The Implications of Cold War on Malaysia State Building Process
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The Australians in Vietnam 1962-1972
“They Were Hard Nuts”: The Australians in Vietnam, 1962-1972 A focus on the American failure to make maximum use of the Australians’ counterinsurgency tactics in South Vietnam Kate Tietzen Clemson University Abstract: Addressing the need for studies examining the relationship between Commonwealth militaries and the American military, this paper examines the American military’s relationship with the Australian military contingency sent to Vietnam between 1962 and 1972. Analyzing Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUSA) documents, Australian government documents and Australian primary sources including interviews, papers, and autobiographies, this paper argues that the Americans deliberately used the Australian army in South Vietnam for show rather than force. The paper also illustrates American efforts to discredit and ignore Australian counterinsurgency doctrine and tactics; this undertaking only hindered the overall American anti- communist mission in Vietnam. Australia (1) Met all day Sunday (2) They were hard nuts (3) They had a long list of their contributions to Vietnam already (4) Real progress was made with Holt when went upstairs alone and told of the seriousness of the matter (5) Holt told Taylor that he was such a good salesman that he was glad he had not brought his wife to the meeting —Dr. Clark Clifford, meeting with President Lyndon B. Johnson 5 August 19671 While the Viet Minh and the French fought each other during the First Indochina War in Vietnam, Australia was fighting a guerilla-style war in Malaysia in what has been dubbed the “Malayan Emergency” of 1948-1960. In October of 1953, the Australian Defence Committee, the New Zealand Chiefs of Staff and the British Chief of the Imperial General Staff met in Melbourne to air concerns regarding the possibility of Chinese aggression in Southeast Asia.2 The delegation feared Chinese determination for communist control in Southeast Asia, which would threaten the accessibility of strategic raw materials for western powers in the area. -
An Evolving ASEAN: Vision and Reality
Menon • Lee An Evolving ASEAN Vision and Reality The formation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in was originally driven by political and security concerns In the decades that followed ASEAN’s scope evolved to include an ambitious and progressive economic agenda In December the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) was formally launched Although AEC has enjoyed some notable successes the vision of economic integration has yet to be fully realized This publication reviews the evolution of ASEAN economic integration and assesses the major achievements It also examines the challenges that emerged during the past decade and provides recommendations on how to overcome them About the Asian Development Bank AN EVOLVING ADB is committed to achieving a prosperous inclusive resilient and sustainable Asia and the Pacifi c while sustaining its e orts to eradicate extreme poverty Established in it is owned by members— from the region Its main instruments for helping its developing member countries are policy dialogue loans equity investments guarantees grants and technical assistance ASEAN: AN EVOLVING ASEAN VISION AND REALITY VISION Edited by Jayant Menon and Cassey Lee SEPTEMBER AND REALITY ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City 1550 Metro Manila, Philippines www.adb.org 9 789292 616946 ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK AN EVOLVING ASEAN VISION AND REALITY Edited by Jayant Menon and Cassey Lee SEPTEMBEr 2019 ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 IGO license (CC BY 3.0 IGO) © 2019 Asian Development Bank 6 ADB Avenue, Mandaluyong City, 1550 Metro Manila, Philippines Tel +63 2 632 4444; Fax +63 2 636 2444 www.adb.org Some rights reserved. -
The Malayan Communist Party's Struggle for Hearts and Minds In
No. 116 ‘Voice of the Malayan Revolution’: The Communist Party of Malaya’s Struggle for Hearts and Minds in the ‘Second Malayan Emergency’ (1969-1975) Ong Wei Chong Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies Singapore 13 October 2006 With Compliments This Working Paper series presents papers in a preliminary form and serves to stimulate comment and discussion. The views expressed are entirely the author’s own and not that of the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies The Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS) was established in July 1996 as an autonomous research institute within the Nanyang Technological University. Its objectives are to: • Conduct research on security, strategic and international issues. • Provide general and graduate education in strategic studies, international relations, defence management and defence technology. • Promote joint and exchange programmes with similar regional and international institutions; and organise seminars/conferences on topics salient to the strategic and policy communities of the Asia-Pacific. Constituents of IDSS include the International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR), the Centre of Excellence for National Security (CENS) and the Asian Programme for Negotiation and Conflict Management (APNCM). Research Through its Working Paper Series, IDSS Commentaries and other publications, the Institute seeks to share its research findings with the strategic studies and defence policy communities. The Institute’s researchers are also encouraged to publish their writings in refereed journals. The focus of research is on issues relating to the security and stability of the Asia-Pacific region and their implications for Singapore and other countries in the region. The Institute has also established the S. -
