological features, plus any diacritics that may be needed, of all toots, stems, and affixes she has in her mental lexicon. Moreover she has to be adept in following the details of word formation as prescribed for each and every complex form - inflected, derived, or compounded - that she produces in her utterance. LA reminds us of the factors that influence morphological acquisition and this account seems to have disregarded them. The process requires several instantiations of their occurrence in full words beforehand before any genetalization or abstraction can take place to make these affixes and stems be listed in the lexicon and be used automatically in word construction. Why can it

14 The reader is encouraged to refer to other references on these twoviews.

84 MORPHOLOGY

not be said that once a complex form has been constructed, it becomes part of the speaker's repertoire of lexical items? In contrast, it appears that retrieving or accessing, rather than constructing, whole complex words that are listed in the speaker's mental lexicon is significantly simpler and involves less of a mental computation for herself. As for new complex words she has not heard before, the WFSs she can associate them with are available for analogical processing. And if this fails, then the new words may be added to her list of vocabulary as such. Likewise, the speaker is also free to create new words on the basis of the WFSs she has already established. However, one issue I am not convinced of in the Seamless Morphology theory is the lack of generalization that may be stated for two or more sets of forms showing exactly the same' relation to another complex set of forms. Likewise, its rejection of the existence of 'paradigms' does not, in my judgment, render Bender's proposal of 'reciprocal paradigm strategies' unsatisfactory. On the contrary, it should be given some serious consideration because the inclusion of this type of word strategies not only makes the morphology component more economical in its statement ofWFSs, but more importantly, it captures a natural set of inflectional relations in given languages. For these reasons, I think that it will be worthwhile to try the Word-based morphology with some modifications on the rigid constraints laid out. The question that remains valid to ask of any morphological theory is whether it is based on the cognitive path that the speakers take in forming complex words.

REFERENCES

Aronoff, M. (1976). Wordformationingenerative grammar. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. Aronoff, M. (1994). Morphology qy itself,stemsand inflectional classes. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. Bender, B. W. (2000). Paradigms as rules. In V. De Guzman & B.W. Bender (Eds.), Grammaticalanalysis (morphology, syntax and semantics): Studiesin honorof StanlryStarosta (pp. 14-29). Oceanic Linguistics Special Publication No. 29. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. Bender, B. W. (2003). A perfect strategy for Latin. In R. Singh & S. Starosta (Eds.), Explorationsin seamless morphology (pp. 301-327). New Delhi: SAGE Publications. Bertinetto, P. M. (1995). Compositionality and non-compositionality in morphology. In W. U. Dressler & C. Burani (Eds.), Crossdisciplinary approacher to morphology (pp. 9-36). Wien: Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Chomsky, N. (1981), Lecturesongovernment and binding. Dordrecht: Foris.

85 DEGUZMAN

(1993). The lexicon in acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University

De Guzman, V. P. (1978). A case for nonphonological constraints on nasal substitution. Oceanic Linguistics 17(2),87-106. De Guzman, V. P. (2005). Aspects of compounding in Tagalog. In Hi-C. Liao & C. Rubino (Eds.), Currentissuesin Philippine linguistics and anthropology: Parangal kcry Lawrence A. Reid (pp. 282-305). Linguistic Society of the Philippines Special Monograph Issue. Manila: Summer Institute of Linguistics and Linguistic Society of the Philippines. Di Sciullo, A. M. & Williams, E. (1987). On the definition ofword. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. Ford, A., Singh, R. & Martohardjono, G. (1997). PacePanini,towards a word-based theory ofmorphology. New York: Peter Lang. Galang, R. G. (1982). The acquisition of Tagalog verb morphology: Linguistic and cognitive factors. Philippine JournalofLinguistics 13 (2), 1-15. Haspelmath, M. (2002). Understanding morphology. London: Arnold. Karpf, A. & Dringel-Techt, E. (1995). The role of morphological naturalness in second language development. In W.u. Dressler & C. Burani (Eds.), Crossdisciplinary approaches to morphology (pp. 131-147). Wien: Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Libben, G. (2004). Psycholinguistics: the study of language processing. In W.o'Grady & J.Archibald (Eds.), Contemporary linguistic analysis, fifth edition (pp. 377-402). Toronto: Pearson Education Canada, Inc. Lieber, R. (1990). On the organization of the lexicon. New York: Garland Publishing. Lieber, R. (1992). Deconstructing morphology. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Schachter, P. &. Otanes, F.T. (1972). Tagalog nference grammar. Los Angeles: University of California Press. Selkirk, E. O. (1982). Thesyntaxofwords. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. Singh, R. & Starosta, S. (Eds.). (2003). Explorations in seamless morphology. New Delhi: SAGE Publications. Singh, R. & Dasgupta, P. (2003). On so-called compounds. In R. Singh & S. Starosta (Eds.), Explorations in seamless morphology (pp. 77-89). New Delhi: SAGE Publications. Starosta, S. (1988). Thecase fOrlexicase. London: Pinter Publishers. Starosta, S. (2003). Do compounds have internal structure? A seamless analysis. In R. Singh & S. Starosta (Eds.), Explorations in seamless morphology (pp. 116-147). New Delhi: SAGE Publications. Sternberger, J. P. & MacWhinney, B. 1(988). Are inflected forms stored in the lexicon? In M. Hammond & M. Noonan (Eds.), Theoretical morphology, approaches in modern linguistics (pp. 101-116). San Diego: Academic Press.

86 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS Volume 37, Number 1 June 2006

'TO BE IN RELATION: ANCESTORS' OR THE POLYSEMY OF THE MINANGYAN (HANUNOO) TERM 'apu1

ELISABETH LUQUIN INALCO (InstitutNationaldesLanguesetCivilisations Orientales, Paris) rakolu@freefr

This article deals with the polysemy of the term 'iipu used by the Mangyan Patag of the Philippines, Minangyan language The anthropologists of the region usually translate the 'apu as 'owner', 'master', and sometimes 'spirit possessor', 'leader'. They also define it as 'ascending kin (GEN-5, GEN-6, and GEN-7)' and stress the notions of property and ownership. And yet the problematic term 'dpu signifies more than a simple ownership relation. I will show in this article that these glosses are not entirely satisfactory. Rather than 'master' or 'owner', translations which seem to impoverish the polysemic senses, I will argue - giving some concrete examples - that the polysemy of the term 'dpu appears to imply more fundamental meanings. It turns out that we need to take into account that 'iipu means 'relation: ancestor', which organizes the relations between the living and the dead.

1. Introduction 2 The Mangyan Patag (also known as Hanunoo Mangyan ) live in the southeast of Mindoro. Their territory stretches from the coasts up to the first mountain range where, due to successive colonization, they settled, The Mangyan Patag cultivate mainly dry rice, com, plantains, and root crops, and raise pigs and chickens. The residential unit is the hamlet, grouping together a kin group centered on Ego and referring to common ancestors. Most of the time, a kin group gathers together a nuclear family, the first cousins, and their parents. In contrast, the extended kin group is scattered among several hamlets and includes the second degree cousins until the fourth degree cousins. Hamlets are localized

I I would like to thank the participants of the 10th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics held in Palawan in 2006 for their interesting comments. I also thank INALCO (Paris) for its financial support. Porhercareful reading and her constructive remarks lam grateful to AlmutSchneider. 2Pamous for their pre-Hispanic script. around permanent sources and caves where the exhumed bones of the dead are hidden. The Mangyan Patag cosmos is inhabited by human beings Qiving and dead), ancestors ('dpu) and malevolent spirits (labtiniJ, the latter being dead human beings who have not been dealt with properly duting the funerary ritual. After the death of a person, his/her 'life principle' (karddwa)inhabits the 'place of the dead' duting a long funerary treatment which will entail the karddwa'to become an ancestor after three generations'. The Mangyan say that the malevolent spirits (labdniJ are the enemies of humans because they eat their flesh and blood so that their 'life principle' becomes one of the malevolent spirits. The benevolent ddniwancestors ('dpu ddniw) help to protect the humans against the labdngsill intentions. The role of the ritual specialist consists in maintaining the socio-cosmic relations that constitute the system which is based on the 'dpu relation. The purpose of this paper is to understand and analyze the polysemy of the Mangyan term 'dp«. The special interest of the term 'dpuis that it participates in several distinct semantic fields: kinship, ritual, as well as physical and social relationships. But its polysemy implies only a range of distinct senses and I hope to show that two senses of 'dpuare primary while the others are their extensions. In their works on the Mangyan Patag, Conklin (1953), Kasberg (1994), Iturralde (1973), and Postma (1992) usually translate the term 'dpu by 'owner', which is the most frequent translation. Other ways of translating the term are 'master', and sometimes 'spirit possessor' or 'leader'. Furthermore they define it as 'ascending kin (GEN-5, GEN-6, and GEN-7)'. Although Miyamoto (1988, P: 222) also renders 'dpuas 'owner', he nevertheless includes the sense of 'spirit', closer to the gloss 'ancestor', which is more faithful to the Minangyan sense. The translations 'master' and 'owner' are not entirely satisfactory because they do not take the polysemy sufficiently into account. Let us take a detailed look at this Minangyan term.

2. The 'apurelation The Mangyan employ the term 'dpuon a daily basis. 'Apu can be used both as a noun and as a verb. As a noun it is built with a possessive phrase such as 'of someone' or 'of something', as for example of an animal or of a natural element. In those occurrences, 'dpu is used with the possessive pronoun kqy meaning 'his, her, its' as in the expression kqy 'dpu.It also appears with the subject marker ti, the connective pag,and the locative marker sa.It is important to notice that 'cipuis never employed with the proper noun marker si;in other words 'dpuis never grammatically personified.

