lssues in Forest Conservation
Batak Resource Management Belief, knowledge and practice
-ì'4:, -
James F. Eder
ÏUCN January 1997 FR IS 003 c.2 g rucN The Wodd Gonse¡Yation Union }Y\ryF t¡ Batak Resource Management
Belief, knowledge andpractice IUCN Forest Conservation Programme The IUCN Forest Conservation Programme coordinates and supports the activities of the IUCN Secretariat and members Issues in Forest Conservation workingwith forest ecosystems. The goal offorest conservation is achieved through promoting protection, restoration and sustainable use offorest resources, so that forests provide the full potential range ofgoods and services'
The programme makes cont¡ibucions to policy at various levels and uses field projects to derive lessons to feed into the policy debate. The principles of Caringþr the Earth, published jointly by IUCN,'!(/'\ü7F and UNEP in 1997, are applied to these projects, which combine the needs of conservation with those of local communities. One major activity is to develop coherent and informed policies on forest conservation in order to advocate the ranslation ofpolicies into effective actions. IUCN frequendy advises major development institutions on forest issues, to ensure that conservetion priorities are adequately addressed in their projects and programmes.
The Forest Conservadon Programme receives generous financial support from the Gove¡nment of the Netherlands.
IflìlF Forest Programme
\ü!íF has worked to prorecr f6¡ss¡5 tropical, temperate and boreal fq¡ me¡s than 30 years. The'\?'\(/F network currently Batak Resource Management - - has ove¡ 400 practical foresr conservation projects in more than 50 countries, and continues to lobby on international forest policy issues. The organization's objectives are to gain full protection for at least ten Per cent ofeach ofthe world's forest ryPes; ensure that all forests outside rhese protected areas ere managed sustainably; and halt net fotest loss by the year 2000. Belief, knowledge and practice
James E Eder
IUCN-The Vorld Conservation Union T.oc J World Vide Fund For Nature f\< TS oo3 C} January l9i7
UICN Bibllothèque CH - 1196 Gland BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
The views expressed in this volume do not necessarily reflect those of IUCN or'W'!7F. Neithe¡ do the presentation of material and geographic designations employed imply any expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IUCN or ]üØWF concerning Contents the legal status ofany country, territory or area, or concerning the delimitation ofits frontiers or boundaries.
@ (1997) International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources and \üío¡ld \Øide Fund For Nature
Reproduction of mate¡ial in this volume for educational and other non-comme¡cial purposes is authorised without prior permis- sion from the copyright holder provided the source is firlly acknowledged. Acknowledgements 1
Reproduction of material in this volume for resale o¡ other commercial purposes is prohibited without prior permission of the Executive Summary 2 copyright holder. Introduction 4
F. Eder (1997). Bataþ Resource Management: Belief,, knowledge and practice.IUCN, Gland, Switzerland and Cambridge, UK James The Batak place in nature 9 and'WlùüF-'Wo¡ld \üØide Fund For Nature, Gland, Switzerland,,52 pp.
Figure 1. Diagram of a honey hive 15
Batak resource use today 19 tsBN 2-8317-0366-2 Prospects for community-based manâgement 27
Conclusions JJ
References 36
Appendix
Editing and layout by Patricia Halladay Graphic Design Table 1, Batak place names along al2-kmsection of the Langogan River 38 Design format developed by \üords and Publications, Oxford, UK
Table 2,Traditional Batak animal foods 39
Table 3, Traditional Batak plant foods 41
Table 4. Plants that attract bees 43 Printed by SADAG-O 1200 Bellegarde/Valserine, France Table 5, Trees that anract wild pigs 44
Table 6. Locally important rattan varieties 45
The text is printed on chlorine-free paper BATAK RESOURCE MAN,{GEMENI
Acknowledgements
This report was commissioned as one component of a much larger project to achieve more sustainable utilization of non-timber forest products on Palawan Island. It involved a collaborative effort by the Batak, an indigenous people of the Philippines; Haribon Palawan, a local non- governmental organization; and The \Øorld Conservation Union (IUCN). I wish to acknowledge the financial assistance and support of IUCN and the encouragement and enthusiastic assistance of Andrew Mittelman, senior advisor to the Haribon Palawan-IUCN project. The overall project is funded by the European Commission (DGI) and this commitment is also gratefully acknowledged.
The research reported here was undertaken while I was on sabbatical leave from the Department of Anthropology, Atizona State University. I wish to thank Fernando Fue¡res, Ben Logan, Dominado¡ Opras, Joel Taylor, and Joy Yap, boon companions all, for their generous assistance in the field. I also wish to acknowledge Malcolm Cairns as the source of many of the plant and animal identifications reported here; and Andrew Mittelman, Christophe Robert, \Tilliam Thomas and Reed \Øadley for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of the report. My g¡eatest debt of gratitude is to the Batak themselves, a warm and gentle people who have suffered much, but for whom things are, at long last, looking up.
