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Divided Societies, Electoral Polarisation and the Basque Country

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Divided Societies, Electoral Polarisation and the Basque Country Unidad de Políticas Comparadas (CSIC) Working Paper 01­07 Divided societies, electoral polarisation and the Basque Country Luis Moreno Unidad de Políticas Comparadas (CSIC) Introduction Territorial politics in Spain can be regarded as the expression of a mode of multiple ethnoterritorial concurrence, which relates sub­state mobilisation with the interplay among central institutions and regions, or Comunidades Autónomas (Moreno, 1995). The ‘historical nationality’ [1] of the Basque Country has recently witnessed an increase in political terrorism carried out by ETA, as evidenced by party sectarian assassinations and actions throughout Spain. This course of action has further encouraged a division between Basque nationalists and autonomists [2] regarding proposals to eradicate political violence. This paper briefly analyses relevant historical events in contemporary Basque Country with the purpose of framing the nature of the present political conflict. It reflects on recent developments that were triggered after the signing by the nationalist parties of the Pacto de Lizarra on September 12, 1998. It also examines the results of the latest Basque Elections held on May 13, 2001 and explores the future prospects for ending terrorism. Historical background The Basque Country is geographically situated at the Western end of the Pyrenees and covers territories in both Spain and France. The most populated area of Euskalherria [3] is located in Spain, which is a compound state incorporating nationalities and regions and various degrees of internal ethnoterritorial plurality. Modern political unification of Spain took place by means of a dynastic union under the Catholic Kings in 1469 (Isabella of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon). However, its constituent territories (crowns, kingdoms, principalities, dominions, provinces) maintained their autonomous existence. Aside from the incorporation of such territories, the Hispanic monarchy was achieved at an early stage of the European Modern Age, centuries before the processes of national homogenisation carried out by other European monarchies. Prior to the union of the Catholic Kings, the Castilian princes achieved through conquests and royal marriages the unification of Leon and Castile (1230), as well as the incorporation of the Basque provinces of Gipuzkoa (1200), Araba (1332) and Biscay (1379). According to Salvador de Madariaga (1979) the three Basque provinces located in Spain were not constituent of the Basque Country. This has in fact been the result of a modern political creation. However all three provinces preserved their local rights or fueros, before and after they joined the Castilian Crown: “They would not recognised Lord or King without the prior and solemn pledge for honouring their fueros” (Pi i Margall, 1911: 251). During the 19th Century, many territories of Spain, particularly those with a strong historical identity and tradition of self­government, perceived liberal centralism as unnatural and stifling. This, in turn, provoked these regions to demand the restitution of their fueros and control of local home rule. Navarre, the Basque provinces, and Catalonia contested homogenising attempts of centralist reforms most vehemently . The circumstances of the time ensured that the rebel Carlistas were able to benefit from the peripheral hostility towards government in Madrid. After the Carlist defeats in the civil wars of 1833­40, 1846­48, and 1872­1875, the Basque Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista Vasco–Euzko Alderdi Jetzalea, PNV­EAJ), was founded in 1895 by an early Carlist himself, Sabino de Arana Goiri. In its early stages, Arana’s nationalist proposals developed in the province of Biscay, not in the whole of the Basque Country, with the label of bizkaitarrismo. In 1893 Arana published Bizcaya por su independencia (‘Independence for Biscay’). At the beginning of the 20th Century, the PNV­ EAJ was less successful in contesting elections in the Basque Country than the Catalanist Lliga in obtaining a class­wide support in Catalonia. This was due, at least partially, because of its religious focus and its ethnocentric claims. Early Basque nationalism stressed traditional community values, which opposed the bourgeois industrial society. The effects of industrialisation involved a considerable influx into the Basque country of migrants from the rest of Spain. Primitive Basque mentality of a racist character was the ideological basis for early Basque nationalism. This ideology, combined with powerful populist elements and ethnoreligious exclusivity, produced a philosophy quite distinct from that of Catalan civic nationalism. Catalanism was more intellectual