3 SeeChapter4of my dissertation.

88 LUQUIN

Furthermore, this term seems to be constituted with the Austronesian root word pu which means 'base, origin", but this hypothesis still has to be verified. In the following section I will explain the different glosses of 'dpuin the context in which they are used.

1. The first gloss defines the 'belonging relation'. This relation is expressed in a nominal use: an animal, a plant, or an object exists in reference, in relation to somebody. Example la. To the question 'Whose coconut tree is it?' Kantapo pagpu'un niyog?, one can answer 'Emilio is in a belonging relation / 'tipJi siEmiliokqy'dpu. Example lb. To the question 'Who is in its belonging relation/'tipu?' Siuno kqy 'dpu? speaking of a pig passing by, the answer will be 'to Mother' kqy 'inang. Example lc. Someone is 'in a belonging relation/'dpu to his field' 'dpu tanman. Example 1d. An informant said that 'wild animals do not have a belonging relation/'dpu to human' Unman mqy 'dpu tawo 'pag mga talon hqyop. This means that they are not related to a human being like the animals that are fed and have an owner 'dpu.'To feed, to raise' - be it animals, human beings or ancestors - is linked to a relation, particularly to the 'ap« relation; whereas not to give food indicates an absence of relation. 2. Another nominal use of 'dpuoccurs in the relation between a person and a ritual action. For example, the person accomplishing a ritual 'to offer to the sea ancestors' is the 'dpuof this ritual at the moment of the performance. If this person is accomplishing the ritual, then he is the 'dpuof this ritual. 3. The relation of the container and the contents constituting a whole is a further occurrence of'dpu.Here, something is part of something or a human being (nominal use). Example 3a. Speaking of the lost pot of a particular lid one says: Naan kqy 'dpu?or 'Where is the 'dpuof this lid?' signifying 'where is the cooking pot?' Example 3b. When one sees blood on the ground, one asks 'Who is related to this blood?' siuno kqy 'dpu? In this case the blood is associated with the 'dpuin the sense of 'being wrapped up in', that is to say, 'contents in a container'.

4 The base pu (puu) 'base, origin', occurringin variousAustronesianlanguages,comesfrom Proto Austronesian*puqun 'base, origin', like the Minangyanword itself. Thus, pu may be separatefrom PAN *apu 'grandparent'. Howeverin Minangyan 'apu means 'the relative at G+/- 4 and G+/-5'. The term for grandmotheris 'ida and laki for grandfather,whilethe great grandparentsare'umput. 89 90 LUQUIN

signifies 'to enter into a relationship'. 'Apu is here used with prefixes to express this action.

identified by permanent sources and the 'water ancestors', and foundations of houses with the ancestor of the stanchion ('dpusui,!)). Moreover, human beings are the ' 'owner' of the house' ('dpu balqy). But instead of saying 'owner' we would better say 'part of the house' or 'in relation with the house'. It is a question of a relation constituting human their houses and the ancestors around, rather than a question of

natural elements of the cosmos, it watch on the good order of marriage rules,

6 In French and English we humorously say 'she/he is my better half'.

91 Concerning grammatical occurrence, 'dpu is very often used with the 'existential form'. A person being in relation with particular ancestors is referred to as 'having ancestors' Mqy 'apu. In conversations, it is common to use this expression which means 'to have, or there is an ancestor'. Mqy, diminutive of mqy imaw,has two major meanings: 'there is' or 'to have'. It is what we call the 'existential utterance'. In our languages, it also means 'to be' as in the example 'He is sick' Mqy sakit sjya,literally, 'He has a sickness'. In the expression mqy 'iipu the literal translation 'have/there is ancestor' would not make any sense, which is why I translated it as 'to be in relation with some ancestors'. This morphosyntactical form indicates that 'ap« expresses a relation, and it is impossible to count the ancestors. here because they are not quantifiable. Many glosses corroborate this sense such as 'the sharpening stone has [some] 'dpu' (mqy'aputi 'arahan) and not 'has a 'apr/. Moreover if the Mangyan Patag say that a certain tree 'has an ancestor', they indicate that its leaves can be used for medical treatment and will have a curing effect on the human being. In exchange for this efficacy the 'tree ancestor' receives beads offerings. If the tree has no ancestor, there will be no effect and no offerings. Three words are derivatives of the base word 'dpu. The first, 'Apwan is a self-reciprocal address term used by ritual specialists and their benevolent ancestors (daniw). The suffix -an is added to the base word 'iipu. The literal writing is 'dpu'an, but from the point of view of conventional phonetics it is written 'apwan to indicate that there is no stop between the root word 'apuand the suffix -an. This term can be translated, from the locative point of view, as 'the one in relation towards'. The usage of this self-reciprocal address term confirms the strong relationship between the ritual specialist and the daniw ancestors. In their discourses, the ritual specialists refer to one of their 'colleagues' and his daniw ancestors in the singular. They do not mark any distinction between the person of the ritual specialist and the daniw ancestors. The expression 'apu ddniu: designates the ddniwancestorsas well as the ritual specialist himself. The second derivative word is 'apu-'tipu'an. The reduplication of the base word 'ap« implies a big number, and the adjunction of the suffix -an indicates that the stress is put on the sense of the base word. 'Apu-'iipu'anmeans 'all the ancestors'. The third word ka-'tipu'dpu'an - a derivative of the base word 'iipu- is synonymous to 'apu-'dpu'an. The affix combination ka-_-an forms a collective noun.

7Forexample,thesapulancestorsfavorfishingandhunting,andkeepwatchovertherice fields. The tihul ancestorsfind stolenobjectsor animals;on the contrarytheyayagancestors steal for the humanbeingin relationwith them.

92 LUQUIN

3. Conclusion The meanings of 'dpuanalyzed above have in common the expression of an asymmetrical relationship of several forms: the relation of belonging, the contents/container relation, the relation between two categories of beings ­ humans and ancestors - and finally the relation between two persons. I use the word 'asymmetrical's because one of the elements of the relation has a higher position than the other: the pot has a higher status than the lid, the mother a higher status than the fetus, the ancestor a higher status than the living, and so on. This asymmetrical relation expresses a particular completeness that is proper to the Mangyan Patag society. I have defined the notion of 'ap« in relational terms, and not in terms of 'owner' . or 'master'. However, the definition 'master' is nearer to the asymmetrical relation since in my 'View a master necessarily requires a-servant and vice-versa, the two terms of the relation having a different status. Surprisingly no authors seemed to have bothered about this reciprocal relationship. In other words the servant was always missing. When an animal, a person (spouse, fetus) or a plant belongs/is in relation to someone, it means that the latter feeds or takes care of the former. When 'dpudesignate ancestors of the cosmos, the person feeds them as well. We have here two different levels: 'dpu as a relation and 'cipuas 'ancestors'. The ancestors 'cipuprecede the person but the person himself/herselfwill become an ancestor one day. This succession of generations establishes the direction of the temporal cycle, from the living person to his/her final form after death: the ancestor. The term 'dpu cannot be used by itself. It refers to the idea of constituting a relation of two terms, who define one another. This 'word pair' ­ 'dpu + word - forms an asymmetrical relation, that is to say the two terms do not have the same position. To constitute a unity 'ap« is always arranged with something or with an entity. On his own 'dpudoes not mean anything. One is nothing by oneself, in other words, it is necessary Ito be in relation if one wants 9 'to be'. A Mangyan is a relational being • The meaning the Mangyan Patag give to the term 'dpu, which I explicated in this article, can be illustrated by what J. M. Tjibaou wrote-in 1996 concerning the notion of the person in the Kanak societies of New Caledonia. 'I am always somebody in reference to', 'So I am always dual. I am never an individual. I cannot bean individual. The body is not a principle of individuation. The body is always in relation. The body is the blood, and the blood is the mother. And the owners of this part of mine are my maternal uncles'l''.

8 See the definition in Louis Dumont (1986, p. 280, at the entry word ,opposition'). 9 This manifests itself in the fact that to stay single is highly unusual. And also, for example, concerningthebenevolentdiiniwancestors.theyhavetobetwoinone stone to be favorable to the human beings, and to form a pair in their relation to the ritual specialist. IOInLapresencekanak.pp.l06-107. 93 precisely the relation between

Hanunoo-English vocabulary. Berkeley and Los Angeles:

abundance of rice': Socio-cosmic Island, Philippines. Paris:

Miyamoto, M. (1988). The Hanunoo-Mangyan: Society, religion and law among a mountain people of Mindoro Island, Philippines. Semi Ethnological Studies,n", 22. Osaka,]apan: National Museum of Ethnology. Postma, A. (1992). The Pandaniwan and his Daniw power: the Healer Shaman in Mangyan In L. N. Mercado, SVD, (Ed.), and revelation (pp. 91-110). Manila:

Tjibaou, J. M. (1996). La presence kanak. Paris: Odile Jacob.

94 PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS

June 2006

THE TAGBANUA LANGUAGE IN fRAWAN IN THE MIDST OF GLOBALIZATION

TesJie_Tajo!oJa(i!Jyahoo.coJl!

its speakers. TAGBANUA

Philippine language on the brink of extinction' by Robert Seebold (2004), a member of the Summer Institute of Linguistics. In one study conducted at Palawan State University, students made use of interviews to determine how the Tagbanua residents of Sitio Iratag and Sitio Taga-ud in Barangay Irawan of the City of Puerto Princesa, made requests and gave responses in Tagbanua discourse. It was observed that the young respondents could hardly speak the Tagbanua language. Although it has not been established that Aborlan Tagbanua is an endangered language (since many Tagbanua communities in southern Palawan still speak it), this researcher considered the possibility of its extinction in Irawan alone, owing to social factors such as education, age, intermarriage, language attitudes, and location. Thus, this particular study was undertaken. This paper aimed to investigate the sociolinguistic factors affecting the use of the Tagbanua language in Irawan. Specifically,it sought to:

1. determine the language attitudes, language use, and actual Tagbanua language proficiency of the Tagbanua respondents across age, sex, location, and education, 2. determine the interrelationship of language attitudes, use, and proficiency, and 3. determine the possible effect of intermarriage and stereotyping on attitudes of the respondents towards the Tagbanua language.