4 ISSUES IN FORTST CONSERVATION B,\TAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
Executive Summary
Recent years have brought a growing recogni- practice in the area of natural resource manage- undermined by recent changes or have come to Given that lowland migrants and outside tion that successful programmes to conserve ment, with particular attention to forest resemble those of outside peoples. Nevertheless, facilitating agencies such as Haribon Palawan the world's remaining tropical forests must resources. the Batak approach to making a living remains and IUCN bring additional, complementary somehow involve the indigenous peoples who consistently less destructive of the natural strengths of their own to the project, there are have long utilized the resources ofthese forests. Batak beliefs about human utilization of the resources and the ecological integriry of their considerable grounds for optimism about the Relatively little is in fact known, however, environment centre on the jealous protective forest environment than does that of migrant future, assuming that significant political about native conservation methods and their relationship said to exist beween a variety of lowlanders. progress continues to be made in returning past or present efficacy in conserving biodiver- nature spirits and forest plants and animals, control over local resources to local people, sity or promoting sustainable utilization of such that any excessive or wasteful human The final aim of this report is to evaluate the Further joint efibrt is needed, however, on natural resources. Still less is known about how exploitation of these resources is potentially prospects for community-based sustainable three related fronts. well whatever "ecological wisdom" indigenous punishable supernaturally. In the context of natural resource management from the perspec- peoples possess can suryive expanded market such beliefs, Batak resource exploitation occurs tive of what the Batak themselves are able to First, a specific role needs to be identified for participation or the introduction of new judiciously and draws upon an extensive on- contribute today. The report identifies some the Batak's considerable environmental technologies for environmental exploitation, or the-ground protoscientific knowledge of significant weaknesses of the traditional Batak knowledge and an appropriate mechanism about how such wisdom can best be utilized in natural phenomena: geographical features, management system as a basis for future must be developed to ensure that this knowl- the design and implementation of community- reproductive habits of plants and animals, and sustainable use: the system fails to define edge is mobilizedand utilized. Second, Iocal based natural resou¡ce management pro- so forth. The examples given in this report, pig- legitimate need or to address resource depletion stakeholders must work together to make the grammes. hunting and honey-collecting, show how, in per se; it lacks an ideological basis for limiting project are¿ viable economically as well as p¡actice, Batak belief and knowledge about the access by outsiders; and it provides no social (as ecologically. Third, an appropriate manage- This report addresses these issues in the context environment are inextricably bound up in the opposed to supernatural) sanctions for ecologi- ment structure, with genuinely empowered ofone particular indigenous people ofthe resource-use routines of everyday life. cal misbehaviour. But the traditional system local stakeholders at its core, needs to be Philippines, the Batak of Palawan Island, and offers some significant strengths as well, developed to develop and enforce incentives for one particular natural ¡esource management The second aim of this report is to assess where including profound knowledge about the ecologically responsible behaviour and to project, "Sustainable Utilization of Non-timber Batak natural resource management practices environment, pride in not having significantly otherwise make the entire programme work, Forest Products". This involves an ambitious stand today, in view of increased competition degraded the environment despite generations and long-term collaborative effort be¡veen for forest resources from migrant outsiders of habitation, and continued commitment to a IUCN, the Batak, Haribon Palawan (a local originating in the Philippine lowlands. \Øith low-impact, multidimensional subsistence NGO) and the European Commission, respect to shifting cultivation and the collection strategy. of Manila copal, rattan and hone¡ systemadc The report has three broad aims. The first is comparison of past and current Batak practices simply to record, both for the Batak themselves with those of lowland Filipino migrants shows and for those who would work with them, that some aspects of the traditional Batak traditional Batak beließ, knowledge and resource manâgement system have been
2 3 ISSUES IN FOR-EST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
Introduction
In the current global debate about how best to utilized in the design and implementation of copal, rattan, and honey with outside ment must be involved as well. This conserve the remaining tropical forests, natural resource - - world's effective, community-based trading peoples. provides the main goal of this report: to record, many participants find compelling the notion management programmes. In today's world both for the Batak themselves and for people that indigenous peoples, because oftheir long these programmes must increasingly take Today the Batak continue to carry out many of who work with them, the Batak knowledge, association with and dependence upon the âccount of the often dominating presence of their distinctive forest food collecting and beliefs, and aspirations in these realms. land, have evolved ways to utilize forest non-indigenous peoples and the resulting resource utilization practices, but they do so in resources on a sustainable basis and for resources. to other- competition greatly changed circumstances. No longer are The research findings reported he¡e are based wise live "in harmony" their environment. with the Batak relatively isolated from surrounding primarily on a series of field visits, between Indeed, conservationists and advocates for This paper add¡esses the issue in the context of peoples; everywhere are the homesteads and March and August 1995, to the Batak commu- indigenous rights now alike find common one specific indigenous people, the Batak of the communities of lowland Filipino farmers who nities of Calabayog, on the Tanabag River, and ground in the position that indigenous peoples Philippines. They are participants in the ambi- have migrated to Palawan's uplands in search Mangapin, on the Langogan River. This report must be of the "solution" to the long-term part proper tious and Sustainable Utilization of of land and a bette¡ way of life. Incorporation is also based on interviews with Haribon management of natural resources, and pro- Non-Timbe¡ Forest Products project, co- with wider Philippine society, and mo¡e Palawan and IUCN project stafi and on a that involve indigenous sponsored Haribon Palawan, a grammes peoples in by local Philip- intensive contact with lowland Filipinos, has variety of secondary sources concerning the this fashion abound. pine Conservation NGO, The !7orld Union rewo¡ked all aspects ofBatak adaptation. Batak and the issues in question. Finally, the (IUCN) and the European Commission. Nowhere have the resulting changes been more analysis below inevitably reflects some of my ìØhile involving indigenous peoples the in striking than in the Batak economy, where own premises and biases: conseryation of biodiversiry and other aspects The Batak are a physically and culturally upland agriculture and wage labour for lowland of natural resource manâgement has wide distinct ofseveral hundred population indi- migrants have joined hunting and gathering, a traditional societies are indeed storehouses popular appeal, we in fact know relatively little viduals who inhabit the mountains and river and the collection and sale of forest products as of information concerning the environ- about indigenous conservation methods. 'Sl'e valleys central Palawan Island. of Traditionally mainstays of Batak livelihood. As all of these ment, information that could well contrib- also have scarce information about the effec- a hunting and gathering people, they once lived changes have occurred, the Batak envi¡onment ute to the success ofany sustainable tiveness of these methods in promoting either in small, mobile family groups. They were has changed apace, and is in need ofattention. development programme; or sustainable isolated land preservation utilization of natural by from other indigenous tribal a indigenous peoples do not passively "blend" resources over the longer term (Hames, 1991; on Palawan by groups and the Sulu Sea f¡om \Vhile the Batak today are not a "pristine" with their environment they, too, shape and Furthermore, - \Øest Brechin, l99l). still all but occasional contact with Filipino and people living in harmony with thei¡ envi¡on- it through their lifeways; and less is about how known well the theory and Muslim peoples elsewhere in the Philippine ment, neither have they totally lost their a while most or perhaps even all indigenous practice of alleged indigenous conservationists archipelago. In these ci¡cumstances, the Batak culture; indeed, we have much to learn from peoples profess a reverence or respect for survives the introduction ofnew technologies evolved an elabo¡ate tropical forest foraging them about natural resource management. And the environment, this does not necessarily for envi¡onmental exploitation or expanded adaptation, subsisting a on wide variety of ifthe Batak need outside assistance to construct translate into actions that result in sustain- market participation (Thomas, 199 4). The forest, riverine, and coastal foods, acquir- and a more remunerative and more sustainable able resource management that is issue, in short, is whether indigenous people ing manufactured - goods and other outside subsistence adaptation, this is a task in which something to be determined (Thomas, "ecologi- are, or at least once were, somehow needs through the collection and exchange of the Batak themselves and their knowledge, 1994: t6-17). cally wise" and, if so, how their wisdom can be non-timbe¡ forest products principally - - beliefs, and aspirations regarding the environ-
4 5 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BÄTAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
,,,lntroduction Batak Resource M anagement
Belief, knowledge andpracrice
In the first part ofthis report, I locate the Batak the more destructive practices of lowland in the natural world, examining both their own migrants practices that increasingly influ- ideological - concepr of their place in nature and ence the Batak's own behaviou¡. In the final their conside¡able empirical knowledge about part of the paper, I consider some of rhe natu¡al phenomena. I then turn to contempo- implications of these findings for the design of rary patrerns of Barak resource utilization, an effective, communiry-based natural resource comparing and cont¡asring these patterns with management Programme.
