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Home , Bengali Renaissance, Muslim League (Pakistan), Shahbag, Ziaur Rahman

seizure of Crimea and hybrid war in Eastern rative, alternative narratives and schools of Ukraine. It is a must-read for anyone who thought, as well as previous approaches in works on Russia, foreign policy and secu- the current literature are provided in the rity policy. Its strengths clearly overshadow text. Causal relations in the chapters are well- the minor questions that comes in mind. The organized. Indeed, the authors’ criticisms field research conducted for the purpose of of arguments in the current literature and this study is among the strengths of the book. their thorough critiques of several widely- It is very informative and easy to read. The accepted narratives might force readers to authors have more than enough competence, forget what they have learned regarding the intellectual background, related research on reasons for and practices of Russia’s hybrid similar subjects and unique, well-reasoned warfare and clashes with Ukraine. Neverthe- ideas. This is an important factor that makes less, one should not acknowledge the ideas the research even stronger. Although the put forward in the study as ultimate truths Western perspective of the authors, not to but consider them as mindopening and al- mention the Ukrainian background of Taras ternative perspectives that push us to think Kuzio, could pave the way for a biased nar- otherwise.

The Political History of Muslim An Unfinished Battle of Faith

By Mahmudur Rahman Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2019, 412 pages, $ 99.95, ISBN: 9781527519350

Reviewed by Mohammad Hossain, Ibn Haldun University

The Political History of Muslim Ben- to map out the trajectory of that gal, while speaking of the history of identity amidst the socio-political a lesser-known part of the Muslim undulations of ’s post- world, has an interesting story of its colonial and post-independence own. The author, a former energy period. advisor to the Bangladesh govern- ment and the opposition-associated In terms of structure, the book is editor of a well-known news daily divided into twelve chapters and called Amar Desh (My Nation), contains both a prologue and an wrote this book in ten months while being im- epilogue, the latter written after the author prisoned for political activities in Bangladesh. was released from prison. Despite its claim As an attempt to narrate a political history of to being a narrative of political history, how- Muslim Bengal from its earliest origins, the ever, the historical background starting from book aims to be ambitious in its scope. Start- the earliest times of the independent sultans, ing as a venture in exploring the roots of the Mughal rule, and the independent nawabs to Bengali Muslim identity from the beginning the British colonial period before 1947 is lim- of the thirteenth century, the author attempts ited to just two chapters, while two more cov-

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ers the era between 1947-1971, their The author further epitomizes the period total being about one-fourth of the book. of Muslim rule until 1757 by noting that it The rest of the book deals with present-day was largely egalitarian (p. 26). It is this con- Bangladesh, from 1971 to date, followed by ception of a Bengali Muslim identity that appendices containing several important his- is later subjugated by the ‘Hindu- torical documents. nexus’ in Bengal during the colonial period (p. 40). The ongoing “overall feeling of su- The chapter headings give us an idea of the periority and a patronizing attitude among content and the argument in each chapter, the towards the (p. 78).” while selective sourcing is indicative of who Fueled by the ‘Hindu Bengali ’ the author trusts and thinks is important. It was the main reason behind the failure of is notable that while veteran scholars such as Congress in pre-partition Bengal, and the Eaton, Mohar Ali, and Karim are used to nar- ultimate division of Bengal to form Paki- rate pre-colonial history, as we move past the stan under Jinnah’s Muslim League (p. 50). 1990s era, many of the observations are from However, precarious manipulative politics the author’s recollections and actions as an within the Muslim League meant that the insider to major socio-political events, such seeds of division between the East and West as the military coup on January 11, 2007, and were sown as early as 1947 (p. 100). While the events leading up to the anti-Shahbag He- Muslim rulers in the period before 1757 pa- fazat mass gatherings in 2013. This begs the tronized and culture, the question as to why the author began the book author points out the attempt by the Paki- as a scholarly treatment of Muslim political stani administration to impose upon history but ended it as a scathing attack on the Bengali population, mainly through Jin- the current authoritarian government’s poli- nah’s famous speech in 1948 (p. 104) and the cies and practices. The key to understanding killing of language martyrs by the Pakistan this transition, it seems, lies in the author’s army on February 21, 1952, as indications of treatment of the ups and downs of the history the failure of the idea of Pakistan as a home of the region as a “battle of faith” (p. 354). for Muslims. The author argues that these incidents led to the flourishing of ideas of While ‘faith’ in this book refers to Islam, the race and ethnicity over religion as the basis author also uses it as a marker for the last- of identity and contributed to the victory ing political and cultural changes wrought of bhadrolok (Calcutta based Hindu elite) by Muslims and Muslim rule in the Bengal culture-inspired ‘’ over region, rather than a reference to theology the Muslim national identity associated with or Sharia. This ‘faith as culture’ framework Pakistan’s origins (p. 113). is a reason behind the author’s disagreement with Richard Eaton’s thesis that the spread In the latter part of the book, Rahman shows of Islam in Bengal was due to the “agrarian us the development of a -autoc- revolution” (p. 22). Instead, it is seen as a racy nexus in post-independence Bangla- result of ‘cultural evolution’ powered by the desh, starting from success of ‘political Islam’ which facilitated and continuing with the current government large-scale conversion to Islam, formed a of . More importantly, Rah- strong political entity, and developed an man links this development with the Nehru- indigenous national language (pp. 27-28). vian dreams of expansionism leading up to

