Krise(N) Im Sandžak Als Testfall Für Die Demokratie in Serbien: Alte Konflikte, Neue Konstellationen

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Krise(N) Im Sandžak Als Testfall Für Die Demokratie in Serbien: Alte Konflikte, Neue Konstellationen Südosteuropa 58 (2010), H. 2, S. 173-197 VEDRAN DžIHIć / ANGELA WIESER Krise(n) im Sandžak als Testfall für die Demokratie in Serbien: Alte Konflikte, neue Konstellationen Abstract. Sandžak, the region in southwest Serbia with a large Bosniak population, has been largely neglected in academic debates about the Western Balkans. This article contends that the general status and quality of democracy in Serbia, a state with a recent history of involvement in ethnic conflicts, can be examined through the lens of the relationship between the ethnic majority, the Serbs, and ethnic minorities, such as the Bosniaks. The authors argue that the case of Sandžak shows that a substantial difference exists between the formal provisions for minority protection and inclusion at the state level, adopted in the course of Europeanization, and the de facto situation of the minorities living in Sandžak. The latter is characterized by considerable political and economic isolation, frustration with the status of Sandžak within Serbia, and even by a hostile relationship towards Belgrade. This article explores the situa- tion of the Bosniak minority since the Milošević era, the relationship between Belgrade and Sandžak, and the profound internal divisions within the Bosniak community. It focuses on the rapidly deteriorating relationship between Sandžak and Belgrade in 2010 in the course of the electoral process for the “National Council of Bosniaks”, and on the emergence of a new powerful movement among the Bosniak population led by Mufti Muamer Zukorlić. Vedran Džihić ist Senior Researcher und Lektor am Institut für Politikwissenschaften und am MA-Postgradualen Lehrgang der Universität Wien „Balkan Studies”. Zur Zeit ist er Austrian Marshall Plan Fellow in Washington/D.C. am Center for Transatlantic Relations, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University. Angela Wieser ist wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin im Projekt „Transformations- und Demo- kratisierungsprozesse am Balkan“ am Institut für Politikwissenschaften der Universität Wien. Serbien konnte in den letzten Jahren Fortschritte auf dem Weg in die EU erzie- len. Trotz der weiterhin offenen Frage nach dem Verbleib und der Auslieferung des mutmaßlichen Kriegsverbrechers Ratko Mladić sowie kontinuierlicher Irritationen wegen des Status Kosovos konnte Serbien das Stabilisierungs- und Assoziierungsabkommen mit der EU ratifizieren. Ende 2009 wurde die Visumspflicht für die serbischen Bürger und Bürgerinnen aufgehoben, nahezu gleichzeitig stellte Serbien den offiziellen Antrag auf Mitgliedschaft in der EU. Es stellt sich die Frage, wie stark die erreichten (formalen) Fortschritte und Reformen im Europäisierungsprozess bereits einen realen Niederschlag gefun- 174 Vedran Džihić, Angela Wieser den haben, und ob gesetzliche Bestimmungen effektiv implementiert werden konnten.1 Im folgenden Artikel wird die These vertreten, dass die Stabilität sowie die Qualität der Demokratie in Serbien, einem Staat, der in der Vergangenheit in kriegerische ethnische Konflikte involviert war und der ein angespanntes Ver- hältnis zu den eigenen ethnischen Minderheiten aufwies, am staatlichen Um- gang mit eben diesen Minderheiten bzw. an der Beziehung zwischen Mehrheit und Minderheit abgelesen werden können. Im Kontext der Europäisierung ließe sich von dieser These ausgehend behaupten, dass formale Schutzmechanismen für Minderheiten, die im Prozess der Europäisierung als eine zentrale Dimen- sion der EU-Konditionalität in den innerstaatlichen Rahmen übernommen werden, ihre Wirkung erst dann entfalten können, wenn bestehende politische Konflikte und Polarisierungen in der Beziehung zwischen ethnischer Mehrheit und Minderheit überwunden sind. Am Beispiel des Sandžak und seiner bosniakischen Bevölkerung2 wird im folgenden postuliert, dass der komplexe Konflikt zwischen serbischer Mehr- heits- und bosniakischer Minderheitsbevölkerung auch in der Zeit nach dem Sturz Miloševićs nicht gelöst werden konnte. Im Gegenteil zeigen sich hier die Nachwirkungen bzw. das Weiterbestehen einer ethnisch zentrierten Politik, die von einem Nationalstaat der Serben ausgeht und folglich die innerhalb seiner Grenzen lebenden Minderheiten als zweitrangig betrachtet. Die Folgen sind im Sandžak angesichts der jüngsten Ereignisse deutlich sichtbar: Die bosniakische Minderheit fühlt sich diskriminiert, zeigt sich mit der Behandlung des Sandžak durch die Belgrader Zentralpolitik äußerst unzufrieden und erhebt Forderungen nach mehr Autonomie. Die interne Spaltung der bosniakischen Bevölkerung und Eliten verschärft die Situation noch, wie die Wahl des „Nationalrats für die Bosniaken“ 2010 zeigt, in deren Folge es zu einer politischen Radikalisierung im Sandžak, vor allem aber auch zwischen Belgrad und Novi Pazar gekommen ist. Der Sandžak wird sowohl in Serbien allgemein als auch in der internationalen Forschung vernachlässigt.3 Im Folgenden sollen der jüngste historische Kontext und die Hintergründe der gegenwärtigen Radikalisierung analysiert werden. 