and less folkloric, and has always been less secessionist. It possibly provoked greater resistance than Basque nationalism because it offered an alternative view of Spain, something which the Basques frequently turned their back on. Overall, both forms of stateless nationalism can be perceived as manifestations of a strong periphery that contrasted to a weak and ineffective central state. In spite of its short existence, the Second Republic (1931­39) contributed largely to the resolution of ethnoterritorial conflicts in Spain. The most notable improvement was the constitutional design of state as a regional model, situated somewhere between a unitary and a federal state. This led to the achievement of statutes of autonomy for Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia, the three ‘historical nationalities’. Three days after the proclamation of the Second Republic in 1931, an assembly of Basque mayors organised by José Antonio Aguirre, leader of the Basque Nationalist Party, claimed their right to autonomy and home rule within a Spanish federal republic, by the legendary Oak of Gernika. Months later, another assembly of mayors met in the city of Estella (Lizarra) and passed the proposal for a statute of autonomy, ratified also by the Navarran local councils and the Carlist representatives. However, parliamentary approval of the proposal by the Spanish Parliament was thornier than the Catalan statute. The most hotly contested issue of the inter­party negotiations had been the claims made by the Basque nationalists to establish an independent and bilateral relationship between Euskadi and the Vatican. Many Basque nationalists, fervent Catholics, resented the anti­clerical republican climate. They proposed an independent Concordat between the Basque Country and the RC Church. Note that at the end of 1931, the central government had decided to suspend 12 Basque newspapers because they were encouraging a popular uprising against civil authorities so that “[…] the interests of the Catholic religion could be defended” (Madariaga, 1979: 331). A new statute project for the Basque country was prepared in 1932, but rejected by the Navarran local councils. By the end of the following year, the statutory project did not include Navarre and was supported in a referendum by 47 per cent in the province of Araba, and almost 90 per cent of Biscayans and Gipuzkoans. The proposal was put forward in the Spanish Parliament in December of 1933, but two years later it had still not been passed. After the left­wing victory of the Popular Front in the February 1936 elections, the members of parliament for the Basque Country presented the proposal approved by referendum in October 1933 once more to the Spanish Parliament. By the beginning of the Civil War, the Parliamentary Commission had practically completed its approval of the proposal. On 1 October 1936, the Basque Statute of Autonomy was passed, with similar rights and powers to that of Catalonia. Representatives of all Republican parties were present at the ceremony of the appointment of José Antonio Aguirre as lehendakari, or president of the Basque autonomous government. At the same time, Manuel Irujo, representative of the PNV­EAJ, became member of the Spanish central government. Later on, during the Civil War (1936­39), “[…] Basque governmental officials behave as if they were running an independent state. Furthermore, they maintained secret bilateral contacts not only with Britain and the Vatican, but also with fascist Italy so that a separate armistice could be worked out [for the Basque Country]…However, after Franco took control of the territories in the Northern coast of Spain, the Basque leaders moved to Barcelona were they continued to participate in the Republican Government and to support the Republican Army [during the rest of the Civil War]” (Olábarri Gortázar, 1985: 135). After the Civil War, the country fell firmly into the hands of a deeply centralist reactionary coalition, which had even ‘imperialist’ pretensions. The end of the dictatorship did not occur until General Franco died in 1975. Paradoxically, Franco’s dictatorship provided the atmosphere necessary for today's regionalism, autonomism, and nationalism, although it remains true that, strictly speaking, separatism and federalism have older roots. The ability of sub­state nationalism to overcome ideological and political divisions manifested itself in cases of substantial consensus among the forces opposing the Francoism. In the Basque Country, the secessionist guerrilla group ETA found considerable popular support, and given the oppressive political circumstances during Franco’s dictatorship, it became intertwined with the democratic movement. In 1973, ETA assassinated Admiral Carrero Blanco, Franco's Prime Minister, appointed by the dictator to become his political heir. Those who then advocated political violence
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