2. Methodology This study made use of quantitative and qualitative approaches. It was undertaken for six months, starting July 2005 until the last week of December 2005. Respondents were composed of 38 minors (6-17 yrs old), 61 single and married adults (18 years and older), residents of Sitio Iratag, Sitio Taga-ud, and lowland Irawan, who were of either mixed or pure Tagbanua ancestry. Personal interviews to gather the data were divided into three stages: Stage One - An initial interview was done in Tagalog in July 2005. The purpose of the interview was to establish contact with the respondents, inquire about language use at home, and their perception about the Tagbanua language. Stage Two - The second interview was conducted in November 2005 using the Tagbanua survey method patterned after Quakenbush's modified questionnaire. This contained 16 questions that aimed at determining language attitudes and language use. Stage Three - This interview was conducted in December 2005 because the second interview proved unreliable in getting the respondents' language proficiency. To determine actual Tagbanua language proficiency, an interview by two native speakers of the Tagbanua language was conducted using a scale of 0 to 5, following the guidelines used by Quakenbush. All interviews were tape­ recorded.

96 TAJOLOSA

The interviewers then made an independent evaluation for each respondent in order to compare respective ratings. In case of a mismatch, a final ranking was decided upon by listening to the taped interview, discussing the respondent's performance in greater detail, and arriving at a single rating. Statistical treatment of the variables was made with the help of SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences). Descriptive statistics such as frequencies and percentages and cross tabulations were also employed to determine relationships between variables.

3. Results and Discussion The main findings of the study are presented in three main parts. The first part deals with language attitudes and provides some understanding of the next two parts, language use and language proficiency. From the interviews, data on the four characteristics of the respondents, i.e. sex, age, education, and location, were analyzed. Age refers to which of two age groups the respondent belongs to - young respondents (6-17 years old) or adults (18 years and older). Education refers to whether the respondent has had any formal education categorized into elementary, secondary, and postsecondary level, or none at alL Location refers to whether the respondent lives in Sitio Iratag, Sitio Taga-ud, or lowland Irawan. The SPSS package and chi-square were used to determine the variables of direct significance to language attitude, language use, and language proficiency. Qualitative data have been included to expand, confirm, or illustrate patterns evident in the quantitative data. From Iratag, 39 adult respondents each representing one household out of the total number of 59 households were included in the study. From Taga-ud, there are just 12 households left, and eight respondents were interviewed. From lowland Irawan came 13 respondents out of the 25 Tagbanua households. These 25 households used to be former residents of Sitio Taga-ud in the past one to 10 years. The 38 young respondents were limited to Sitio Iratag because of the following reasons: Firstly, between Sitio Iratag and Sitio Taga-ud, the former has the greater number of households and a greater number of young residents. Secondly, the children of the residents in Taga-ud are all 18 years and older (with the exception of one 15 year old and one 11 year old and three younger than five years old), have families of their own, and are now settled in lowland Irawan. As to the educational level of the 60 adult respondents, one had no formal education, 37 had schooling on the elementary level, 19 on the secondary level, and three on the post-secondary level. As to sex, 25 (41.7%) of the total respondents are male and 35 (58.3%) are female. On the part of the young respondents, 17 (45%) are male and 21 (55%) are female; 31 are elementary pupils and seven are secondary school students.

97 TAGBANUA

Location could not be considered a variable in young respondents' language attitude, use, and proficiency since they all come from Iratag. To determine the effect of age on attitude, use, and proficiency, the adult respondents and the young respondents were compared.

3.1 Language attitudes toward the Tagbanua language To elicit the respondents' attitude toward the language, two questions were asked of the adult respondents: 'What language do you like the most?' and 'What language do you want your children to learn first?' Table 1 shows the distribution of respondents according to the language they like most against the language they prefer for their children.

Tablel Self LanguagePreference and LanguagePreference for Children Cross Tabulations

Tagbanua Tagalog Both Tagbanua 14 0 0 Tagalog Both 9 5 18 38 15 60

Thirty-eight out of the 60 adult respondents prefer Tagbanua as their language of communication. Among these 38 respondents, 39% prefer Tagalog for their children. Only 37% prefer Tagbanua to be their children's language of communication. Only 24% prefer their children to speak both Tagbanua and Tagalog. Only 25% of the Tagbanua respondents prefer Tagalog as their language of communication. Of these 15 who prefer to use Tagalog, 10 also prefer Tagalog for their children. The remaining five respondents prefer both Tagalog and Tagbanua, but nobody prefers pure Tagbanua to be used by their children. For the 12% of the respondents who prefer both the Tagalog and Tagbanua languages to be used as their language of communication, they still prefer either pure Tagalog or mixed Tagalog-Tagbanua language to be used by their children. In general, only 37% out of the total 60 respondents prefer pure Tagbanua to be used by their children. The most common reasons given for preferring Tagalog for the children are: (1) Tagalog will be needed by the children to communicate with non­ Tagbanua speakers, and (2) Tagalog is useful and is used more often. Preparing the children for school and the inability of the husband to speak Tagbanua and lack of competence in the language were the least frequently cited reasons. The

98 TAJOLOSA

reasons given illustrate the dominance of Tagalog in the life of these people. Even if the parents prefer the Tagbanua language for themselves, they hardly use it at home if it is in conflict with the language they prefer for their children. This researcher, in the course of her interview with some of the respondents whose language at home is purely Tagalog, learned that mothers believe it is in the best interest of the children if they learn Tagalog as a first language. For them, the children should be taught the language used in school and learning Tagbanua first might interfere with the learning of Tagalog. Most parents believe that Tagbanua is best learned when the children are older.

Table 2 Language Attitude and Educational Attainment Cross Tabulation

Language Attitude

Prefers Tagbanua

Prefers Tagalog Total

As reflected in Table 2, thrice as many respondents prefer the Tagbanua language to Tagalog. The figure is based on the responses of the interviewees to the first question 'What language do you like most?' The three interviewees who answered that they like both Tagbanua and Tagalog are classified among those who have Tagbanua preference. Together, they make up the 46 who have a positive attitude toward the language. As can be noted, 34 of the respondents whose attitude toward the Tagbanua language is positive, are of elementary level. It can be noted also that 10 of the respondents, who are of the secondary level, have no preference for the Tagbanua language. The chi-square test was applied on the modified cross tabulation (see Table 3 below). Manual computation of the chi-square value 13.82 revealed that educational attainment and language attitude toward the Tagbanua language are related. Most elementary-level Tagbanua have a positive attitude toward their native language.

99 TAGBANUA

Table 3 ModifiedLanguageAttitude and EducationalAttainmentCrossTabulation

Educational Attainment Language Attitude Elementary Secondary Prefers Tagbanua

Prefers Tagalog 3 Total 38 * Chi-square test at 0.05 level of significance

Let us now consider language attitude based on location of the respondents.

Table4 LanguageAttitudeacrossLocation

Language Attitude Location Iratag Taga-ud

Prefers Tagbanua

Prefers Tagalog

*Chi-squaretestatO.OSlevelofsignificance

As can be seen, the respondents who have a positive attitude toward the Tagbanua language are more than three times those who prefer Tagalog only. By location, it is expected that many more of the residents in Taga-ud and Iratag would prefer Tagbanua. It is remarkable, though, that there is no marked difference found among the respondents who have joined the mainstream Irawan. The chi-square test finds no significant relationship between language attitude and location (p-value =0.085). The 14 adult respondents who prefer Tagalog more than Tagbanua give varied responses, almost evenly distributed among: (a) they lack proficiency in Tagbanua, (b) Tagalog is the language at home, (c) Tagalog is easier to learn than Tagbanua, (d) either the husband is Tagalog or he can't speak the Tagbanua language, (e) it is easier to communicate with neighbors using Tagalog. All the reasons given are similar in a way, in that they indicate that speakers are not fluent in Tagbanua, hence the preference for Tagalog and evident lack of interest in learning Tagbanua.

100 TAJOLOSA

Among the young respondents, 29 (76%) have a positive attitude toward the Tagbanua language while nine (24%) have a negative attitude.

