Iraq Index Tracking Variables of Reconstruction & Security in Post-Saddam Iraq
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Blood and Ballots the Effect of Violence on Voting Behavior in Iraq
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Göteborgs universitets publikationer - e-publicering och e-arkiv DEPTARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BLOOD AND BALLOTS THE EFFECT OF VIOLENCE ON VOTING BEHAVIOR IN IRAQ Amer Naji Master’s Thesis: 30 higher education credits Programme: Master’s Programme in Political Science Date: Spring 2016 Supervisor: Andreas Bågenholm Words: 14391 Abstract Iraq is a very diverse country, both ethnically and religiously, and its political system is characterized by severe polarization along ethno-sectarian loyalties. Since 2003, the country suffered from persistent indiscriminating terrorism and communal violence. Previous literature has rarely connected violence to election in Iraq. I argue that violence is responsible for the increases of within group cohesion and distrust towards people from other groups, resulting in politicization of the ethno-sectarian identities i.e. making ethno-sectarian parties more preferable than secular ones. This study is based on a unique dataset that includes civil terror casualties one year before election, the results of the four general elections of January 30th, and December 15th, 2005, March 7th, 2010 and April 30th, 2014 as well as demographic and socioeconomic indicators on the provincial level. Employing panel data analysis, the results show that Iraqi people are sensitive to violence and it has a very negative effect on vote share of secular parties. Also, terrorism has different degrees of effect on different groups. The Sunni Arabs are the most sensitive group. They change their electoral preference in response to the level of violence. 2 Acknowledgement I would first like to thank my advisor Dr. -
Thesis Reviews the Background and Progress of Iraqi Reconstruction Efforts Since 2003 to Highlight Factors That Contribute to This Situation
The Role of the Expatriate Business Community in Rebuilding a State After Forced Failure A Case Study of Iraq Master By Research MRes Political Science & International Relations Professor Majid AlSadi PhD. Eng. Doc. BA (Hons). Doc.Lit (Hons) Supervisors: Dr. Adrian Budd Professor Craig Barker 2018 1 Abstract More than 14 years after the U.S.-led invasion and the collapse of the state in 2003 Iraq’s performance in social and physical reconstruction remains poor and hindered by numerous obstacles. The political culture in Iraq particularly suffers from excessive foreign influence, extreme corruption and self-serving political culture, exacerbating social problems in a now-heavily divided society. Long-established power blocs are heavily entrenched within a sectarian division of power in Iraqi governance and independent actors including the Iraqi expatriates, the private sector and civil society groups are heavily impeded from introducing change to the established order. This thesis reviews the background and progress of Iraqi reconstruction efforts since 2003 to highlight factors that contribute to this situation. It uses existing Iraq-specific literature to highlight spaces where alternative political and civil society actors could help change the country’s political culture. Comparative examples from other post- conflict societies (including Lebanon, Afghanistan and Germany) are used to show how expatriate communities, particularly those involved in private enterprise can contribute to post-conflict reconstruction and improving governance in failed or fragile states. The researcher’s extensive personal experience and a case study of the Iraqi Business Council in Jordan comprise the majority of primary research. Comparative case studies show that the private sector capabilities and the international experience gained by expatriates can contribute positively to the reconstruction of their war-torn societies. -
Chapter 20 Section 3
CHAPTER 20 SECTION 3 Oil and strategic trading lands have continued to be sources of conflict in the Middle East o United States and Soviets fought for control during the Cold War o Western countries continue to want control today Israel’s creation by the United Nations in 1948 was not recognized by Arabs in Palestine, leading to many conflicts still continuing today o Three wars 1956, 1967, and 1973 . Leads to Israel gaining more land; While between wars, Israelis faced terrorist attacks; United States continually attempts to make peace, unsuccessfully . 1967 war Israeli military takes control of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, Sinai Peninsula in Egypt, and Golan Heights from Syria . 1973/Yom Kippur War Arabs surpassingly attacked on Yom Kippur, but still could not take back occupied lands; Israelis begin housing Jewish people in occupied lands o Palestine Liberation Organization leads Arab fight against Israel . Led by Yasir Arafat; Extreme dislike of Israelis, and wanted to destroy Israel; Attacked Israel numerous times; Airplane hi-jacking and Olympic killings . In 1987, Arabs in Israel-occupied lands attempt to revolt; Using suicide bombers and terroristic attacks, with many Israelis and Arabs dying o United States and United Nations have attempted to bring peace to the region . Golda Meir was in peace talks in 1973 when Arabs attacked; Peace Accord signed in 1979, giving Sinai Peninsula back to Egypt; Jordan makes peace with Israel in 1994; Syria and Israel continue to fight over Golan Heights . Oslo Accords, signed in 1993 by Yasir Arafat and Israeli leader Yitzhak Rabin gave Palestinians in Gaza and West Bank limited self-rule, and recognition by Israel, and Palestinian Liberation Organization stops terrorist Attacks on Israel o Even with pledge by Mahmoud Abbas, Palestinian violence on Israelis continued . -