TIte Bataþ coll¿ct and sell canes from ø uaríety of rattan Eecies. AII pboto- grapbs by tlte øuthor,
6 7 ISSUES iN FOREST CONSERVATION
BATAK RESOURCE MAN,{GTMENT
The Batak place in nature
Peoples like the Batak have been called ,,ecosys_ Batak welfa¡e in a variery of ways, most notably tem people" (Rai, 1990) because they view by causing illness when humans provoke them themselves, and to a degree actually live, as part by unwittingly violating their territory, destroy_ of an ecosystem, rather than as simply users o¡ ing their dwellings, or injuring their families exploiters of natu¡e (Bennagen, 1993). On the (Shimizu, 1983: 134). one hand, the Batak hold to an elaborate and articulated set ofbeliefs about their place in Panya'en and diwata figure prominently in nature and their inter-relationships with other several facets of Batak adaptation; parricularly organisms. On rhe othe¡ hand, they also in curing ceremonies. But from the standpoint possess an extensive, on_the_ground, proto_ ofthe Batak view ofnature and ecosysrem scientific knowledge about natural phenomena. relationships, what is key is that all the various I examine in turn these two aspecrs of Batak fo¡est and riverine food ¡esou¡ces utilized by ecological adaptation, cultural beliefs and the Batak beÌong to the spirits, principally the pracrical knowledge, and then use rhe examples ofpig-hunting and honey-collecting to show how, in pracrice, both aspects are inextricably bound together in the t¡aditional resource_use routines of everyday life.
Batak beliefs about nature
The Batak live in a world inhabited by a variery ofnarure spirits and supernatural anrhropo_ metric beings, and they rely on mediums or shamans to mediate their relationships with these beings. Mosr narure spirits fall into one of two broad classes: malevolent panla'en or capricious, but benevolently inclined, diwata. t Visible only to shamans, these spirits inhabit specifìc trees, bamboo thickets, rocks, caves, and srreams the - very places in the natural environmenr also utilized or visited by the Tbe Bataþ are aforest- Batak. Panya'en and ¿,liwata are like humans in ùt e IIíng fo raþng p eop Ic of Pølawan Isknd" their lives, acrions, and desi¡es. They affect the PbíIippínes,
B
9 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
.,,The Bataþ,pløce in nøture
I
panya'en, and not to humans. (The Batak had "permission" to utilize them for the Mayboyengaw, a place then seldom visited In all these cases, retributronby apanya'enis - about a day's walk upriver. Through use of an very personal: is directed specifically at the usually employ the term "epef' , or "belonging spirits, it is said, also "pity" the Batak, in their it to", to characterize the relationship bewveen struggle to survive. explosive device, they obtained about 150 large offending individual, and not at humans in (although panya'en and forest animals. The meaning of fish from the river: far more than they needed general a partial exception concerns a the pønyø'en "ungaw", epet is closer to the notion that the spirits are To the Batak, the real risk of danger lies in or expected. Angered by this display of greed, who controls the the caretakers oi or are responsible for, these wasteful or excessive use offorest resources panla'en caused both men to become feverish movements of honey bees; see below). Neither - resources, than to the notion ofactual owner- intentional or not and even in displays of and soon die. is it up to other Batak to sânction or punish - ship in its strict legal sense.) disrespect toward such resources. Merely those who misbehave ecologically; this is a laughing at animals, for example, may antago- Another case occurred at Babuyan during the matter for the spirits to deal with as they see fit (although The relationship bewveen panya'en and forest nize spirits, because it implies dagwa'y galang, eady 1960s and involved the Batak Padang, children, ofcourse, need to be uncle a Calabayog resident. a large properly instructed). There is also, fìnally, animals is in any case a jealous, protective one: "no respect". Most dangerous are those cases of He killed one that must be acknowledged and respected where forest resources a¡e collected in large pig while hunting but left it to spoil in the considerable vagueness about what constitutes a "need" by humans. As a result, there is at least poten- quantities or are collected and not fully forest, being rco Iazy, it was said, to carry such legitimate subsistence in the eyes of the tial danger in any human utilization of forest utilized. Thus specific ritual actions are called a heavy animal back to camp. About a year spirits, and hence about the actual threshold of resources. But since the spirits also recognize for to propitiate the spirits prior to group fish- later, he was attacked and killed by a pig in the a particulff ¡esource's exploitation, beyond f6¡ç5¡ a pig that was actually rhe panya'en which a Batak risks some sort of punishment. that humans have legitimate subsistence needs, stunning or group pig-hunting, against the - "ageng", everyday patterns of resource utilization that possibiliry that these endeavours may result in who had momentarily taken the In the final section I return to the important are consistent with meeting only those needs large harvests. Caution is always called for animal's form. topic of what constitutes legitimate human looking for honey- do not usually during pig-hunting and honey-collecting, less a needs. -fìshing, require any specific ritual measures. Rathe¡, wounded pig elude capture and wander away Some more recent cases of retribution of this there is a generalized, implicit recognition that to die uneaten in the forest, or pa¡t ofthe hive sort have involved lowland migrants; all while forest resources continue to belong to the fall to the ground and be left behind, wasted. humans, not just Batak, are subject to the spirits, the Batak have, since ancestral times, panla'en. At Langogan, for example, one AII Batak can cite examples of the sort of lowlander unwittingly angered a panya'en whtle retribvion panla'en may exact on humans who collecting rattan at lasgas; he sickened and died waste or abuse forest animals or other natural two days late¡. Another lowlander died seve¡al resources. One such case involved the Batak years ago in the course of making his kaingin (upland Padaka, the grandfather of a current Mangapin rice field). \X/hile it looked like an accident he became caught up in some residenc, and a Muslim man named Amad. It - occu¡red on the Langogan fuver during the late vines, causing the tree he was cutting to fall on him it was said that it was, in fact, the work 1950s or early 1960s, when the Batak setcle- - of a panya'en whose house had been disturbed ment there was located at Bulobulo, down- Bøtaþ hou.se ønd dooryørã Ooerttíew of Calabayog by the unfortunate farmer. garden Calabayog settl¿ment, Tønøbag Ríaer, stream from its present location. Padaka and at 1992. 1992. Amad had travelled together to collect copal at
10 1l ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
,,,The Bøtøþ, pløce in natwre