TableS Young Respondents' Attitude toward the Tagbanua Language and Justifications Given

Attitude IFrequency !percentage Positive 29 76%

1. Likes to learn more of the Tagbanua language 21 a. for socialization/communicate with other Tagbanua 18 b. it is a beautiful language 2 c. identifies with father/mother 1 2. Is proud of his/her ancestry 4 3. Does not want the language to die 3 4. Likes the language because it was learned first 1

Negative 24%

1. Does not want to learn the languageanymore a. parents don't teach the languageto children 1 nor encourage them to learn it 2. Tagalog is the only languagelearned 3. Tagalogiseasiertolearn 4. Tagalog is used every day 5. It feels good to speak with others in Tagalog 6. Tagalog is being taught in school 7. I don't know how to speak Tagbanua 8. Tagalog was learned first

As shown in Table 5, a little more than three fourths of the young respondents have a positive attitude toward the Tagbanua language. In addition, it can be noted that children's desire to learn more of the language was motivated by the desire to identify with the community and to socialize with them. Those who have more preference for the Tagalog language do not necessarily have a negative perception toward the Tagbanua language, but they choose Tagalog because the communicative situations they engage in require its use. The researcher noted some stereotyping when she went to Irawan National High School to interview Tagbanua speakers. Some boys teased some girls that they are Tagbanua and the latter retorted angrily and looked deeply offended. One even refused to be interviewed because, according to her, she is not a Tagbanua; however, most of her classmates say she is. It took some encouraging from the researcher before some of the respondents agreed to be interviewed. It

101 TAGBANUA

was found that most of these high school respondents have low level proficiency in the Tagbanua language.' There are two elementary schools in Irawan but the researcher only included the data from Iratag Elementary School where half of the student population is Tagbanua, The respondents from Valentin Macasaet Memorial Elementary School were very few, most of whom are residents in lowland Irawan and do not speak the Tagbanua language though one or both of their parents are Tagbanua (former residents of Taga-ud),

3.2 Language use of the Tagbanua To elicit responses about the language use of the Tagbanua, only one question was asked, 'What Ianguage /s do you use at home?'. Realistically, the Tagbanua use Tagalog in communicative venues outside the home, when they communicate with non-Tagbanua speakers or even within their own ethnolinguistic group. Home, it seems, is the only place where the Tagbanua language can be nurtured and be learned by the younger members of the community. Table 6 presents the distribution of the respondents according to language use and location. Table 6 Respondents' Language Use by Location

Tagalog 23 Doth 3 23 Total 13 60 * Chi-square test at 0.05levelof significance

1 The primary purpose of the last interview was to see how well the Tagbanua interviewee could carryon a conversation in the Tagbanua language on different topics. This language proficiency interview was originally developed by the language training program of the U.S. Foreign Service Institute, revised and adapted by Quakenbush (l989 ) for his sociolinguistic survey of Agutaynen speakers. The interview has three stages: (l)exploratory, (2) analytical, and (3) easing up. The first stage aims to put the interviewee at ease (e.g. 'How are you?', 'Where are you from?'). The second stage is the most complex part of the interview in which the interviewer steers the conversation to different areas totestfor vocabularygrammar, fluency, pronunciation, and comprehension. The third stage is the easing up in which a few simple questions are asked once again to reassure the interviewee that he or she has communicated successfully on at least some level. The proficiency levels 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 characterize spoken language use. Each higher level implies control of the previous level's functions and accuracy. 102 TAJOLOSA

It can be noted from Table 6 that there is a remarkable decline in the use of the Tagbanua language in lowland Irawan. If the figures of language used at home in the different locations will be compared as a whole to the figures of language attitude, there is a difference of 15% between those who still use Tagbanua at home and those who use only Tagalog. In lowland Irawan alone, 54% of those who expressed preference for Tagbanua do not actually use it at home. The mismatch seems to imply that there is a tendency for the respondents to overstate their attitude toward the Tagbanua language but that positive attitude toward the language does not mean it would be used at home. In the case of the Tagbanua in lowland Irawan, it is understandable that since they have joined the mainstream, there would be a greater demand for the use of the Tagalog language outside of the home though Tagbanua can still be spoken there. Realistically, most Tagbanua parents in lowland Irawan admitted that Tagbanua is used only when talking with Tagbanua visitors or relatives who speak the language. Most children never bother to learn the language and parents oftentimes feel it is unnecessary to teach it to their children. The chi­ square test (p-value = 0.001) establishes a significant relationship between language used at home and the location of the speaker. Table 7 presents language used at home according to the ethnic background of the Tagbanua couples.

Table 7 Language Used at Home by Ethnic Background of the Tagbanua Couples

It can be noted that between a pure and non-Tagbanua couple, more than twice the number of couples who speak both Tagbanua and Tagalog speak only Tagalog at home. Between a mixed and non-Tagbanua couple, 15% more use Tagalog at home than those who use Tagbanua. Overall, there are 33 cases of intermarriage among the respondents. At 0.05 level of significance with p­ value of 0.002, we say that the language used at home is somehow related to the spouse's ethnic background. Table 8 presents the young respondents' use of Tagbanua.

103 TAGBANUA

Table 8 Young Respondents' Distribution by Frequency of Tagbanua Use

As shown in Table 8, 45% of the young respondents admitted that Tagbanua is used in their home with four using it rather infrequently. The greater majority have gravitated toward Tagalog. The young interviewees have illustrated that despite the positive attitude of 76% of the respondents, 34% never really use Tagbanua at home. Let us consider adult respondents and educational level:

Table 9 Distribution of Adult Respondents According to Education

Tagalog

*Chi-square test at 0.05 level of significance

104 TAJOLOSA

As can be seen, 93% of those who use Tagbanua only at home are elementary educated, while of those who use both Tagbanua and Tagalog, 65% are elementary educated. Among the secondary level, only 5% speak Tagbanua at home. This somehow implies less preference for the language as the educational level increases. A modified table was used to employ the chi-square test of independence (see Table 9A below).

Table9A ModifiedLanguageUse by Adults and Educational Attainment

Language Used at Home Elementary Secondary Tagbanua

Tagalog

Total

* Chi-square test at 0.05 level of significance

The computed chi-square value of 11.43 indicates that education and language used at home are dependent. A greater number of elementary-level Tagbanua use their native language at home compared to those who have reached secondary level. Other variables like sex and age, on the other hand, have no significant relationship to language use.

3.3 Language proficiency of the Tagbanua Let us now turn to what the proficiency instrument reveals about the language proficiency of the Tagbanua.

Table 10 Respondents' LanguageProficiencyby Sex

Sex Language Proficiency Low High Total 4 2 20 26 4 11 19 34 8 39

As clearly shown, only eight or 13% of the adult respondents have low proficiency in the language. It is remarkable that more than half of the

105 TAGBANUA respondents are higWy proficient in the language. No relationship however, was found between sex and proficiency in the language. We now consider language proficiency and its relationship to location:

Table 11 Respondents' Language Proficiency according to Location

8 5 13 High 27 5 39 Total 39 13 * Chi-square testat 0.05levelof significance

As can be seen, 38% of the respondents in lowland Irawan are highly proficient in the language despite the fact that some of them have been with non-Tagbanua speakers for almost 10 years. The chi-square test of independence between location and language proficiency was found to be insignificant with a p-value of 0.147. Is the picture different with the younger respondents?

Table 12 Young Respondents' Tagbanua LanguageProficiency Based on Frequency of Use

o 5 Infrequent 4 4 Not at all(Tagalog 19 21 only) Total

As illustrated in the table, 90% of those who use only Tagalog at home have low proficiency in the Tagbanua language while the few who speak the language as mother tongue are higWy proficient. Those who speak the Tagbanua language at home as often as Tagalog are intermediate in proficiency. This

106 TAJOLOSA implies the importance that language used at home has in developing the language proficiency of the children. As to the five respondents who are level 1 (very low) proficient only, Tagalog is the only language spoken at home, and data show that because parents do not speak Tagbanua at home, the children will not learn Tagbanua at all. In fact, according to these children, they have learned Tagbanua from listening to conversations of neighbors. These children have a positive attitude toward the Tagbanua language.

3.4 Interrelationship among language attitude, use, and proficiency The next table shows how some of these variables interact with each other.

Table 13 Distribution of Respondents' Language Attitude by Language Used at Home

LanguageAttitude LanguageUsed at Home Tagbanua Tagalog Prefers Tagbanua

Prefers Tagalog

As can be seen, 77% of the respondents said they prefer to use the Tagbanua language, but in reality, only 23% use the language at home. The difference between the language preferred (attitude) and the language used at home seems to suggest that there is a tendency for speakers to overstate their preference for the Tagbanua language but may not really be using it at home. As previously illustrated, a positive language attitude does not necessarily lead to language use at home. For the children, however, use of the Tagbanua language at home is very significant in developing their proficiency.

107 TAGBANUA

Table 14 Language Attitude and Language Proficiency Cross Tabulation

Prefers Tagalog

As shown in Table 14, no one who has a positive attitude toward the language is low proficient. It can be noted too that the highly proficient respondents are four times as many as the intermediate proficient. It can be noted too that out of the 14 respondents who have a negative attitude toward Tagbanua, nine are low proficient. Test of significance finds a relationship between language attitude and proficiency. It is not conclusive, though, whether it is the attitude that influences proficiency or the other way around but it is likely that those who are proficient in the language will have a positive attitude toward the language.

4. Conclusion Based on the analysis of the data collected from the questionnaire and interviews, this researcher has arrived at the following conclusions: Firstly, it is clear from the data that Tagalog has taken the place of the Tagbanua language at home and has become the Tagbanua speakers' first vernacular. Owing to this, the Tagbanua language is considered an endangered language in Irawan. Note the fact that barely one fourth of the children speak the language. In the case of the Tagbanua in Irawan, it does not follow that a positive attitude toward the Tagbanua language will lead to the language being used at home and neither does it guarantee proficiency in the language. Despite the fact that 85% of the adults have between intermediate to high level proficiency in the Tagbanua language, only 61% use the language at home. Since home is considered to be the language nest where children can learn the language at its best, if parents choose not to speak the Tagbanua language at home, there would be less chance that it would be learned by their children. That observation is supported by the fact that the 20% of the young respondents who are intermediate and highly proficient in Tagbanua are those whose mother tongue is Tagbanua and those who use it at home as frequently as Tagalog.