Decolonization in the British Empire at the End of the Second World War, Britain Still Controlled the Largest Empire in World History
Decolonization in the British Empire At the end of the Second World War, Britain still controlled the largest empire in world history. Thanks largely to the empire, Britain raised enough supplies to sustain its war effort and took its place at the top table of the victorious powers alongside the United States and the Soviet Union. It was, however, a Pyrrhic victory; the war drained Britain’s finances and significantly lowered its prestige in the colonies. Less than two decades later, the British had given up almost all of their empire. This reading examines the period from 1945 to 1963, when the British surrendered almost all of their overseas colonies. There will be special focus on India, Kenya, Malaya (Malaysia), and Egypt. Finally, we will examine the legacy of empire for today’s Britain. The Effects of the Second World War The experience of the Second World War was not the sole reason that Britain eventually lost its colonies, but without the war the decolonization process doubtless would have taken longer. It is worth noting, however, that the origins of nationalist and anticolonial revolt across the British Empire were often rooted in the early twentieth century. After the First World War, British imperialists still preached about the superiority of Western (especially British) civilization, but their arguments often fell on deaf ears. Many subject peoples, especially Indians, had fought on the Western Front in the First World War. They saw that the British were no more immune to machine guns than any other group of people. They also observed Britain’s weakened state after the First World War and during the economic crisis of the 1930s. -
Title Domination, Contestation, and Accommodation: 54 Years of Sabah
Domination, Contestation, and Accommodation: 54 Years of Title Sabah and Sarawak in Malaysia Author(s) Faisal, S. Hazis Citation Southeast Asian Studies (2018), 7(3): 341-361 Issue Date 2018-12 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/237246 Right © Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 49, No. 2, September 2011 Domination, Contestation, and Accommodation: 54 Years of Sabah and Sarawak in Malaysia Faisal S. Hazis* This article traces the major contestations that have taken place in Sabah and Sarawak throughout the 54 years of their independence. The two major areas of contestation are state power and local resources, pitting federal leaders against Sabah and Sarawak’s elites. These contestations have forced the federal govern- ment to accommodate the local elites, thus ensuring the stability of Barisan Nasional (BN) rule in the East Malaysian states. However, Sabah and Sarawak elites are not homogeneous since they have different degrees of power, agendas, and aspirations. These differences have led to open feuds between the elites, resulting in the col- lapse of political parties and the formation of new political alignments. Over almost four decades, a great majority of the people in Sabah and Sarawak have acceded to BN rule. However, in the last decade there have been pockets of resistance against the authoritarian rule of BN and the local elites. This article argues that without accountability and a system of checks and balances, the demand for more autonomy by the increasingly vocal Sabah and Sarawak elites will benefit only them and not the general public. -
Diaspora Community in Brunei: Culture, Ethnicity and Integration
Diaspora Studies ISSN: 0973-9572 (Print) 0976-3457 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rdst20 Diaspora community in Brunei: culture, ethnicity and integration AKM Ahsan Ullah & Asiyah Az-Zahra Ahmad Kumpoh To cite this article: AKM Ahsan Ullah & Asiyah Az-Zahra Ahmad Kumpoh (2018): Diaspora community in Brunei: culture, ethnicity and integration, Diaspora Studies To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09739572.2018.1538686 Published online: 25 Oct 2018. Submit your article to this journal View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rdst20 DIASPORA STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/09739572.2018.1538686 Diaspora community in Brunei: culture, ethnicity and integration AKM Ahsan Ullah a and Asiyah Az-Zahra Ahmad Kumpoh b aGeography and Development Studies, FASS, Jalan Tunku Link, Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Gadong, Brunei; bHistory and International Studies, FASS, Jalan Tunku Link, Universiti Brunei Darussalam, Gadong, Brunei ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY Over one-third of Brunei’s total workforce are foreign expatriates. A Received 3 October 2017 huge percentage of them has been staying in Brunei for more than Accepted 20 August 2018 two decades in various capacities. This paper sets out the KEYWORDS conceptual imperatives of culture, ethnicity and integration in ff Brunei; diaspora; Southeast order to demonstrate how people from di erent origins, religions Asia; ethnicity; culture; and ethnicities settled in Brunei and ended up melting in Brunei transnationalism society. Setting its arguments in context, this paper engenders the discourse of integrational, religious and cultural ambivalence. A qualitative study was conducted on some diasporas selected based on snow-ball technique. -