Batak ecosystem knowledge . simang, or streams and rivulets on the First, the Batak recognize numerous other Batak may differ about the sustainabiliry of watershed; named species of plants and animals that figure particular resources, they recognize that human The detailed and profound knowledge that c pata{t or floodplains and flat places; and in their subsistence adaptation but are not habitation and exploitation has consequences fo¡est-dwelling peoples such as the Batak have . bulod, or hills, ridges, and mountains. utilized for food and thus not shown in Tables for these resources. They are also concerned about their natural environment has long 2 or 3. Furcher, within particular categories, about, and prepared to act upon, these conse- impressed researchers and has been abundantly This geo-environmental system is learned by all and based on close empirical observation of quences: another topic to which I return below. documented (Fox, 1952; Cairns, 1995; Batak as part oftheir socialization experiences. sometimes minute differences, the Batak make Mittelman and Alisuag, 1995; WRI, IUCN, It enables them to speak with some precision numerous fine distinctions between species, Knowledge and belief in resource use and UNEP, 1992).lwill limit myself to about virtually any location within their varieties, and life-cycle stages. They identifr, providing several specific examples of Batak ancestral domain. The names are used daily, for example, 14 named varieties of edible I now turn to two particular and important ecological knowledge to demonstrate the detail singly or in combination, to talk about all sorts mushrooms and othe¡ fungi, five named kinds subsiscence resources, honey and wild pigs, to of this knowledge. of subsistence-related activities: where someone of edible univalves, and 16 named kinds of show how Batak ritual beliefand ecological caught an eel, or went to collect rattan, and so edible riverine fìsh. knowledge are bound together in practice. One striking dimension of the Batak's environ- on. To illustrate the specificiry of this knowl- Although resource exploitation is not the focus mental knowledge is an extensive system of edge, Table I lists some of the more than four Second, Batak knowledge about plants and ofthis reporc, I should note that, in general geographical place names. Each river valley hundred place names known to the Langogan animals goes far beyond systems of names, among the Batak, as in all human societies, it inhabited by the Batak possesses its own River Batak. These particular names identlly 49 however highly developed these systems may occurs in a social context. In the case ofthe unique set of such names, numbering in the successive geographic locations, mostly conflu- be. The Batak also know a lot about the repro- Batak, nuclear families, extended families, hundreds and applying to four principal kinds ences, deep-water spots and rapids, along the ductive habits of plants and animals, and about same-sex task groups, and entire local commu- of geographical features: Langogan River from Mangapin, the present seasonalities in their occurrence. They know nities all figure prominently in everyday subsis- settlement site, to Paglaglagan. This is a point much, too, about the behaviour of animals, tence activiry. These indigenous cooperative libtong, or deep-water spots along the main about 12 km upriver where the Kabuyaw both on a daily basis and over the life cycle. forms and capabilities are based on ties of kin- rlvef; stream enters and the National Power Corpora- This last point will be clearly illustrated by the ship or geographical propinquity that are an tion (NAPOCOR) proposes to build a mini- specific examples developed in the next section. important part of the distinctively Batak hydroelectric plant. sustainable development programme. Another general point about Batak ecosystem The type of information more commonly knowledge is that the Batak do recognize diffe- reported for forest-dwelling peoples like the rences and changes over time in the quantity Batak is their extensive knowledge of plants and qualiry of natural resources. They know, and animals. Tables 2 and 3 indicate, respec- for example, that be'gay (edible univalves) are Oaentieø of Mangøpin tively, the vaúety of animal foods and plant Iarger and mo¡e abundant upstream than in the settlenent (iø distance at Ieft), Løngogan Riuer, foods that the Batak recognize and collect in vicinity of settlements, and that tøndiþan Mangapin senlement, 1955. 1981. Thís uieut ís little their environment. Such tables do not do jus- (Palawan peacock pheasant) are locally extinct Møturíng upland rìce field .Vhile changed today. Ì!"'.tg.l¡-,*-. " . tice to Batak knowledge, however. near areas of human habitation. the ínforegroand.
12 13 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
,,,The Bøta,þ, plaæ in nature
Honey January to about the end of May, and the The Batak also know a considerable amount Figure 1. Diagram of a honey hive nigoan season runs from February or March about the structure and function ofthe hives 5 The Batak distinguish between two principal through August. Most Batak view the two sorts themselves. Figure I illustrates the five parts of 4 bee species, p otioþan and nigoan. The bees of honey as making approximately equal a t¡ptcal potioþan hive as conceptualized by the t differ in appearance and in hive-making habits, contributions to subsistence and cash incomes; Batak. It also briefly identifìes the role that the and produce two diffe¡ent kinds ofhoney nigoan hives characteristically yield less honey, Batak attribute to each part in the reproduction 3 I during successive but partially overlapping but they are more frequently encountered and ofbees and the production ofhoney. Such , I 2 seasons. There is considerable geographical and collected. knowledge is necessary to determine whether a I I year-to-year va¡iation in the length ofthe hive is in facr ready for honey collection. Once I
honey season and the amount ofhoney A diverse range of knowledge about bees and a Batak has spotted a potioþan hive, he may \. -t' available for collection, reflecting (among other thei¡ behaviour is essential to successful collec- return to it several times to monitor the growth things) corresponding variations in climate and tion of wild honey. Bees may locate their hives of the tado (the honey-bearing section; see flora. The potioþan season t¡pically runs from virtually an)'whe¡e, and considerable skill is Figure l) and to decide ifit has reached 1. yumo: area uhere the laru¿e liue Þeyanene'an, the at which pollen and needed to spot them. In the case of potiokan, point 2. inghasøn: area wberc laruae become adub hives are located in the fo¡est upper sto¡ey, honey are present in equal quantities. and leaue; an area abandoned by the hanging from lateral branches near the tree høtched laruae 3. biyageng area where pollen has notTet tops. Nigoan, in contrast, characteristically lo- Actual honey collection requires little in the been conuerted into honey cate their hives in holes in logs or t¡ee stumps. way of equipment but considerable skill. The 4. tado: place where honey is locøted only tools needed are a small smoking torch to 5. pagsapuøn: tree trunþ or place wbere hiue is axached Much of what the Batak know about the habits drive the bees away, a bolo (machete), a ofbees concerns the various flowering trees that container for the honey and, in the case of A swarm of potiohan makes several new hives bees characteristically feed upon during the potiokan, sufficient rattan or cord to wrap the over the cou¡se ofeach season, regardless of course ofthe honey season. These trees do not hive securely and lowe¡ it to the ground. For whether honey is collected ot îot. Nigoan, tn all flowe¡ on the same schedule; rather, they ground-level nigoanhives, collectors use a contrast, remain at a single location unless bloom in succession over the course ofthe machete (or, on occasion, an axe) to enlarge the season, each becoming in turn a principal focus hive opening to the point that they can reach of pollen-gathering. Table 4lists the l9 named inside and break off pieces of the comb, while
kinds of flowering forest trees which serve as at the same time blowing smoke into the hive pollen and nectar sources identified by the to disorient the bees and drive them off. For Batak, in the approximate order in which they treetop ?otioþanhives, collectors must first flower. AIso in Table is climb to the hive's location a task often shown 4 the desirabiliry - ofthe honey, as reported by the Batak, from requiring considerable dexteriry and skill One príncìpal hind of uild - bee, þnoun as nígoan, the bees that have been feeding on each and then cut offthe honey-bearing portion of The Bataþ baraest nìgoan b*ílds bfues ín bollou logs. successive kind of t¡ee. the hive and lower it to the ground. bee hiaesfrom hollow logs.