Appendix C: Military Operations and Planning Scenarios Referred to in This Report
Appendix C: Military Operations and Planning Scenarios Referred to in This Report In describing the past and planned use of various types conducted on the territory of North Vietnam during of forces, this primer mentions a number of military the war (as opposed to air operations in South Vietnam, operations that the United States has engaged in since which were essentially continuous in support of U.S. World War II, as well as a number of scenarios that and South Vietnamese ground forces). The most nota- the Department of Defense has used to plan for future ble campaigns included Operations Rolling Thunder, conflicts. Those operations and planning scenarios are Linebacker, and Linebacker II. summarized below. 1972: Easter Offensive.This offensive, launched by Military Operations North Vietnamese ground forces, was largely defeated 1950–1953: Korean War. U.S. forces defended South by South Vietnamese ground forces along with heavy air Korea (the Republic of Korea) from an invasion by support from U.S. forces. North Korea (the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea). North Korean forces initially came close to 1975: Spring Offensive.This was the final offensive overrunning the entire Korean Peninsula before being launched by North Vietnamese ground forces during the pushed back. Later, military units from China (the war. Unlike in the Easter Offensive, the United States People’s Republic of China) intervened when U.S. forces did not provide air support to South Vietnamese ground approached the Chinese border. That intervention caused forces, and North Vietnamese forces fully conquered the conflict to devolve into a stalemate at the location of South Vietnam. -
Change in Iraqi Politics: from Ethnic-Sectarian Lines to Centralization Question
Change in Iraqi Politics: From Ethnic-Sectarian Lines to Centralization Question Serhat ERKMEN* Abstract After the invasion of Iraq, politics in Iraq was rebuilt in accordance with ethnic and religious lines and the political alliances have been reshaped over these lines. However, the withdrawal of US troops and internal dif- ferences of Iraqi parties triggered new political balances which cannot be limited into only ethnic and sectarian bases. Today, because of the political and strategic effects of Arab Spring and internal power strug- gles among the main Iraqi political groupings Iraq has entered in a new phase in politics which centralization issue will be the focus. Keywords: Iraqi politics, centralization, Arab Spring and Iraq, With- drawal of US troops Özet *SC**4 0B- 4 * ' 0 0 - C*=*=@ * *4 * ***0*40' * C *C =S4***S*- C 0 **0 ****B' C'* **0 *=4* =@ * * Assos. Prof. Ahi Evran University, Department of International Relations, and Middle East Advisor of ORSAM Serhat Erkmen, Change in Iraqi Politics: From Ethnic-Sectarian Lines to Centralization Question, Ortadoğu Etütleri, Volume 4, No 1, July 2012, pp.143-164. Serhat Erkmen According to the author, there are two main reasons that explain the change in the political balances and policy making in Iraq. The first reason is that the United States have started to lose gradually their role both in military and political aspects in Iraq after 2010. Decrease in military power of the US in Iraq in a way that cannot be compared with previous years (even though all the combat troops have retreated, it will not be considered as a complete withdrawal since there are still American troops in Iraq under the name of military advisors) has cre- ated great impacts both in the fields of security and the fields of policy and this phenomenon has enlarged the maneuver room of the Iraqi political parties. -
THE IMPACT of the IRAQ WAR on ISRAEL's NATIONAL SECURITY CONCEPTION by Jonathan Spyer*
THE IMPACT OF THE IRAQ WAR ON ISRAEL'S NATIONAL SECURITY CONCEPTION By Jonathan Spyer* Abstract: This article deals with the effects and implications of the Iraq War, and the current situation of insurgency in that country, on Israel's perception of its national security. Specifically, it examines the extent to which the war has impacted on and transformed the three tiers of threat facing Israel--namely the irregular, conventional and non-conventional levels of warfare. The article outlines the nature of each of these three levels of threat, observing the impact of the Iraq War on it. It then moves toward some general conclusions on the Iraq War of 2003 and the events that have followed it as viewed through the perception of Israeli thinking on the region. In each area, this article observes the responses emerging from the Israeli strategic and policymaking echelon to the new situation opened up by the war of 2003. In this regard, it considers Israel's current unilateralist turn in the context of the broader view of current political trends in the region which prevails in the Israeli policymaking echelon. Israel is a country unique among members same dispensation, the same regimes, the of the modern states' system in that the same prevailing ideas, often even the same basic legitimacy of its existence as a individuals (or their sons) dominate the sovereign body is rejected by its neighbors. region as did so in the late 1970s. The dominant political currents of the The region remains stymied by Middle Eastern region place the perception economic stagnation, and the failure of the of Israel as a foreign, illegitimate implant in regimes to develop the potential of the the Middle East somewhere near the center populations under their control. -