Cold War Scripts: Comparing Remembrance of the Malayan Emergency and the 1965 Violence in Indonesia
Article South East Asia Research 2016, Vol. 24(2) 242–260 ª SOAS 2016 Cold War scripts: Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Comparing remembrance DOI: 10.1177/0967828X16649310 of the Malayan Emergency sear.sagepub.com and the 1965 violence in Indonesia Katharine McGregor School of Historical and Philosophical Studies, The University of Melbourne, Australia Abstract This paper contributes to a growing field of literature on Cold War culture by comparing struggles over memory in Indonesia and Malaysia of anti-communist repressions. It demonstrates the enduring legacies of the Cold War in these neighbouring countries where the war overlapped directly with experiences of colonization and decolonization. I show how and why anti- communism in both countries became a core foundation of both Malaysian and Indonesian nationalism and related religious identification and how this largely explains successive govern- ments’ attempts to memorialize and defend these repressions. I argue that recent attempts by both survivors of the repression and younger Indonesians and Malaysians to reexamine the history of the political left or experiences of repression constitute important efforts to rethink the post- colonial predicaments of both countries in different ways. Keywords 1965 violence, anti-communism, Emergency, Indonesian Communist Party, Malayan Communist Party, memory In 2005, the Malaysian filmmaker Amir Muhammad released a film about Indonesia called The Year of Living Vicariously,whichexploredhowIndonesianshadbeguntoreconcilewiththe violence of the military-dominated New Order regime (1966–1998). The film was inspired by Muhammad’s work behind the scenes on the Indonesian film Gie by Riri Riza, which told the story of the ethnic Chinese student activist Soe Hok Gie who eventually spoke out against the 1965 mass Corresponding author: Katharine McGregor, School of Historical and Philosophical Studies, The University of Melbourne, Victoria 3010, Australia. -
The Malayan Emergency As the Universal COIN Paradigm by MAJ Soh Yen Chu, Elizabeth
features 28 The Limits of The Malayan Emergency as the Universal COIN Paradigm by MAJ Soh Yen Chu, Elizabeth Abstract: The principles and policies put forth by the British administration during the Malayan Emergency (1948-1960) have set the benchmark for counter-insurgency (COIN) situations. Optimal utilisation of a military force, the harnessing of a nation-state’s national unity and proper leadership techniques via command and control are key learning points to be taken away from the crisis. However, it is vital to note that each COIN situation is unique and depending on the scenario, these learning points need to be applied with some degree of exibility. Each situation can be unique based on the cultural dynamics and present ideologies pertinent in the local population. As such, each situation requires appropriate management, taking into consideration the key factors that contribute to the situation at hand whilst also noting past achievements and failures. Keywords: Counter-terrorism, Situational Flexibility, Insurgent Tactics, National Unity, Command and Control INTRODUCTION a literature review of four commonly drawn lessons from the campaign, namely: (1) 'population control', The Malayan Emergency (1948-1960) has been (2) 'winning hearts and minds', (3) command and (4) frequently cited as a counter-insurgency (COIN) 'learning organisation.'3 These lessons demonstrated paradigm, whereby key concepts of utility of force, the application of a “total war” strategy by the 'winning hearts and minds' and effective command and control are deliberated.1 This essay will argue that British which ultimately brought about its success in the Malayan Emergency is indeed often regarded as the Malayan Emergency. -
Cold War Counterinsurgency and Liberal Governance
Managing Revolution: Cold War Counterinsurgency and Liberal Governance Author: Peter Berard Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108101 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2018 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. Managing Revolution: Cold War Counterinsurgency and Liberal Governance Peter John Berard A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Boston College Morrissey College of Arts and Sciences Graduate School March 2018 © Copyright 2018 Peter John Berard MANAGING REVOLUTION: COLD WAR COUNTERINSURGENCY AND LIBERAL GOVERNANCE Peter Berard Advisor: Seth Jacobs, PhD Counterinsurgency doctrine, as an intellectual project, began as a response on the part of liberal world powers to the dual crises of decolonization and the Cold War. Unlike earlier meanss of suppressing rebellions, counterinsurgency sought not to quash, but to channel the revolutionary energies of decolonization into a liberal, developmentalist direction. Counterinsurgency would simultaneously defeat communists and build a new and better society. As early efforts at developmentalist counterinsurgency failed in Vietnam in the early 1960s, the counterinsurgent’s methods and goals changed. The CORDS Project, starting in 1967, replaced the emphasis on building a new society with altering present societies in such a way as to prioritize surveillance and the removal of subversive elements. From its inception, the political visions that counterinsurgency seeks to implement have shifted alongside – and at times prefigured – changes in liberal governance more broadly. TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents ..................................................................................................................... -