270 Insight Akhand Bharat (Undivided )–he identi- One could criticize Rahman for his choice of fies the independence of Bangladesh as the scholarship, particularly his focus on iden- achievement of Nehru’s dream (p. 170) and tity politics and great political personalities argues that India and its clients in Bangladesh rather than working toward a socially or were the ultimate victors of the 1/11 military culturally informed history of . takeover in 2007 (p. 302). In exploring the However, it is important to note why Rah- secularism-autocracy nexus in Bangladesh, man wrote the book in the first place, and for Rahman notes that it serves Indian interests whom. An engaging read, written in clear and and is Islamophobic. While the rise of secu- succinct prose, the book is intended for gen- lar forces espousing a Hinduised Bengali na- eral audiences interested in Bangladeshi po- tionalism had threatened the Muslim identity litical developments. It represents his attempt that had grown for over a thousand years (p. to wake up a nation unaware of its glorious, 175), Rahman sees the ‘faith-based’ Bangla- faith-based roots, since a blind, unaware na- deshi nationalism and model governance as- tion cannot remain politically and intellectu- sociated with General and his ally independent (p. 14). This becomes clearer nationalist brand of politics as a reawakening in his final chapter, titled “The Unfinished of a lost Muslim identity (p. 238). However, Battle of Faith,” which serves as a clarion call it is important to note that despite acknowl- for a struggle against anti-Islam secular au- edging the importance of faith, Rahman thoritarian forces and their Indian overlords makes it clear time and again that he is not seeking to undermine or destroy the Bengali an Islamist–the ‘cunning’ Ershad regime is Muslim identity. In this regard, The Political criticized for the uncalled-for move to make History of Muslim Bengal is more than a mere Islam the state religion (p. 256), Jamaat-e- book on political history; it vividly captures Islami is criticized for its political follies and the tensions and intricacies of emerging no- collaboration with the Pakistani army in 1971 tions of Bangladeshi Muslim identity in the (p. 177), and the author himself denies any face of constant socio-political upheaval and links to (p. 15). adversity.