Iraq Is Spinning Its Wheels, but in the Right Direction
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE PEACEBrIeF40 United States Institute of Peace • www.usip.org • Tel. 202.457.1700 • Fax. 202.429.6063 July 1, 2010 DANIEL SERWER Iraq Is Spinning Its Wheels, But in E-mail: [email protected] the Right Direction Phone: 202.429.3840 Summary • The political situation in Baghdad is still blocked almost four months after the national elec- tions signaled change while denying any one of the four main coalitions a clear mandate to govern. • The complications are real, but so too is a political culture that is increasingly appealing to democratic norms and factors to sort out the difficulties. Baghdad this month, and likely for several more, is engaged in the political equivalent of Sumo wrestling. After appeals and recounts, the now-certified results of the March elections show the “Iraqiya” slate got 91 seats in parliament; “State of Law” got 89. Each of their heavyweights, former Prime Minister Iyad Allawi and current Prime Minister Nuri The emerging Iraq is Al-Maliki respectively, claims the right to form a government and act as prime minister. The parlia- “starting to look like other ment has 325 seats; 163 constitute a majority. parliamentary democracies, In his visit over the July 4 weekend, Vice President Biden tried to referee the match, with the objective of getting the two to stop wrestling and join together to form the new government, a measuring itself with demo- formula Washington prefers. cratic yardsticks, with internal The Details are Complicated sectarian and ethnic frictions Allawi bases his claim to the prime ministry on the election results, which include his narrow lead still strong but being worked in parliamentary seats and a massive vote for change, as 80 percent of the previous parliamentar- out through politics, and with ians lost their seats. -
Living in Mosul During the Time of ISIS and the Military Liberation: Results from a 40-Cluster Household Survey R
Lafta et al. Conflict and Health (2018) 12:31 https://doi.org/10.1186/s13031-018-0167-8 RESEARCH Open Access Living in Mosul during the time of ISIS and the military liberation: results from a 40-cluster household survey R. Lafta1, V. Cetorelli2 and G. Burnham3* Abstract Background: In June 2014, an estimated 1500 fighters of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) seized control of Mosul, Iraq’s second city. Although many residents fled, others stayed behind, enduring the restrictive civil and social policies of ISIS. In December 2016, the military activity, known as the liberation campaign, began in east Mosul, concluding in west Mosul in June 2017. Methods: To assess life in Mosul under ISIS, and the consequences of the military campaign to retake Mosul we conducted a 40 cluster-30 household survey in Mosul, starting in March 2017. All households included were present in Mosul throughout the entire time of ISIS control and military action. Results: In June 2014, 915 of 1139 school-age children (80.3%) had been in school, but only 28 (2.2%) attended at least some school after ISIS seized control. This represented a decision of families. Injuries to women resulting from intimate partner violence were reported in 415 (34.5%) households. In the surveyed households, 819 marriages had occurred; 688 (84.0%) among women. Of these women, 89 (12.9%) were aged 15 years and less, and 253 (49.7%) were aged under 18 at the time of marriage. With Mosul economically damaged by ISIS control and physically during the Iraqi military action, there was little employment at the time of the survey, and few persons were bringing cash into households. -
Iraq: Politics and Governance
Iraq: Politics and Governance Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Carla E. Humud Analyst in Middle Eastern and African Affairs March 9, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21968 Iraq: Politics and Governance Summary Iraq’s sectarian and ethnic divisions—muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq—are fueling a major challenge to Iraq’s stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq’s Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite- dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (IS, also known as ISIL, ISIS, or the Arabic acronym Da'esh). Iraq’s Kurds are separately embroiled in political, territorial, and economic disputes with Baghdad, but those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. U.S. officials assert that the Iraqi government must work to gain the loyalty of more of Iraq’s Sunnis—and to resolve differences with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG)—if an eventual defeat of the Islamic State is to result in long-term stability. Prospects for greater inter- communal unity appeared to increase in 2014 with the replacement of former Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki with the current Prime Minister, Haydar al-Abbadi. Although both men are from the Shiite Islamist Da’wa Party, Abbadi has taken some steps to try to compromise with Sunnis and with the KRG. However, a significant point of contention with the KRG remains the KRG’s marketing of crude oil exports separately from Baghdad. -