Cars, Conduits, and Kampongs
Cars, Conduits, and Kampongs <UN> Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Edited by Rosemarijn Hoefte (kitlv, Leiden) Henk Schulte Nordholt (kitlv, Leiden) Editorial Board Michael Laffan (Princeton University) Adrian Vickers (Sydney University) Anna Tsing (University of California Santa Cruz) VOLUME 295 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/vki <UN> Cars, Conduits, and Kampongs The Modernization of the Indonesian City, 1920–1960 Edited by Freek Colombijn Joost Coté LEIDEN | BOSTON <UN> This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 Unported (CC-BY-NC 3.0) License, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. The realization of this publication was made possible by the support of kitlv (Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies). Cover illustration: front page issue 0 (1938) of the Vereniging Groot Batavia. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Cars, conduits, and kampongs : the modernization of the Indonesian city, 1920-1960 / edited by Freek Colombijn, Joost Coté. pages cm -- (Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde; 295) Includes index. “The origin of this book goes back to the conference on ‘The decolonization of the Indonesian city in (Asian and African) comparative perspective’, held in Leiden, from 26 to 28 April 2006” -- Preface. ISBN 978-90-04-28069-4 (hardback : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-90-04-28072-4 (e-book) 1. Cities and towns--Indonesia--History--20th century. 2. Decolonization--Indonesia. -
The “Hearts and Minds” Fallacy the “Hearts and Jacqueline L
The “Hearts and Minds” Fallacy The “Hearts and Jacqueline L. Minds” Fallacy Hazelton Violence, Coercion, and Success in Counterinsurgency Warfare Debates over how governments can defeat insurgencies ebb and ºow with international events. Such debates tend to arise when the United States runs into problems in its efforts to support a counterinsurgent government. Often the United States approaches the problem of an armed, organized, internal nonstate political challenge to a government as a zero-sum game. In this competition, the state and nonstate actors compete for popular support and cooperation. The U.S. prescription for success is twofold: to provide support for liberaliz- ing, democratizing reforms designed to reduce popular grievances and gain popular support while weakening the insurgency, and to target insurgents with military force without harming civilians. I identify this prescription as the “good governance approach” for its focus on building a liberal, reform- ist central government to quell insurgency. Others have referred to it as the “population-centric approach,” the “comprehensive approach,” or the “hearts-and-minds approach.”1 In this article, I reconsider the effectiveness of the good governance ap- proach in light of the extreme difªculty that liberal great powers have experi- enced in applying it in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere. Since the al-Qaida attacks of September 11, 2001, the United States has been trying to help smaller Jacqueline L. Hazelton is Assistant Professor of Strategy and Policy at the U.S. Naval War College. For their helpful comments, the author thanks the anonymous reviewers, Robert Art, Andrew Birtle, Nick Carter, Joseph Collins, Conrad Crane, David Edelstein, William Fallon, Brendan Green, Chaim Kaufmann, Rodrigo Javier Massi, Emily Meierding, J.E. -
British Imperialism and the Political Economy of Malayan Independence
British Imperialism and the Political Economy of Malayan Independence Alex Sutton Published in Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 2016 Word Count: 9714 Abstract The paper focuses on Britain’s relationship with Malaya shortly before and after its independence from the British Empire. The paper looks at the negotiations concerning the financial settlement prior to independence. Britain sought to keep Malaya within the Sterling Area at all costs, even after de jure convertibility had been achieved, due to its high dollar earning capacity, which remained important due to persistent trade deficits with the US since the end of the Second World War. The paper argues that this settlement, while seemingly very generous for an independent Malaya, was still very much intended to maintain Britain’s role within the global economy, to ensure Sterling’s status as an international currency, and to support conditions for British economic growth. Introduction This paper charts Britain’s negotiations with Malaya over its eventual independence, and Malaya’s relationship with Britain immediately after independence. The discussions were split in two. The first, a set of constitutional talks held in January and February 1956, laid down the basic form that Malayan independence would take. These talks were followed by the creation of a special commission, which toured Malaya until late-1956, publishing a report, the Reid Report, on independence in March 1957.1 Prior to the publication of this report, however, from December 1956 to January 1957, were more substantial discussions on the nature of mutual defense and the specifics of financial arrangement post-independence.2 This paper focuses on the latter of these and seeks to understand these discussions in terms of the goals of British state managers.