t4 I5 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
,,,The Bataþ, pløæ in ndture
disturbed. Once honey has been collected, a He was first encountered, it is said, by Kawali, during which the honey search is suspended months on end. It was not clea¡ if this was swarm ofbees is said to take about three days a Batak who once travelled alone to Malabusog entirely and all local group members are speculation or based on observation; I did not to "survey" for a new hive location, an addi- to look for food. Malabusog is located on the enjoined to avoid interpersonal conflicts and to interview anyone who had seen such a campo. tional week to make a new hive, and another coast between the present-day communities of only "think cleanly" about their neighbours. week after that to start making honey. Langogan and Tagnipa; Ungaw lives near there Following a culminating ritual, practical In any case, knowing exactly where to hunt fo¡ All ofthe practical activiqt entailed by honey with his wife Baybay at a place known as knowledge again takes precedence and the wild pigs calls for considerable environmental collection occurs within, and is influenced by, a Kaygunaygunay. At e time when the Batak did search for honey begins anew. knowledge. It is especially important to know culturally-constructed set of beliefs about how not yet "know about" bees, and hence were the feeding habits ofpigs and, in particular, both humans and bees ¡elate to the wide¡ and always hungry and in sea¡ch of food, Ungaw \Yildpigs where they are most likely to be feeding at a more powerful parallel world of nature spirits. revealed himself to Kawali and granted the particular time. !7hile wild pigs eat a wide If the Batak know that bees move a¡ound Batak permission to henceforth collect honey Wild pig meat is arguably the Batak's favourite variety of items, their primary food is overripe during the course of the honey season accord- to help them survive. food. Hunting for pigs occupies much of the fruit. This fruit has fallen to the fo¡est floo¡ at ing to the flowering schedules of specific kinds men's time and is a subject of much discussion. the stage in a tree's reproductive cycle that the of trees, they also know that bee movements From Ungaw, Kawali also learned the distinc- It is carried out either with spears and hunting Batak term its simbolan. The Batak concentrate are ultimately controlled by rhe panya'en tive lambay þøt taro ritual that, even in the dogs or from blinds with guns or bow and Ungaw, the apo or "grandfather" of the bees. present day, serves to restore ritual equilibrium arrow, the last being a distinctively "Negrito" when Ungaw becomes aîgry or the balance weapon throughout Southeast Asia. \Øild pigs Ungaw is a caretaker spirit ofthe sort discussed berween humans and bees is distu¡bed. Should can be found throughout the year; Batak effo¡ts ea¡lier; he guards his wards jealously and pun- a honey collecto¡ accidentally drop a portion of to hunt them wax and wane more with need ishes any Batak abuse of bees by sending them the hive on the ground and waste its contents, and the competing demands of other subsist- elsewhere or calling them home, thereby bring- Ungaw may anger to the point that the ence activities than with any seasonalities in the ing an end to the honey supply. Ungaw is thus offending individual is unable to locate further wild pig population. a major fìgure in the Batak spirit world, and a hives o¡ even becomes ill. Should an entire hive variety of stories a¡e told about him. accidentally be dropped to the ground and Batak do not âppeil as knowledgeable about ruined, Ungaw may become angrier still. The the breeding habits ofpigs as about those of hapless collector may sicken and die, having bees, apparently because such knowledge does been "eaten", it is believed, by Ungaw himseli not loom as large in the hunt. Although the as a sort of replacement for the wasted hive. Batak know that a mother pig delivers and Alternatively, Ungaw will send the bees away raises her litter in a dogmon (a nest or den made and the local people will find themselves unable in any sheltered and secure location), only to collect any honey at all. In this latter case, occasionally are inhabited dogmon encountered. WìlÅ. honey ìs both a A bou-and-arrou hanter the lambøy Þat taro, or "honey ritual", is called Batak also say that wild pigs are prone to gather ttødìtíona I su bsís tenc e fo o d uaíts ín a blínd to ambusb and a source of caslt for. This interesting ceremonial cycle requires a in large cam?o, ot camps, where they some- awilàpìg afaooarite íncome. l5-day period ofcollective "good behaviour", times number in the dozens and remain fo¡ Batab food source.
1.6 17 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
,,,The Bataþ, pløce in na,twre Batak resource use ßday
their hunting near trees bearing fruit favoured rhe diwata that looks after the pigs is quick to I now turn to the actual patterns ofnatural lowland migrant practices that have the greater by pigs during that tree's simboløn. punish any ecological misbehaviour by erring resource use that figure in contemporary Batak environmental impact: telds are larger and hunters. In particular, should a hunter kill a pig subsistence adaptation. Because lowland people more likely to adjoin other fields or to be Table 5 identifies 21 named kinds of fruit- and fail to use its meat, he will find it difficult and lowland influence are omnipresent in the clealed stepwise, up or down hillsides in bearing trees that attract wild pigs in this way. or impossible to find additional pigs in the Batak environment today, any discussion of successive years; and fields are more thoroughly It also reports the month or months of each future, until appropriate ¡itual action is taken. contemporary Batak ¡esource use must be cleared, burned, and weeded. Lowland migrant tree's simbolan As Table 5 shows, at least one fi'amed in terms of the cur¡ently evolving fields are usually not planted with tree crops forest tree is fruiting every month of the year. The søgda, or ritual oflering, is the most alternative systems of resource use that influ- and are frequently clealed again after only a few Such information is known to every adult common such action, and is likely to be ence the Batak and their behaviour. years of fallow, rather than being allowed ro Batak. The order in which various trees fruit actempted wheneve¡ an unsuccessful hunter is regeneÍate more fully. serves as an annual calendar, akin to the annual down on his luck or suspects he has fallen in I therefore begin with a sort of ideal model that cycle of rice cultivation caiendars of agricultural the bad graces ofthe diwata þat bøboy. A spells out the various dimensions of contrast Batak Þaingin-making practices, in short, are of "Batak "lowland peoples in Southeast Asia. typical sagda for this purpose consists of a small beween the way" and the the low-impact sort, i.e. they facilitate early quantity each oftobacco and alcohol. These are migrant way" of practising shifting cr-rltivation; As with honey collection, pig-hunting occurs left in the forest and are followed by three days ofcollecting copal, rattan, and honey; and of within the context of a set of cultural beließ of abstinence from hunting, after which the utilizing still other sorts ofresources. Then I about the relationships between humans, ani- hunter begins his hunt anew. Should most or turn to what is presently happening "on the