108 TAJOLOSA

Education and migration (from the Tagbanua community to the mainstream society) undoubtedly have a deleterious effect on the respondents' attitude toward the Tagbanua language. Education is mentioned here because of the constant exposure to the non-Tagbanua speakers. The respondents who may not have established strong ties with their group and their ancestral language have the tendency to identify more with the outsiders. Awareness of the low status which the non-Tagbanua speakers directly and indirectly ascribe to Tagbanua may discourage its speakers from speaking or even learning the language. Likewise, migration limits the demand for the use of the Tagbanua language as shown in the case of the Tagbanua in lowland Irawan. These respondents being proficient in Tagalog will definitely prefer Tagalog since they are surrounded by non-Tagbanua speakers. Again, the desire to belong might prompt them to deny their real identity (as was done by one student who refused to be interviewed) or show a lack of concern for the language. A relationship between intermarriage and language attitude was established; however, no conclusion could be reached between stereotyping and language attitude owing to the small sample size. The possible effect of stereotyping on the attitude of the respondents (based on the researcher's observations/interviews of both Tagbanua and non-Tagbanua speakers) toward the Tagbanua language cannot be ignored. At the time of finalizing this paper, the handful of elders in Taga-ud had already been relocated to the mainstream society. With the present status of the language, the hope for survival lies in the hands of both the Tagbanua and non­ Tagbanua speakers. Firstly, the non-Tagbanua speakers should realize that by not participating in stereotyping of the Tagbanua speakers both in words and in deeds, they give the latter the feeling of acceptance in the society. Secondly, the government should remain protective of the indigenous group's habitat and their culture, ensuring that government interventions for economic progress will not take for granted the people's inherent rights and cultural preservation. Thirdly, educational institutions should participate actively in building the students' pride in their own cultural groups and their native languages. Lastly, and most importantly, the Tagbanua speakers themselves, both youth and adults, should realize their role in perpetuating their language. If all of these take place, then perhaps the Tagbanua language will survive into succeeding generations, despite globalization. It is to be stressed that despite the efforts of educational institutions, the government, and the non-Tagbanua speakers in the community, the survival of the Tagbanua language depends to a great extent on the efforts exerted by its native speakers. According to Crawford (1998), tribal initiative and control are essential to language revitalization because language choices are a matter of consensus within each community. In the exact words of Krauss (1992b, as cited by Crawford), '[a]ll important is the people's will to restore their languages. You cannot from the outside inculcate into people the will to maintain their

109 TAGBANUA languages. That has to come from them. If endangered languages are to be saved, it is crucial for native speakers to see the value of doing so and get actively involved in the process'.

REFERENCES

Crawford, J. (1998). Endangered native American languages: What is to be done, and why? (http://ourworldcompuserve.com/homepages/lWCRAWFORD /brj.htm). Eder, J. (2004). Who are the Cuyunon? Ethnic identity in the modern Philippines. JournalofAsian Studies63(3),625-647. Krauss, M. (1992a) The world's language-in crisis. Language, 68, 6-10. Krauss, M. (1992b) Statement of Mr. Michael Krauss, representing the Linguistic Society of America. In U.S. Senate, Native American Languages Act of·1991: Hearing before the Select Committee on Indian Affairs (pp. 18-22). Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Quakenbush, J.S. (1989). Language useandproficiency in a multilingual setting. Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines. Seebold, R. A. (2003). Central Tagbanua, a Philippine language on the brink of extinction. Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines.

110 OBITUARY PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS Volume 37, Number 1 June 2006

In Memoriam BROTHER ANDREW GONZALEZ FSC (February 29,1940 - January 29,2006)

When Br. Andrew Gonzalez passed away on January 29,2006, a month before he would have turned 66, he had alteady accomplished in one lifetime what more ordinary mortals would have accomplished in two or three lifetimes. He was an outstanding student. At De La Salle College on Taft Avenue, he skipped two grades in elementary school and then graduated salutatorian in high school. He gtaduated summa cum laude at Saint Mary's College in Winona, Minnesota (now Saint Mary's University of Minnesota), with a major in English. Upon graduation in 1959, he immediately pursued a Master's degree in English Literature and completed this degtee in 1960 at the Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C. He finished his PhD. in Linguistics at the University of California Berkeley in 1970 as a Regents' Fellow in Linguistics and a Stanley Tasheira Scholar. In 1978, he garnered first place among 100,000 examinees in the professional board examinations for teachers, scoring 86.12% without formally reviewing for the exams. He was an outstanding institution builder. There is no space to describe how he built up De La Salle University in his four terms as University President (1979-1991 and 1993-1998); let it simply be said that the school was transformed from a boys' college in the sixties to the research university it is today. He likewise tried to build up the Department of Education, Culture and Sports when he served as Secretary from 1998 to 2001, but he did not have enough time to accomplish what he had sought out to do. He was an outstanding linguist, albeit, it turns out now, a reluctant one. He had initially wanted to be a theologian, but his Provincial decided that he should continue in his study of language. He resented the decision at that time but later came around to seeing it as the workings of Providence. As we know, he became a prolific language scholar contributing important studies in descriptive linguistics, historical linguistics, psycholinguistics, sociolinguistics, and applied linguistics. In descriptive linguistics, he wrote articles on various phonetic, syntactic, and lexical features of Tagalog and his most noteworthy contribution in this area might be his UC Berkeley doctoral dissertation on the semantics of Kapampangan. His work on historical linguistics includes a study of the old Tagalog grammars and religious writings of the Spanish missionaries. As one of only a handful of psycholinguists in the Philippines, he did a pioneering case study of the acquisition of Tagalog by two children and he also prepared a state of the art paper on child language studies in the Philippines. In the area of applied linguistics, specifically language teaching, Br. Andrew made

III contributions to both theory and practice, actually editing a series of English textbooks for grade school, high school, and college. It was through his influence that English for Specific Purposes became an established approach in Philippine schools. But it is in the area of sociolinguistics that he has had the greatest impact. Together with his dear friend and esteemed colleague, Bonifacio P. Sibayan, he has made Philippine sociolinguistics well-known throughout the world. He wrote the canonical work on the Filipinos' quest for a national language (Language and nationalism. The Philippine experience thusfat', 1980 - in his opinion, his most important work). Of this book, the late Professor Cecilio Lopez, dean of Filipino linguists, remarked in his Preface that after this volume, subsequent work on the topic would be 'footnotes' to the work. He laid out the language agenda for the Philippines for the twenty-first century: the maintenance of English and the development of Filipino, especially its intellectualization. He was at the forefront of policy formulation, especially with regard to national language and language-in-education policy. He directed several language surveys and co-authored a work reviewing and critiquing 70 language surveys done in the Philippines. Together with a colleague, he explored the features of Philippine English in the print media and went beyond impressionistic descriptions to more quantitative descriptions. His attempts to define when errors became features ofthe new Englishes and his proposition that the sociolectal varieties of English in the Philippines are a function of extent and quality of education rather than social class gave rise to important research in the field. He studied not only the dialectal features of Philippine English but the features of Philippine English as these have evolved over different generations of Filipino users of English. His publications have appeared in journals and books in the Philippines and also in the United States, Germany, Russia (Commonwealth of Independent States, formerly the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics), Taiwan, China, Hong Kong, Singapore, Japan, and the United Kingdom. Some of his works have been translated into Japanese, Mandarin Chinese, and Russian. But his legacy to Philippine linguistics should be measured not only in terms of his substantial contributions to scholarship but also in terms of his efforts to build up persons and institutions in the discipline. He taught and mentored a number of students who are now doing important work in linguistics and language education. More importandy, he strengthened the Linguistic Society of the Philippines by raising funds and by making it a visible provider of training and research expertise for language-related matters. He was Executive Secretary of the Linguistic Society of the Philippines for 17 years and editor of its journal, the Philippine Journalif Linguistics, for 21 years. Mainly through his efforts, the Linguistic Society of the Philippines and the Philippine Journalof Linguistics have had an impact on Philippine social sciences and Philippine education.

112 Service to his discipline and his country was the hallmark of Br, Andrew's life. In the words of Br, Edmundo Fernandez FSC, Brother Visitor of the La Salle Provincialate, in his eulogy at the funeral Mass, Br. Andrew's greatness lay in selfless service. The description of him in the obituary prepared by the De La Salle Brothers of the Philippine Province captures the essence of the person we have lost: 'A man of vision, a man with a mission, institution builder, academician, linguist, intellectual. A disciple and citizen, prophet and professional, who brought the transforming power of the Gospel to bear on every human endeavor in order to realize God's kingdom of truth, justice, love and peace.'

Here, I'd like to add a more personal note, to bring back the image of a youthful 42-year old Br. Andrew. Perhaps the best way to share the person we knew is through a letrer he sent during a six-month leave as DLSU President to join a spiritual renewal program in Rome (and later in Assisi). In the letter below (typewritten straight, without erasures), we see the values he held dear as administrator and scholar: erudition, hard work, service to the country, love of one's discipline, assiduous scholarship. But we also see the person and friend shining through: his sense of wonder and excitement (all those exclamation points!), his warmth, his personal concern. For all these reasons, we will miss him more than words can ever say.

CENTRO INTERNAZIONALE LASALLIANO 478, Via Aurelia - C. P. 9099 00100 ROIna 21 February 1982

Dear Tish:

113 to cont r ad.ic t i ons 0 structure operations as a parameter tagmemics!). (...) I hope you continue your work on yaya-English by widening the and by working with the other groups; any progress on

Take care 0 Give my love and regards to all my friends. And work too hard! I hope you have been able to recruit

the that yOUneed 0

Sincerely in St 0 La Salle,

~I1A..AAA'_""'-

MaoLourdes S. Bautista De La Salle University-Manila February 13, 2006

114 LINGUISTIC SOCIETY OF THE PHILIPPINES Activities, Research and Publications 2006

A. MONTHLY MEETINGS

The Board met monthly on the first Tuesday of the month to consider pending matters.