1 Einen guten Überblick über rezente Entwicklungen in Serbien bietet Wolfgang Pet- ritsch / Goran Svilanović / Christophe Solioz (Hgg.), Serbia Matters: Domestic Reforms and European Integration. Baden-Baden 2009. 2 Nach den Zahlen der letzten Volkszählung lebten im Jahr 2002 in den sechs Gemeinden des serbischen Teils des historischen Sandžak 134.135 Bosniaken (56,94 %), 89.396 Serben (37,95 %) und 8.222 „ethnische Muslime“ (3,49 %). Drei der Gemeinden (Tutin, Novi Pazar und Sjenica) hatten eine bosniakische, die drei übrigen (Prijepolje, Priboj und Nova Varoš) eine serbische Bevölkerungsmehrheit. Siehe Republički zavod za Statistiku, Population Census 2002, Book 1: National Identity or Ethnicity – Data by Municipalities, unter <http://webrzs. stat.gov.rs/axd/en/popis.htm>. Alle Internetseiten wurden zuletzt am 08.09.2010 eingesehen. 3 Auf die Vernachlässigung und den nahezu „exotischen Charakter“ des Sandžak verwies auch James Lyon, als er den ersten Abschnitt eines Aufsatzes ironisch „What is a Sandžak Krise(n) im Sandžak als Testfall für die Demokratie in Serbien 175 Auf den Überblick über die Entwicklung des Sandžak vor, während und nach der Milošević-Herrschaft folgt eine Analyse der Politik Belgrads, der internen Konflikte der bosniakischen Bevölkerung sowie der Ereignisse rund um die Wahl für den Nationalrat.4 Die Hintergründe des Konflikts Der Sandžak5 und seine größte Stadt Novi Pazar gehören zu den Regionen Ex-Jugoslawiens, in denen wechselnde Herrschaftsstrukturen und Einflüsse unterschiedlicher Kulturen deutliche und widersprüchliche Spuren hinterlassen haben. In der Region befinden sich die ältesten serbisch-orthodoxen Kirchen, und osmanische Moscheen aus dem 15. Jahrhundert prägen das Stadtbild von Novi Pazar. Im Osmanischen Reich war der Sandžak administrativ von der bosnischen Provinz getrennt.6 Wie andere Grenzregionen am westlichen Balkan befand er sich später an der Schnittstelle zwischen dem Habsburger und dem Osmanischen Reich. Obwohl mit dem Berliner Kongress 1878 die Österreichisch- Ungarische Monarchie die Region zugesprochen bekam, blieb der Sandžak unter osmanischer Verwaltung. Im Zuge der Balkankriege 1912/1913 wurde er ein Teil Serbiens. Hatten sich in der Zwischenkriegszeit viele Muslime aus dem Sandžak, aus Bosnien und der Herzegowina in einer Partei organisiert, teilten sich im sozialistischen Jugoslawien nach 1945 die Republiken Serbien und Montenegro das Gebiet.7 Nach dem Zusammenbruch der Sozialistischen Föderation Jugoslawien bzw. seit der Auflösung des Staatenbundes Serbien und Montenegro im Jahr 2006 ist die Region in ein serbisches und ein monte- negrinisches Gebiet geteilt. and where I can buy one“ überschrieb. Siehe James Lyon, Serbia’s Sandžak under Milošević: Identity, Nationalism and Survival, Human Rights Review 9 (2008), H. 1, 71–92. 4 Für diese Studie wurde neben internationaler und regionaler Forschungsliteratur vor allem die Medienberichterstattung in der Region selbst ausgewertet sowie im Sommer 2010 durchgeführte empirische Forschung in Belgrad und im Sandžak. Neben einer Reihe informeller Gespräche wurden Interviews mit Politikern, NGO-Aktivisten sowie weiteren Experten vor Ort geführt. Die Mehrzahl der interviewten Personen wird im Folgenden auf eigenen Wunsch nicht namentlich genannt. 5 Der Name „Sandžak” ist vom türkischen Wort „Sancak“ abgeleitet, das im Osmanischen Reich einen größeren, einem militärischen Befehlshaber (Sancak Bey) unterstehenden Verwal- tungsbezirk bezeichnete. Heute umfasst das Gebiet den ehemaligen osmanischen Sancak von Novi Pazar; sein östlicher Teil gehört zu Serbien, sein westlicher zu Montenegro. Siehe Jean Deny / Metin Kunt, Sandjak, in: Clifford Edmund Bosworth u. a. (Hgg.), The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition, Bd. 9. Leiden 1997, 11-13. 6 Francine Friedman, The Muslim Slavs of Bosnia and Herzegovina (with Reference to the Sandžak of Novi Pazar): Islam as National Identity, Nationalities Papers 28 (2000), H. 1, 165-180, 168. 7 Während des Zweiten Weltkrieges und innerhalb der Strukturen der Partisanen wurde der Region zwischen 1943 und 1945 eine kurze Phase der Autonomie zuteil. 176 Vedran Džihić, Angela Wieser Die Entwicklung im sozialistischen Jugoslawien bedeutete für den Sandžak zwar eine Fortführung der territorialen Zugehörigkeit zu Serbien bzw. Mon- tenegro. Die Stärkung des Nationalgefühls der bosnischen Muslime bewirkte jedoch gleichzeitig eine Vertiefung der Verbundenheit mit Bosnien und Her- zegowina. Ausschlaggebend dafür war die Tatsache, dass sich die Mitglieder der
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