“Global Terrorism Index: 2015.” Institute for Economics and Peace
MEASURING AND UNDERSTANDING THE IMPACT OF TERRORISM Quantifying Peace and its Benefits The Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) is an independent, non-partisan, non-profit think tank dedicated to shifting the world’s focus to peace as a positive, achievable, and tangible measure of human well-being and progress. IEP achieves its goals by developing new conceptual frameworks to define peacefulness; providing metrics for measuring peace; and uncovering the relationships between business, peace and prosperity as well as promoting a better understanding of the cultural, economic and political factors that create peace. IEP has offices in Sydney, New York and Mexico City. It works with a wide range of partners internationally and collaborates with intergovernmental organizations on measuring and communicating the economic value of peace. For more information visit www.economicsandpeace.org SPECIAL THANKS to the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START) headquartered at the University of Maryland for their cooperation on this study and for providing the Institute for Economics and Peace with their Global Terrorism Database (GTD) datasets on terrorism. CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 2 ABOUT THE GLOBAL TERRORISM INDEX 6 1 RESULTS 9 Global Terrorism Index map 10 Terrorist incidents map 12 Ten countries most impacted by terrorism 20 Terrorism compared to other forms of violence 30 2 TRENDS 33 Changes in the patterns and characteristics of terrorist activity 34 Terrorist group trends 38 Foreign fighters in Iraq -
ISIS Success in Iraq: a Movement 40 Years in the Making Lindsay Church a Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirem
ISIS Success in Iraq: A Movement 40 Years in the Making Lindsay Church A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES: MIDDLE EAST University of Washington 2016 Committee: Terri DeYoung Arbella Bet-Shlimon Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Jackson School of International Studies !1 ©Copyright 2016 Lindsay Church !2 University of Washington Abstract ISIS Success in Iraq: A Movement 40 Years in the Making Lindsay Church Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Terri DeYoung, Near Eastern Language and Civilization In June 2014, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)1 took the world by surprise when they began forcibly taking control of large swaths of territory in Iraq and Syria. Since then, policy makers, intelligence agencies, media, and academics have been scrambling to find ways to combat the momentum that ISIS has gained in their quest to establish an Islamic State in the Middle East. This paper will examine ISIS and its ability to build an army and enlist the support of native Iraqis who have joined their fight, or at the very least, refrained from resisting their occupation in many Iraqi cities and provinces. In order to understand ISIS, it is imperative that the history of Iraq be examined to show that the rise of the militant group is not solely a result of contemporary problems; rather, it is a movement that is nearly 40 years in the making. This thesis examines Iraqi history from 1968 to present to find the historical cleavages that ISIS exploited to succeed in taking and maintaining control of territory in Iraq. -
“Barriers to Post-ISIS Reconciliation in Iraq: Case Study of Tel Afar, Ninewa” by Sarah Sanbar Under the Supervision of Prof
“Barriers to post-ISIS reconciliation in Iraq: Case study of Tel Afar, Ninewa” By Sarah Sanbar Under the supervision of Professor Stéphane Lacroix Sciences Po Spring 2020 This paper has received the Kuwait Program at Sciences Po Student Paper Award The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be reproduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public or private use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] BARRIERS TO POST-ISIS RECONCILIATION IN IRAQ Case Study of Tel Afar, Ninewa Instructor: Stéphane LACROIX Final Assignment: The Political Sociology of the State in the Contemporary Arab World Date: 30/04/2020 Sarah Sanbar Sanbar - 1 Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................................. 2 Literature Review ....................................................................................................................................... 3 Case Study: Tel Afar, Ninewa .................................................................................................................... 5 Context and Demographics ....................................................................................................................... 5 ISIS Occupation, Displacement, and the Liberation Operation ................................................................ 6 Barriers to Post-ISIS Reconciliation in Tel