mals, and nature spìrits. \l/ild pigs also have a all members of a local group encounter ground" with respect to these various activities specifìc caretaker spirit the only other ani- difficulry finding and taking pigs, the Batak and resources, both in terms of the present - mal besides bees to have one. Generally referred may resort to a more ambitious group ritual state of the resources themselves and what the to as diwata Þat baboy or apo kat baboy the action known as tuareþ leat diwata. This Batak ale currenrly doing, and why, with speciûc name varies with locale; at Mangapin it ceremony is centred around the trance- respect to theil utilization and management. is Biolioganen, and at Calabayog it is Kiodalan. inducing dance form known as tareþ, whtch Batak vs. lowland res0urce use: shifting cultivation But as with the panya'en that controls the bees, appeals for ¡elief to the apo of the pigs much as the Iambay þat tøro appeals to the apo of the bees. Again. the ultimate purpose is to resto¡e One of the most revealing contrasts berween the natu¡al equilibrium between humans and Batak and lowland migrant ways concerns how other animals. members of each group practice shifting cultivation. The Batak tend to make smaller' {;-:'',:> and more scatrered fields; they are more likely to leave some trees star.rding in their fields and Aþrcst carnp tøsb groap to burn less completely; and they are more processes utild yøms, A Bataþ tasþ groap patßes likely to weed less thoroughly and faliow their to rest ìn the during a tra diti o na I $t an imp o rtant forest fields for a longer per:iod time. is the carbohydrate food, of It trip upríaer,
18 r9 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
Bntaþ, resource wse todøy
il
I
regeneration ofthe forest cover. Lowland Batak do share with such peoples the sorts of tors, whether Batak, Tagbanua (neìghbouring Certainly today, lowland migrant and accultur- migrant kaingin-makine practices, on the other cultural and religious beliefs that contribute to indigenous people) or lowlander, engage in ated Tagbanua copal collectors who have - hand, lead to the removal of large expanses of low-impact Þ aingin- maktne. In particular, they tapping (discussed in greater detail in the next come to outnumber Batak collectors in most forest cover; indeed, that is their aim. It is hold cwo beliefs that have traditionally encour- section). Tr:aditionally, however, the Batak say locales collect far larger quantities of copal - ironic that the relatively casual ûeld-clearing aged dispersed sites and incomplete clearing, that they did not practice tapping. Rather, they than the Batak. As the Batak say, their "needs" and weeding practices of the Batak, and other both ecologically-beneficial practices. At the either climbed the trees to collect the resin that are greater, a circumstance that is directly aspects of their shifting cultivation system, have start of the Þaingin season, a farmer fìrst makes spontaneously exuded, "flowe¡like", near the related to the appearance ofever-more destruc- long stereoryped them in the eyes oflowland a small "test plot" in his intended location and topJ or they simply picked up what eventually tive forms of collection. Typical Batak copal- migrants as poor or "Iazy" farmers. In fact, then sleeps in this clearing. Ifhe has a bad Fell to rhe lorest floor. This accounr seems collecting trips last nvo to fìve days, depending these very practices have been pursued for at dream, the site is inhabited by panya'en, and he plausible, and some of the oldest Batak claim on the river valley (and, in particular, on travel Ieast 100 years in the same general locales, tries again elsewhere. Additionally, in the that such collection practices in fact still were times back and forth between settlements and providing the Batak with a subsistence living cou¡se offìeld clearance, certain trees are left carried out durihg their youth: namely, during collecting areas). In contrast, better-ûnanced without resulting in deforestation. As one older uncut because they are thought to be inhabited the late 1930s. This is unconfirmed, howeve¡. lowland migrant and Tagbanua collectors ¡esident of Calabayog put it, "Batak have lived 6y panya'en. Springs, steep slopes, and ¡ock remain up to a month in the interior, each on the Tanabag River for as long as anyone can overhangs are left undisturbed for the same On the other hand, all parties agree that the collecting up to 1000 kilograms of copal before remembe¡, and thele were a lot more of us practice of tapping was int¡oduced by lowland returning to the coast. There is also a subtle but before than nov/, and yet the forest is still migrants presumably lowland concessionar- signifìcant difference in orientation. Lowland - - here. If lowlanders had been living here, the Copalcollection ies who wanted to earn more money. Some and Tagbanua collectors, typically young single
forest would have long since been gone". Batak also recall a kind of "middle period", males, regard copal collecting as a remedio, a
The contrasting histories of Batak and lowland dated by one informant to the post-'Sl'orld \Øar sort of strategy of the moment to amass a \Øhile farming does not figure in Batak migrant copal exploitation also reveal funda- II years, during which the Batak took up quantiry of money needed for a particular subsistence and culture to the degree that it mentally differenc ecological stances. The tapping but not in the deep and destructive purpose ¡6 m¿l¡s a down payment to buy - does among other Philippine tribal peoples, the indigenous people of Palawan have long been fashion practised today. Tapping in its present land, to pay a debt, to get married, and so on. engaged in the international trade of Manila form was introduced by speciûc lowland The Batak, in contrast, regard copal collecting copal, a resin produced by the almaciga tree concessionaries or their agents; it was dated to (Agathis dømana) which is used in the manu- 1965 by one Batak at Calabayog and to 1961 facture ofpaint varnish and other industrial by another Batak at Kayasan (Melanie products. I McDe¡mott, personal communication). This j time period also saw signifìcant numbers of The principal ecological issue here is the lowland migrants taking up copal collection for Tbe Bataþ, uith the practice of tapping almaciga trees near the base the first time. encoaragernent ofthe to facilitate the flow ofresin, and the conse- Haríbon Palauaø/IUCN Maniln copal is bøuled to project, use fire breaþs ds a quences ofsuch tapping for the sustainability This may also be the time when the scale of storøge sbeds to au)ait fi e ld prep aratio n flte asør e. of copal exploitation. Today, all copal collec- copal-collecting increased to its present level îansPott to marþet.