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Polarized and Demobilized: Legacies of Authoritarianism in Palestine

By Dana El Kurd London: Hurst Publishers, 2019, 226 pages, $62, ISBN: 978-1787382138

Reviewed by İbrahim Karataş, İstinye University

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a ter elucidates the study’s theoreti- century-old dispute that has culmi- cal framework, the following three nated in a sovereign Israeli state and chapters encompass empirical anal- an occupied Palestinian state that yses generated from qualitative and is still struggling to gain its sover- quantitative research, followed by a eignty. After the Israeli-Palestinian final chapter comparing the case of War right after the UN decision to Palestine with those of Bahrain and partition Palestine into two states Iraqi Kurdistan. in 1948, Palestinians in the historic remainder of Palestine -the West Bank and In the first chapter, El Kurd first presents her Gaza- lived under the rule of Jordan and Egypt definitions of demobilization and interna- respectively until 1967. When Israel occupied tional involvement and then focuses on the the Sinai Peninsula (Egypt), Golan Heights U.S. intervention in Palestinian politics. El (Syria), the Shebaa Farms (Lebanon), and Kurd argues that the U.S. uses aid as a carrot more importantly the West Bank and Gaza and stick against the PA and adds that Amer- after the Six-Day War, the people of Palestine ica donated $8 billion between 1993 and the forcibly came under the rule of Israeli military time of writing. Given the U.S. interference in occupation. With the foundation of the Pales- the PA, she suggests several hypotheses. First, tinian Authority (PA) after the Oslo Accords she asserts that international involvement in 1994, Palestinians gained autonomy entirely leads to a divergence between elite and public or partially in territories called Areas A, B, and preferences, as foreign powers (patrons) ally C, expecting this to be the first step toward with authoritarian regimes at the expense of being proclaimed a sovereign state in 1999. democracy. Complementary to the first hy- While that expectation did not come true due pothesis, she argues secondly that people have to Israel’s rejection, the Oslo Accords became divergent preferences for democracy and ac- a milestone for the attitudes of the Palestinians countability that correlate to their (non-)affil- in terms of resistance to the occupation. iation with the regime. Their degree of affili- ation affects polarization and demobilization Dana El Kurd, a Palestinian scholar, analyzes as well. As she explains in the following chap- and theorizes how the support of interna- ters, those Palestinians close to the PA, and tional actors damaged democracy, pacified the PA itself, practice exclusionary behaviors civil society, and made the PA authoritarian against critics of the government. As for the in her book, titled Polarized and Demobilized: third and the fourth hypotheses, she argues Legacies of Authoritarianism in Palestine. The that authoritarian strategies such as coopta- book has five chapters. While the first chap- tion and repression generate polarization that

272 Insight Turkey causes stagnation in political mobilization. Kurd accuses the PA of being a subcontractor Although El Kurd bases her views on U.S. of repression for Israel, facilitating the job of involvement to narrow the subject, her deci- the Israelis. sion not to mention the interference of Arab countries such as , the UAE, and In Chapter 4, the author tries to verify her Egypt can be regarded as a deficiency of the theory about the PA, which, she argues, is the book. main source of polarization and demobiliza- tion. Reminding readers that the majority of In Chapter 2 (and in subsequent chapters), Palestinian people are under PA rule, El Kurd El Kurd switches to empirical analysis by lay- argues that mobilization is less prevalent in ing down the results of her survey conducted Area A, which is under the full control of the with 35 police officers and 1,270 ordinary PA, more in Area B, which is under mixed people. Based on her survey, she contends control, and the most in Area C, which is out- that those people supporting the PA are less side the control of the PA. In other words, the likely to embrace democracy. In addition to more an area is under the control of the PA, Fatah members, El Kurd reveals that secular the less mobilization of the people is possible, Palestinians also do not prefer democracy be- as the Fatah-controlled authority impedes cause of the experience. On the other any upheavals and protests by force or depri- hand, the majority of elites (bureaucrats) in- vation. El Kurd argues that since the major- terviewed say that U.S. involvement in the ity of people in the West Bank live on salaries PA’s policies is crucial, while few of them see given by the PA, they avoid losing their rev- the PA as a hostage of the U.S. Some elites ar- enues and prefer not to clash with the PA or gue that the U.S. aims to reorient the PA from resist any unfair treatment. But where there focusing on the threat of Israeli occupation is no PA impediment, Palestinians got what to focusing on internal opposition through they wanted from the Israelis, meaning that training programs that are allegedly activities the PA is the agent of principals (the U.S. and of indoctrination. She adds that as the PA is Israel) to stop Palestinians from seeking their dependent on the U.S. in many respects, the rights. She gives a few cases of success stories former has to be more authoritarian to ap- achieved just because there was no PA pres- pease the latter. sure on people.