B. ANNUAL LECTURES

March 4, 2006 Annual Lecture of the Conference Room 508, Bonifacio P. Sibayan Yuchengco Building Distinguished Professorial Chair De La Salle University - Manila in Applied Linguistics

Chairholder: Dinah F. Mindo, Ph.D. Lecture: 'The English Language Proficiency Program of Elementary School Teachers in Region III'

Annual Lecture of the Andrew Gonzalez, FSC Distinguished Professorial Chair in Linguistics and Language Testing

Chairholder: Hsiu-chuan Liao, Ph.D. Lecture: 'Philippine Linguistics: The State of the Art 1981-2005'

C. INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE

The Tenth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics was held in Puerto Princesa City, Palawan on January 17-20, 2006. The Linguistic Society of the Philippines and SIL International were co-sponsors for this conference. Plenary lectures were given by Dr. Lawrence A. Reid (On reconstructing the morphosyntax of Proto-Northern Luzon) and Dr. Nicole Revel (Memory of voice: archiving and analyzing oral composition).

115 Pre-organized sessions included the following, with organizers indicated in parentheses: Austronesian sociolinguistics (Victoria Rau) Austronesian transitivity and ergativity (Ricky Nolasco) Dictionaries and dictionary making in Austronesian (Andrew Pawley) Early Austronesian subgrouping (Laurent Sagart) Epics in Austronesian languages and cultures (Nicole Revel) Language endangerment in Central Maluku (Margaret Florey) Languages and literature in Palawan (Susan Evangelista) Noun phrase structures: functional elements and reference tracking (Simon Musgrave and Michael Ewing) Pronoun ordering typology in Austronesian (Loren Billings) Teaching Austronesian languages (David Zorc) Other sessions featured papers on creoles, deictics, discourse, Formosan languages, historical linguistics, Indonesian languages, language contact, nominals, Oceanic languages, Philippine syntax, phonetics/phonology, possessives, predicates, reduplication, and theoretical issues. A highlight of the opening day was the launching of Currentissuesin Phihppine linguistics and anthropology: A ftstschriftin honorif Lawrence A. Reid,edited by Hsiu­ chuan Liao and Carl G. Rubino, jointly published by SIL and LSP. A final dinner was held on the evening of Friday, January 20, including a performance of singers of tales from the highlands of Palawan and Mindanao, and the island of Tawi-Tawi. An optional field trip to Tabon Caves followed on January 21. A total of 153 papers were delivered at 10-ICAL. Abstracts for all of the presentations, and 89 actual papers (representing all those submitted by their authors by March 31, 2006) are posted on the website www.siLorg/asia/philippines/ical There were 200 participants at 10-ICAL, including the secretarial staff from LSP and SIL. In rough numerical order of importance, participants came from the following countries: Philippines, USA, Taiwan, Australia, Indonesia, Japan, Germany, Russia, Malaysia, France, Hong Kong, New Zealand, Canada, Netherlands, Switzerland, Austria, UK, Finland, Ghana, and Papua New Guinea. Special thanks from LSP and SIL International go to the Representative of the Taipei Economic and Cultural Office, Dr. Hsin-hsing Wu, who hosted the lunch on the opening day of lO-ICAL; Puerto Princesa City Mayor Edward S. Hagedorn, who hosted a sit-down dinner for 250 on the evening of January 16; and Senator Loi Estrada, who hosted a merienda for the participants. The staff of the Puerto Princesa Legend Hotel went out of their way to assist all the participants, and the LSP and SIL officers and secretariat made every effort to contribute to the success of the Conference. Dan Brooks and

116 Rafael Sison of SIL International provided expert IT technical support before, during, and after the Conference. The participants were one in saying that lO-ICAL was one successful ICALs ever. In the words of an Australian participant: for the excellent, nay superb, conference.'

E. PUBLICATIONS

PhilippineJournalofUnguistics, Volume 36 Numbers 1 & 2 (Tuneand December 2005)

Unguistics andlanguage education in thePhilippines andbryond: Aftstschrift in honor ofMa. LourdesS. Bautista. (2005). Edited by Danilo T. Dayag and J.Stephen Quakenbush. Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines.

117 OFFICERS OF THE EXECUTIVE BOARD March 2005 - May 2006

AngelaP.Sarile IsabelP.Martin EdilbertaC.Bala Ma. Lourdes S. Bautista DaniloT.Dayag J.Stephen Quakenbush Andrew Gonzalez, FSC Emy M. Pascasio Maria Clara V, Ravina Anna Ma. Gloria S. Ward Executive Secretary Emma S. Castillo

LIFETIME MEMBERS OF THE LINGUISTIC SOCIETY OF THE PHILIPPINES

1. ABAS, HUSEN, Language Centre, Hasanuddin University,Jala Sinu 199, Ujung, Pandang, Indonesia 2. ACEDERA, ANNABELLE P., Xavier University, Ateneo de Cagayan, P.O. Box 24, 9000 CagayandeOroCity,Philippines APELO, CRESTITA, 7 Faith St. Remmanville Village,Paraiiaque City 1700 AURELIO, "MARIA ANGELICA J., Brgy. 9, Bagumbayan St., Laoag City 29000, Philippines BALA, EDILBERTA c.,Philippine Normal University,Taft Avenue, Manila,Philippines BALLESTEROS, CRISTINA !'vfINA,Ilocos Norte College of Arts and Trades, P. Gomez St.,LaoagCity,Philippines BARRETTO-DANGANI, DOLORES, Muntinlupa Polytechnic College, NBP Reservation, Muntinlupa City, Philippines 8. BARRIDO, EVELYN L., Central Mindanao University Campus, Musuan, Bukidnon, Philippines 9. BAUTISTA, MA. LOURDES, De La Salle University, 2401 Taft Avenue, Manila, Philippines 10. BEN'TON, RICHARD, P.O. Box 33, Ngaruawahia,Waikato 3742, New Zealand 11. BRAINARD, SHERRI, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City,Box 2270 CPO, 1099 Manila,Philippines 12. CASTILLO, EMMA S., Philippine Normal University,'TaftAvenue, Manila. Philippines 13. CONKLIN, HAROill c., Yale University, Anthropology, 51 Hillhouse Avenue, New Haven CT 06520 USA 14. CRISTOBAL, EMMA c., De La Salle-Zobel,AyalaAlabang, Philippines 15. CUADRA, CHRISTOPHER E., 606-2-12 Kimachi-dori, Aoba-ku, Sendai 980-0801, Miyagi-ken,Japan 16. DANAO, "MARIASHIRLEY G., Letran, 151 MurallaStreet, Intramuros, Manila 17. DANAO, NEONI'TA D., Bukidnon State College,Malaybalay,Bukidnon, Philippines 18. DAYAG, DANILO 1., Department of English and Applied Linguistics, De La Salle University-Manila,2401 Taft Avenue, Manila,Philippines 19. DE TORRES, AMOR Q., Xavier University, Cagayande Oro City,Philippines

118 20. EDDING, NIMFA R., Apolinario Loop, Gniwan, Zamboanga City,Philippines 21. EUGENIO, SAMSON C, Assumpta Academy, SanJose, Bulacan, Bulacan 3017 22. FIGUEROA, JEAN DE ASIS, Philippine Normal University, Cadiz City Branch, Negros Occidental 6121, Philippines 23. FORTUNATO, TERESITA, Filipino Department, De La Salle University-Manila, 2401 Taft Avenue, Manila,Philippines 24. GALANG, ROSITA GALLEGA, School of Education, University of San Francisco, 2130 Fulton Street, San Francisco, CA 94115 25. GENZOR, JOSEF, Department of Oriental Studies, Slovak. Academy of Sciences, Klemensova 19, 813, 64,Bratislava, Czechoslovakia 26. GRANDE, ERIC JOYCE DE LA CRUZ, Language and Communication Division, Humanities Department, Universityof the Philippines, Los Banos, Laguna 27. HERUEL'\, ARLENE G., Leyte Normal University,Tacloban City,Philippines 28. HIMES, RONALD S., Department of Anthropology, College of Arts and Letters, San Diego University, 5500 CampanileDrive, San Diego CA92182-4443 29. KAWAHARA, TOSHIAKI, 2-90 Midorigaoka, Tsubata-machi, Kahokugun, Ishikawa-ken 929-0322,Japan 30. KOBARI, YOSHIHIRO, Block 8 Lot 5 Treelane Park Subdivision, Pututan, Muntinlupa City, Metro Manila 1770, Philippines 31. KROEGER, PAUL, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City,Philippines 32. LAMPINEN, KAREN MD., r.o. Box 1997-1159 QCCPO, 1100 Quezon City, Philippines 33. LAUREL, MA. MILAGROS C, 10 Kalaw, Mira-nilaHomes, Quezon City,Philippines 34. LISING, JENIFER LOY V., National Center for English Language Teaching and Research, Division of Linguistics and Psychology, Macquarie University NSW 2109, Australia 35. LLAMZON, TEODORO A., 519 Batangas East Street, Ayala Alabang, Muntinlupa, Philippines 36. LOPEZ, MARCOS Y., G. Purok 1 Sucol, Calumpit, Bulacan 3003, Philippines 37. MAI<:ARENKO, VLADIMIR, Flat No.9, 93 Vemdskogo Prospect, V-526, Moscos, U.S.S.R. 38. MAREE, RUNDELL, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City,Philippines 39. MARTIN, ISABEL P., English Department, Ateneo de Manila University, Katipunan Avenue, Loyola Heights, Quezon City,Philippines 40. MARZAN, JOCELYN B., College of Allied Medical Professions, University of the Philippines - Manila,Padre Faura comer Maria Orosa Sts., Ermita, Manila 1000 41. McFARLAND, CURTIS, Fujirnachi,1-7-80-305,Nishi-Tokyo-shi 202-0014 Tokyo, Japan 42. McKAUGHAN, HOWARD, 17921 S.E. Grand Island na, Dayton, OR 97114, U.S.A. 43. McqUAY, SUE, Summer Institute of Linguistics,12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 44. MICIANO, REMEDIOS Z., De La SalleUniversity, 2401 Taft Avenue, Manila,Philippines 45. MOJICA, LEONISA A., Department of English and Applied Linguistics, De La Salle University, 2401 Taft Avenue, Manila 46. MOLONY, CAROL, PechIer 225 McKendry Drive, Menlo Park, CA94025 47. ONOHARA, NOBUYOSHI, Kagawa University, Faculty of Education 1, Saiwai-cho Takamatsu-shi,Japan 48. OUE, MASANAO, # G803 5-2 Mukogaoka Sanda City, Hyogo,Japan 49. PALO, MA. TERESITA M., 1105 A. Roxas, Singaiong,Manila, Philippines 50. PASCASIO, EMY M., Ateneo de Manila University, Loyola Heights, Quezon City, Philippines