20 21 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION
BÄTAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
,,,Bataþ, resot4rce ase toda,y
as part oftheir pangabui, or subsistence life_ too much of the standing crop, particularly way. Hence for them, the sustainability all. This norwithstanding, rhere are reports of of the from single plants brings about depletion. In 1995 the Batak began to resume Þaingin- Iowland activiry is, at least implicitly, mo¡e of issue. - migrants, ar leasr on occasion, using making an They also know that certain rattan species at Calabayog and Mangapin. This fi¡e or even (palasan chemical insecticides to drive bees followed a and bugtong, see Table 6) only send rwo-year haingin ban imposed by Rattan collection out of a hive, thereby effectively killing the the Pue¡to Princesa out one cane in their lifetime, a cane rhatJ in Ciry governm ent in 1992 swarm (according to these reports) rarher rhan as a forest conservation order to prevent local extinction, must be measure. This measu¡e allowing it to survive Similar contrasts surround rattan collection. allowed and relocate elsewhere. was subsequently revised to ro flower, fruit and reseed before being tVhile alleviate the About such reports seem plausible, 70 species of rarran a¡e found in the cut. they are nor economic hardships it created for upland Philippines, confirmed. ,,Controiled belonging to four genera ofthe farme¡s. Under the terms of the family Palmae: ca/amus, daemonorops, Burning Ordinance Today the Batak claim that, at least in the past, oî 1995',, upland residents Other forest þerthalsia, and p lectocomia. Thosespecies resources of Puerto that they behaved better in these regards than P¡incesa Ciry, including the Batak, are identifìed and traditionally utilized were by the lowland migrants now do, because they allowed ro resume kaingin-making on Batak are shown in Table 6. There are nume¡ous other kinds of resources ce¡tain selectively harvested only a few of the largest kinds oflands and under conditions that the Batak utilize or exploit: wild greens, designed canes from each plant, leaving behind mo¡e of to minimize environmental damage. The differences between t¡aditional aquaric fauna, fo¡est animals, and so on. All of Batak the standing crop. This claim is supported in coÌlection pracrices and lowland migrant these resou¡ces are directly or indirectly paft by previous interview research by Haribon collection practices are not as clear-cut affected by forest clearance and other activities as they Palawan, which showed that the Batak in fact a¡e wirh (I related to lowland migrant copal. rerurn ro present_day rattan possess considerable sertlemenr of Barak traditional knowledge tVhile collection pracrices below.) This is territory. none of these resources are the in part about the sustainable management require_ because, unlike the situation with copal, target of large-scale lowland migrant exploita_ ments of various rattan species. As with copal, tion ecological misbehaviour and ¡esource depletion in the same way as copal, rattan, honey, or however, the Batak probably have had less of are nor so immediately and visibly linked. land itself, some are quite rare and easily The an impact on rattan resources if only because Batak do know that over-harvesting disturbed. Increased human presence and taking they harvesr less, on the average, than lowland - illegal trafficking in migrants do. wildlife occasional - pose significant threats to these resources. Honey collection Current Batak resource use
Here again, Batak practices are more conserva_ I now discuss tion-o¡iented. the way that the Batak utilize Recìpro ca I lab o ur p ar tí es, The ove¡all impact of any three major resources: agricultural land, copal, Iìþe the one shoun hete ecological misbehaviou¡ by lowland migrants and rattan. plantíng an I will pay parriculâ¡ arrenrion to rhe upland rice here is likely only slight, however, as they only field, are often qaite large departures from t¡aditional practices caused by collect those nigoanhiveswhich are acciden_ and ìnclude botb Bataþ the influence of lowland migrants and state Bataþ cubivatíon practìces tally encountered in the course ofother ønd louland migrants, policies. ínclude íntercroppíng activiries, and do not collectpa tioþanhives ar apknd rícefields wìth bandnø plants
22
z:t ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
,,,Batøþ resource use today
This measure was promulgated too late in the across hillside fields, and intercropped their inappropriate tapping practices, characterizing \With respect to those Batak who do collect 1995 agricultural season for most Batak at maturing fields with tree seedlings. The the whole system as "unsustainable, very copal, it appears to be moot whether they
Calabayog to make haingins, but most of those p olitical situation regarding h aingin - making is injurious to almaciga trees and even destruc- somehow do so more "sustainably" than their at Mangapin were able to do so. very fluid, and current practices look primarily tive" (Callo, 1995:7). The Batak themselves Tagbanua and lowland migrant counterparts. to the future. But there is cause for optimism are well aware of the damage that has aheady They all collect from the same trees, and the Fields in the latter locale are generally close to in view of the traditional and still influential been done. They estimate that the proportion damage that each successive coliector can do the settlement and a¡e mostly cut in low-fallow Batak desire to maintain their forest cover, of the total stand of almaciga trees on the may be incremental but is cumulative. The regrowth which was used just before the total especially with the recent successes of Haribon Tanabag and Langogan River watersheds lost Batak say they behave less aggressively than lWith ban took effect. the assistance of Ha¡ibon Palawan-assisted Batak efforts to secure their to over-tapping ranges to 25 per cent and others in these regards, and they do collect on a Palawan field staff, Mangapin farmers con- ancest¡al lands against further destructive smaller scale, as noted earlier. But there is not structed fire breaks prior to burning, dragged encroachment by lowland migrants. At least for the clear evidence that there is wirh haingin- unburned debris into erosion-retarding "dikes" the present, much of these ancestral lands The importance of copal collection to the making, for example, that the Batak are remain extensively forested, and on those lands Batak economy varies benveen different local behaving more responsibly than others are with cleared previously for agriculture, there is little groups, and the Batak generally collect much respect to almaciga tapping. erosion, growrh of cogon (Imperata sp.), or less than the Tagbanua and lowland migrants. other evidence of se¡ious degradation. During 1995 at Mangapin, only about three The cur¡ent situation with rattan collection is Batak men regularly collected copal. The rest similarly ambiguous. There is serious depletion The current situation regarding almaciga trees cited the a¡duous nature of the work, their ofrattan stands on all watersheds inhabited by and copal collection is more serious and is parc inabilicy to provide their families with adequate the Batak, a phenomenon reported elsewhere of an island-wide phenomenon. Conelly subsistence while off on collection trips, and on Palawan as well (Conelly, 1985). There has (1985: 43-44), for example, reports that copal disputes with the concessionary over matters of apparently also been some local extinctions of resources have become seriously depleted on payment and credit as their reasons for pursu- commercially-valuable species, particularly the west coast of Palawan, in the viciniry of ing alternative income-producing activities. palasan (Table 6), due to the harvesting Napsaan, due to a variety of factors that Copal collection is viewed more favourably and include increased exploitation by local forest makes a bigger contribution to the economy of collectors (see also Quiniones, 1980). Calabayog, where most households have one regularly contributing collector (either a young Callo (1995) studied three sample collection married male or an unmarried teenage son). areas near Calabayog, Mangapin, and the Batak But even the¡e collection is dominated by settlement in Caramay. He observed large Tagbanua and lowland migrants; the conces- numbers of dead and decaying almaciga trees in sionary's local agent estimates that Batak only Batah agroforestry each area, and estimated that mortaliry among for total copal meutures ølso ínclude account about one-third ofthe Some Bataþ haae pknted
c tapped trees ran as high as 65 per cent at the currently collected on the Tanabag fuver ìntercroppìng as h eu tre es c offe e on fores t- s h øde d land utítb ríce fields. Mangapin site. Callo attributes this damage to wate¡shed. neat the r¡!e/.