Chapter 3 is the section where El Kurd elu- In the final chapter, she compares the case of cidates polarization. Seeing the PA as an au- Palestine with that of Bahrain and Iraqi Kurd- thoritarian government, she argues that the istan and concludes that the U.S. involvement PA follows steps of other authoritarian re- in sovereign Bahrain and autonomous Kurd- gimes to create polarization through inclu- istan made them more authoritarian, as it did sionary cooptation and exclusionary repres- to the PA. However, while foreign interven- sion. For example, the surveyed PA elites say tion culminates in more authoritarianism in that Hamas is a traitor group, having similari- the Middle East, the situation of Bahrain and ties with ISIS. She contends that such views Kurdistan can hardly be compared to the PA, and exclusionary attitudes have led to a de- as none of them are under existential threat. cline in cooperation and social cohesion. As Also, besides Bahrain and Kurdistan, many a result, she says, polarized people will not other countries such as Egypt, Turkey, and unite and mobilize against Israel. Further, El Iraq fit El Kurd’s theory that international

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involvement creates authoritarianism in against Israel. El Kurd’s argument that the PA states where there are factions with clashing is the main obstacle to the unity and mobiliza- interests. tion of the Palestinians is quite valuable and deserves more attention. On the other hand, Overall, El Kurd develops the formula that as a reminder, the foundation of the PA led to international involvement, or let’s say U.S. in- its demobilization as well. In the 1990s, it was volvement, has made the PA dependent on the claimed Yasser Arafat would have contrib- patron (the U.S.). This dependency forces the uted more to Palestine, had he not replaced PA to silence opposition groups like Hamas. his military uniform with a suit. The book re- When those Palestinian groups do not accept veals some basic and unique reasons for the the terms forced by patrons onto the PA, they Israel-Palestinian Conflict stemming from the are repressed. Repression causes polariza- Palestinian side, namely polarization and de- tion, which eventually results in demobiliza- mobilization. Such exclusive findings must be tion. Since various factions see each other as read by people of concern. Thus, I highly rec- traitors, they do not cooperate and mobilize ommend El Kurd’s precious book to readers.

The EU-Turkey Statement on Refugees: Assessing its Impact on Fundamental Rights

By Hülya Kaya Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2020, 256 pages, $122.29, ISBN: 9781789909203

Reviewed by Mehmet Akif Koç, Social University of

The ensuing instability in the after- tween Turkey and the EU authori- math of the Arab uprisings has af- ties. The book is made up of seven fected not only the hotspots of the chapters, including an introduction uprisings but also neighboring ge- and conclusion. ographies such as Turkey and the European Union (EU). The flow of As Kaya mentions in the introduc- refugees and their mournful destiny tory first chapter, following the has been the most problematic di- tragic death of three-year-old Alan mension of the recent internal wars Kurdi on September 2, 2015, the EU in terms of both their humanitarian and legal member states immediately started negotia- aspects. tions with Turkey on the refugee issue, and a Joint Action Plan was signed on October 15, Hülya Kaya’s timely and well-researched 2015. However, in light of the intensive flow study, The EU-Turkey Statement on Refugees: of refugees toward the continent, the EU au- Assessing Its Impact on Fundamental Rights, thorities offered a new model to Turkey to enriched with fieldwork data and interviews, prevent the huge flow that was causing panic specifically addresses the legal and humani- in Europe. The EU-Turkey Statement or ‘ref- tarian outcomes of the refugee dossier be- ugee deal’ was signed on March 18, 2016; it

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