Il9 51. PENAFLORIDA, ANDREA H, B24 137 Villa de Toledo, Sta. Rosa, Laguna 52. PERSONS, GARY, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City, Philippines 53. PINEDA, PONCIANO B.P., Komisyon sa Wtkang Filipino, 1610 Watson Building, J.P. laurel Street, San Miguel,Manila, Philippines 54. QUAKENBUSH, STEVE, Summer Institute of linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City, Philippines 55. RAMOS, TERESITA, University of Hawaii at Manoa, Spalding Hall, Honolulu, Hawaii 96822 56. RAMOS, VICTORIA R., Letran, 151 Muralla Street, Intramuros, Manila 57. REID, LAWRENCE A., Pacific and Asian Linguistics Institute, University of Hawaii, 1980 East-West road, Honolulu, Hawaii 96822, U.s.A. 58. ROJO-LAURILLA, MIWRED A., Department of English and Applied Linguistics, De La Salle University-Manila, 2401 Taft Avenue, Manila, Philippines 59. SAITO, DELIA VIllALON, F 125-0051 Nijuku Katsushika-ku 5-6-15, Tokyo, Japan 60. SANTOS, ROSA NILO, Lot 19 Block 7 Coolidge St., Phase l-A parkwood Greens Executive Village, Maybunga, Pasig City, Philippines 61. SARILE, ANGELA P., 65 Pilar Banzon St., B.F. Homes Paraiiaque 1700, Philippines 62. SUAREZ, RHODORA P., Cavite State University, Indang, Cavite 4122 63. TABACUG, JULIETA Y, 128-1 St. Ignatius Subdivision, Cabato Road, Tetuan, Zamboanga City, Philippines 64. TANA, VINA GRACE Z., 22 A. Bonifacio Street, Sta. Lucia, Novaliches, Quezon City, Philippines 65. TANANGKINGSING, MICHAEL., P.O. Box 53-1299, Taipei 106, Taiwan 66. TIOZQN-DE LA CRUZ, EVANGELINE, Leyte Normal University, Tacloban City, Philippines 67. TRICK, DOUG, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City, Philippines 68. VILLALON, DELIA V., 185 Sampaloc St. Juslinville Subdivision, Bacoor Cavite 4102, Philippines 69. YUTAKA, OGIWARA, Kawashimocho 123, Sasebo, Nagasaki, Japan 70. ZACARIAS, MA. ERLINDA, Colegio de San Lorenzo, Congressional Avenue, Project 6, Quezon City, Philippines 71. ZORC, DAVID, 3410 Glorus Place, Silver Spring MD 20902

MEMBERS OF THE LINGUISTIC SOCIETY OF THE PHILIPPINES, 2006·2007

1. ADEVA, ALICE B., Department of Arts and Communication, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines - Manila, Padre Faura St., Ermita, Manila 2. ADVENTIST UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES, Adventist University of the Philippines, Puling Kahoy, Silang, Cavite, P.O. Box 1834, Manila 3. ALCOBERES, PHILIP JAY N., Far Eastern University, Nicanor Reyes St., Sampaloc, Manila 4 ALEJO, ROSEMARIE D., University of Perpetual Help-Laguna, Brgy. Sto. Nino, Bifian, Laguna 5. ALPARO, MARYLYN G., Blk. 38, Lot 24, Tierra Nevada Subdivision, Phase 1 General Trias. Cavite 6. ARCEO, SHALIMAR H., University of Cebu - Maritime Education & Training Center, Alumnos, MambaIing, Cebu City 6000

120 7. AQUINO, JULITA G., Eulogio "Amang" Rodriguez Institute of Science and Technology (EARIS1), Nagtahan, Sampaloc, Manila 8. ATIENZA, MARIA MARTHA VERONICA R., Department of English and Applied Linguistics, De La Salle University - Manila, 2401 Taft Avenue, Manila 9. BARLAAN, RUDY, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 10. BASIBAS, ALICIA G., University of Perpetual Help System, Brgy. Sto. Nino, Bifian, Laguna 11. BURTON, scon, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 12. CALINAWAGAN, ELIZABETH A., University of the Philippines - Bagnio, Baguio City 13. CATALINA, SANTIAGO B., Adventist University of the Philippines, Puting Kahoy, Silang, Cavite, P.O. Box 1834, Manila 14. CHAVEZ, THOMAS DAVID, Philippine Normal University, Taft Avenue, Manila, Philippines 15. DEKKER, GREG, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 16. DE LA CRUZ, MARIANO S., Technological University of the Philippines, Ayala Boulevard,Ermita, Manila 17. ERRINGTON, ROSS-ELLEN, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 18. ESCANDALLO, BELINDA N., University of Cebu - Maritime Education & Training Center, Alumnos, Mambaling, Cebu City 6000 19. GOCHECO, PAULINA, Department of English and Applied Linguistics, De La Salle University, 2401 TaftAvenue,Manila 20. GOCHUICO, JONATHAN V., Languages and Literature Department, De La Salle - Dasmarifias, Dasmariiias, Cavite 21. GONONG, GINA 0., Philippine Normal University, Taft Avenue, Manila 22. GUMILET-CANLAS, FORTEZA, Pampanga Agriculture College, Magalang, Pampanga 23. HALE, AUSTIN, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 24. HALL, WILLIAM, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 25. HARTUNG, PAT, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 26. HEADLAND, THOMAS, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 27. HUGGINS, JACQUELINE, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 28. HURLBUT, HOPE, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 29. JACOBSON, MARC, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 30. JALLORINA, ALMA T., University of Perpetual Help-Laguna, Brgy. Sto. Nino, Bifian, Laguna 31. JOHNSON, ALLAN, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 32. KHOR, LEE, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 33. LARSON, VIRGINIA, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 34. LAT, ULPIANA Q., Batangas State University - Jose P. Laurel Polytechnic College, Poblacion,Malvar,Batangas 35. LEE, MERLYN, De La Salle- Dasmarifias, Dasmariiias, Cavite 36. LIBRARY BAGABAG, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City

121 37. LIBRARY GIAL, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 38. LIBRARY INDONESIA, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 39. LIBRARY MANILA, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 40. LIBRARY NASULI, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 41. LIBRARY SIL DAVAO, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 42. LLIDO, PAUL, Department of Languages, College of Arts and Sciences, University of San Carlos, P. Del Rosario, Cebu City , 43. MARTINEZ, LIZA B., Philippine Deaf Resource Center, Inc., 27 K-7 Street, West Kamias, Quezon City 1102 44. MARTINEZ, RENETTE C, North Davao College, Quirino St., Panabo City, Davao del Norte 45. MEDELLIN, JASMIN P., Kagawaran ng Filipino at Panitikan, De La Salle - Dasmarifias, Dasmariiias,Cavite 46. MELVIN, MELISSA, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 47. MERCADO, MARIA CRISTINA P., University of the East CM. Recto, Manila 48. MINDO, DINAH F., DepEd Region 3, Maimpis, San Fernando City, Pampanga 49. MINGO, LEONORA L., Notre Dame of Dadiangas College, General Santos City 50. MONTEALEGRE, MA. ANTOINETTE C, 3F BPS Hall, Department of LBEL, Philippine Normal University, Manila 51. NAVARRO, TORIBIO JR. P., 120 Charism-a,Dona Andrea 2, Rosario, Pasig City 52. NEWELL, LEN, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 53. NOLASCO, RICARDO MA D., Department of Linguistics, University of the Philippines - Diliman,QuezonCity 54. PALMA,JOAN P., Notre Dame of Marbel University, Alunan Avenue, Koronadal City 55. PEBLEY, CAROL, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 56. PEMI, MARY ANN JOSETTE E., Department of Arts and Communication, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines - Manila, Padre Fanta St., Ermita, Manila 57. PEREZ, JAIRUS C, Translation Division, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, Cebu Translation Office, 3nl floor, Drearnfield Bldg., Sanciangko St., Cebu City 58. POBLETE, JUDY H., Adventist University of the Philippines, Puling Kahoy, Silang, Cavite, P.O. Box 1834, Manila 59. PULIDO, NORA 1., Adventist University of the Philippines, Puling Kahoy, Silang, Cavite, P.O. Box 1834,Manila 60. QUICK, PHIL, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 61. RADOVAN, JULIA LEA B., Southern Luzon Polytechnic College Lucban, Quezon 62. RAPPA, PHYLLIS, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 63. REGALA-FLORES, EDEN, Department of English and Applied Linguistics, De La Salle University - Manila, 2401Taft Avenue, Manila 64. REPE, ANATALIA T., Our Lady of Fatima University, 120 Mac Arthur Highway, Valenzuela City 65. REYES, JULIET S., Adventist University of the Philippines, Puling Kahoy, Silang, Cavite, P.O. Box 1834,Manila 66. SALAZAR, GINA S., Department of Arts and Communication, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines - Manila, Padre Faura St., Ermita, Manila 67. SANTOS, ROBERT BJORN 0., Our Lady of Fatima University, 120 Mac Arthur Highway, Valenzuela City

122 68. SANTOS-DIGAN, PORTIA, Emoticon Computer Services, Suite #3, 4/F Triumph Bldg., #1610 Quezon Avenue, South Triangle, Quezon City 1103 69. SCHELLER, DON, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 70. SISON, NORA M., St.Joseph College, E. Rodriguez Avenue, Quezon City 71. STALLSMITH, GLENN-SARAH, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 72. TIO, JILSON N., Our Lady of Fatima University, 120 Mac Arthur Highway, Valenzuela City 73. TOLENTINO, OLIVETH H., Adventist University of the Philippines, Puting Kahoy, Silang,Cavite,P.o. Box 1834, Manila 74. UY, CORAZON L., San Sebastian College - Recoletos, Claro M. Recto, Rizal Avenue, Manila 75. VICTORIANO, LOURDES M., DepEd-Las Piiias Division, Padre Diego Cera Avenue, Brgy. Aldana, Las Piiias City, Metro Manila 76. VIDAL, CONRADO JR. F., Olivarez College - Tagaytay, Olivarez Plaza, E. Aguinaldo Highway, San Jose, Tagaytay City 'VILLAREAL, CORAZON, English Department, University of the Philippines - Dillman, Quezon City 78. WEST, ANNE, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 79. WRIGGLESWORTH, HAZEL, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 80. YAMAMI, RITSUKO, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 12 Big Horseshoe Drive, Quezon City 81. YANGCO, ANTONIO D., University of Perpetual Help-Laguna, Brgy. Sto. Nino, Bifian,

82. YAP,. FE .1\.,Kornisyon sa W~~angFilipino, Malacafiang, Manila 83. 12 Big Horseshoe Drive,

123 LINGUISTIC SOCIETY OF THE PHILIPPINES c/o LinguisticsOffice De La SalleUniversity 2401 Taft Avenue, Manila,Philippines TelefaxNo. (632) 526-1402

PUBLICATIONS

PHILIPPINE JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS. Official Journal. studies in descriptive, comparative, historical and areal linguistics as on the application of theory to language teaching. P500.00/US$50. Yeatlysubscription rate (001)

TAGMEMIC GRAMMAR OF IVATAN by' Cesar A. Hidalgo and Araceli C. Hidalgo. Philippine journal of LinguisticsSpecialMonograph Series No. 2. 1971. P20.00/US$4.00(002)

LANGUAGE PLANNING AND THE BUILDING OF A NATIONAL LANGUAGE: ESSAYS IN HONOR OF SANTIAGO A. FONACIER ON HIS NINETY­ SECOND BIRTHDAY by Bonifacio P. Sibayan and Andrew Gonzalez, FSC (eds.) 1977. P35.00/US$7.00(003)

PARANGAL KAY CECILIO LOPEZ by Andrew Gonzalez, FSC (ed.) Special Monograph Series no. 4. 1973 P25.00/US$5.00(005)

A PRELIMINARY ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF FILIPINO LINGUISTICS (1604­ 1976) compiled by vladimir A. Makarenko, ed. By Andrew Gonzalez, FSC and CatolinaSacris.1981 P5.00/US$15.00(009)

LANGUAGE POLICY FORMULATION, PROGRAMMING, IMPLEMENTATION AND EVALUATION IN PHILIPPINE EDUCATION (1565-1974) by Emma F. Bernabe. Monograph Series No. 25. 1987. P125.00/US$25.00(soft-bound) (013-s) P150.00/US$30.00(hard-bound) (013-h)

EVALUATING BILINGUAL EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES (1974-1985) A. Gonzalez and B.P. Sibayan,eds. 1988 P130.00/US$26.00 (041)

A FREQUENCY COUNT OF FILIPINO by CD. McFarland. 1989. P120.00/US$25.00(042)

SYNTACTIC CONTRAST by Osamu Ikari. 1992. P120.00/US$25.00(043)

ADAPTATION IN JAPANESE by Osamu Ikari. 1995. P120.00/US$25.00(045)

TODAY AND TOMORROW by OsamuIkari. 1995. P120.00/US$25.00(046)

IMPEDIMENTS TO LEARNING ENGLISH by Osamu Ikari, 1996. P120.00/US$25.00(047)

124 LANGUAGE IN SCHOOLS by Andrew Gonzalez, FSC and Bonifacio P. Sibayan (eds.). 1996. P200.00jUS$20.00(048)

A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PHILIPPINE LINGUISTICS by Rex Johnson. 1996. P3S0.00jUS$3S.00(049)

APPLIED LINGUISTICS: Focus on Second Language Learning Teaching by Emma S. Castillo (ed.).1997 P200.00jUS$20.00(OSO)

ALAY SA WIK.A: Essays in Honor of Fe T. Otanes on her 67th Birthday by Emma S. Castillo (ed.).1996. P200.00jUS$20.00(OSl)

PAGTANAW-Essays on Language in Honor of Teodoro A. Llarnzon by Mac Lourdes S Bautista (ed.). 1998. P200.00jUS$20.00(052)

THE INTELLECTUALIZATION OF FILIPINO and SociolinguisticsbyBonifacioP.Sibayan.1999.

THE FILIPINO BILINGUAL: A Multidisciplinary Perspective-Festschrift in Honor of Emy M. Pascasio by Ma. Lourdes S. Bautista and Grace O. Tan (eds). 1999. P250.00jUS$2S.00(054)

PARANGAL CANG BROTHER ANDREW- Festschrift for Andrew Gonzalez on His Sixtienth Birthday by Ma, Lourdes S. Bautista, Teodoro A. Llamzon and Bonifacio P.Sibayan(eds.).2000. P400.00jUS$40.00(055)

THE LANGUAGE PROVISION of the 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines by Andrew Gonzalez, FSC and Wilfrido V. Villacorta. 2001. P350.00jUS$35.00(056)

THREE STUDIES ON PHILIPPINE ENGLISH ACROSS GENERATIONS: Towards an Integration and Some Implications by Andrew Gonzalez, FSC, Thelma V. Jambalos and Ma. Corona S. Romero. 2003 P350.00jUS$35.00 (057)

LINGUISTICS AND LANGUAGE EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES AND BEYOND - A Festschrift in Honor of Ma. Lourdes S. Bautista by Danilo T. Dayag and J.Stephen Quakenbush (eds.), 2005. P480.00jUS$48.00 (58)

125 DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS (Ateneo de Manila-Philippine Normal College-De La Salle University Consortium for a PhD. in Linguistics)

Bahasa Indonesia as a Unifying language of Wider Communication: A Historical Sociolinguistics Perspective by Husen Abas P50.00/US$10.00 (035) Subcategorization and SelectionalRestrictions of English Verbs by Elvira Vergara P40.00/US$8.00(037) The Dialects of Marinduque Tagalog by Rose Soberano P35.00/US$7.00 (039) A Rhetorical Study of the StyleofNVM Gonzalez's Poetry by Sr. Mary Angela Barrios, SPC P60.00/US$12.00(040)

SUMMER INSTITUTE OF LINGUISTICS/ LINGUISTIC SOCIETY OF THE PHILIPPINES*

SARANGANI MANOBO: AN INTRODUCTION GUIDE by CD. Dubois, 1976 A GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF BOTOLAN SAMBALby Evan L. Antworth, 1979 A SAMPLING OF PHILIPPINE KINSHIP PATTERNS by Richards and Gail Hendrickson, 1984 CULTURE CONTACT AND LANGUAGE CONVERGENCE by A. Kemp Pallesen, 1985 LEXICOGRAPHY NOTES by Leonord E. Newell, 1986 SAMA VERBAL SEMANTICS by Charles Walton, 1986 PHILIPPINE DICTIONARIES ON COMPUTER by M.R.Jacobson, 1986 THE MAIDEN OF MANY NATIONS: THE SKYMAIDEN WHO MARRIED A MAN FROM EARTH by hazel Wrigglesworth. 1991. BATAD·IFUGAO DICTIONARY WITH ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES, by Leonard Newell. 1993. STUDIES IN PHILIPPINE LINGUISTICS is a joint venture undertaken by the Linguistic Society of the Philippines and the Summer Institute of Linguistics devoted to the publication of papers ofanempiricai or theoreticai nature which contribute to the study oflanguage and communicative behavior in the Philippines. PAPERS FROM THE FIRST ASIA INTERNATIONAL LEXICOGRAPHY CONFERENCE, Manila, Philippines, 1992. Ed. by B.P. Sibayan and L. Newell, 1995. SIL SUPPLEMENTARY TEXTS: PHILIPPINE TEXTS NO.1. UPPER TANUDAN KALINGA TEXTS (1985) SIPL PHILIPPINE TEXTS No.2. CENTRAL CAGAYAN AGTA TEXTS (1987) SIPL PHILIPPINE TEXTS No.3. DIBABAWON MANOBO TEXTS No.3 (1987) SIPL PHILIPPINE TEXTS No.4. GUINAANG KALINGA TEXTS No.3 (1987) SIPL Vol. 9 No.2 BINUKID DICTIONARY (1992)

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