24 25 ISSUIS IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
,,,Bataþ, resot4rce ase todøy Prospects for community-based management
practices described earlier. AIso, a lot of rattan most local observers believe that the current Despite certain ambiguities about past practice, The traditional Batak system of resource use, is simply wasted. Most of the canes that climb collection p¡actices ofBatak and non-Batak are and certain convergences between Batak and and its associated ideology, seems to be an up into the canopy are cut offas high as a the same. immigrant lowlanders in present practice, the appropriate place to begin. But efforts to build collector can reach, with the rest simply left foregoing information points clearly to this upon this system must recognize that it has behind if it can not be pulled down; it is easier The Batak at Calabayog and Mangapin do not conclusion: overall, the Batak approach to some serious limitations. First, it does not to find other canes to cut than to climb to the currently regard rattan collection as being making a living in their environment is less explicitly address possible future resou¡ce canopy to free an entangled one. The Batak particularly profitable. By their own calcula- destructive of natural resources and ecological depletion, either by the Batak or by others. At
maintain that even today they collect ¡attan in tions, they can earn considerably more per day integrity than that of lowland migrants. And the level of ideology, rh.e panya'en those - a more ecologically responsible fashion than do by collecting copal. As with copal, there is yet this is not a brief for simply letting the apparently ecologically well-intentioned Tagbanua and lowland migrants. But these always the potential for disputes with conces- Batak "manage their own resources for them- "caretaker spirits" are not really concerned - claims, too, proved impossible to veri$r, and sionaries about late payments, alleged selves". For one thing, Batak material expecra- about the Batak and their future, are - they undersizing, and the like. The attractions of tions, and the resulting pressure on their concerned about their own property. It is true rattan collecting are that it is less physically resources, continue to grow, and it is unrealistic that the Batak use resources judiciously, but demanding and entails less travel than copal to expect that this trend can be ar¡ested or this is because oÍ at least they say it is - collection. At Calabayog, for example, collec- reversed. For another, extensive territorial because they fear rhe panya'en, not because - tion areas for at least some va¡ieties and sizes penetration, intermarriage, and other kinds of they worry about the future. Certainly, when are within a 30- to 60-minute walk of the social inte¡actions with migrant lowlanders are asked about it, most Batak do not seem to view settlement. At Mangapin, the closest rattan immutable facts of Batak life. future resource availabiliry as a problem. collection areas âre several hours away, but are Indeed, at least some people (perhaps most) still closer than copal collection areas. More In short, any realistic approach to developing seem to view many resources as inexhaustible. individual Batak collect rattan than copal but more sustainable natural resource management Honey, rattan, and copal were all specifically rattan contributes somewhat less than copal to practices among the Batak must simultaneously their household economy, at least at involve lowland migrants and take into account I Calabayog. the nature of wider Philippine sociery. I begin by examining, in turn, the weaknesses and strengths of both Batak and lowland migrants, both in what they say and what they do. Then I discuss how some sort of synthesis might be developed that would build on each group's respective strengths, in the interest ofdesigning and implementing an effective community- H o o h- and- line fi s bing ìn tbe riuer prouídes øn based management regime.
¡rnP o rtant s o u.rce of prote ín Tlte Bataþ also speørfish Batak, for the for cntstaceans ín the riaer,
26 27 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
-b ,,. P r o sp e cts f o r c o mmunity ø s e d m øn d, ge m e nt
cited by various Batak as resources that men or women who abuse resources are not low-impact, multidimensional subsistence fesources as something that they want their "couldn't be used up", whatever the extent of subject to ostracism or âny other form of strategy: itself a form of ecological wisdom. "shate" of or perhaps even more than their utilization by Batak or by others, because they punishment by the group itself. In this regard, Unlike those lowland migrants who subsist share of, on the grounds that "ifI don't get it, regenerated naturally (see below, however). the Batak system of resource manâgement, entirely by farming, the Batak are reluctant to someone else will". Many migrants, based on based as it was on low-impact exploitation by a depend entirely on one single subsistence their experience elsewhere in the Philippines, Second, the traditional Batak system of limited population, traditionally lacked an activitt/. They believe that lightly exploiting a view the forest as something that will soon resource utilization does not include a basis fo¡ important element of more developed common wide variery of different forest resources disappear aît"way, which makes a "get-it-while- excluding outsiders, either physically or property management regimes. minimizes the ecological impacts of human you-can" attitude toward forest resources all symbolically. Use is based on legitimate needs, exploitation. the more plausible and able to be rationalized. acceptable to the panyø'en. Lowland migrants, And yet the Batak also bring some significant after all, have needs too, and while the Batak strengths to the situation. They have, afte¡ all, Third, and somewhat paradoxically, in view of However, there are also strengths, or potential recognize that there has been unprecedented not significantly degraded their environment some earlie¡-noted Batak "weaknesses", Batak strengths, in lowland migrant attitudes; they competition for resources from such migrants despite generations of habitation; moreover, do, in some contexts, clearly recognize that too bring a longer view and a commitment to a in recent decades, they continue to feel that any they are quite aware of this fact and justifì- natural resource depletion is a potential - ecological misbehaviour is a matter for the ably proud of it. Living in or near the forest is problem. They also acknowledge that some pan!ø'en to address. particularly important, not only for subsistence depletion e.8., of almaciga trees, or of stands - reasons but as a valued part of a Batak's sense of rattan has in fact aheady occurred. They - Third, there are no obvious social sanctions for of identiry and well-being. Upon returning also recognize that increased exploitative ecological misbehaviour, whether by lowland from an NGO-sponsored conference in Baguio pressures, embodied in growing numbers of migrants or the Batak themselves. Again, these City, in the mountainous northern Philippines, lowland migrants to the uplands, are primarily are matters that the spirits will take care of; the president ofthe Batak Federation spoke to blame and need to be addressed. - eloquently about how much he missed the forests ofPalawan and about how the pine- Turning to lowland migrants, it is important covered slopes around the ciry were no substi- not to assume too much of a general nature tute for the tropical forest at his doorstep in about their environmental values because of Calabayog. Other Batak, too, spoke of close their ecological behaviour during what is, for emotional associations with the forest, and I them, a new encounter with frontier resource am confident they are prepared to work for its extraction. Such migrants do not set out to be preservation. rapacious shifting cultivators or to otherwise destroy the frontier environment. The vast Second, the Batak bring profound knowledge majority are peaceful, law-abiding folk, whose of their environment to any community-based primary concern is securing a better living for Co llectíng mo lhæhs ølso con ríbutes to the Batah natural resource management programme. their families. And yet it is clearly a significant Tbe potíoban bee builds diet. Much of this knowledge is embedded in their limitation that many indeed do see frontier bíues on bigb nee brancbes.
28 29 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
,,P r osp e cts for commwnity-b ased mønagement
kind of sustainability. The longer view of with sustained availabiliry of the products National Park have been signifìcantly trans- But again, among local stakeholders there migrant farmers is characteristically centred these ecosystems which produce, and upon formed by the changes in recent decades. aheady exists the basis for a local system of (future) around their immediate family and the whose sustained availabiliry their incomes and sustainable resollrce management. On the good Indeed, expressions livelihoods oftheir children. folk depend. a First, a heavy influx of lowland migrants Batak side, these positive factors include about the latter are widely heard throughout has significantly altered prior resource traditional environmental knowledge; a low- the lowland Philippines, typically to explain Associated with this characteristic longer view management and utilization practices in an impact, mixed subsistence strategy; economic economic striving by the parents. One such lowland migrants is a distinctive lowlander of area that was once the nearly-exclusive ties to, and social acceptance ol lowland widely-heard expression is "sustainabiliry". tVhereas to the effect that view of the Batak domain of indigenous peoples. migrants; and considerable enthusiasm for the "we're doing this so our children won't have to view the forest as something to be preserved a Second, an entrenched national concession wider goal of reclaiming authority over local go what we judiciously, through went through". The and therefore exploited lowland system for timber and non-timber forest resources. On the lowland migrant side, these activity in question can include all so¡ts of migrants view it as something to be removed to products has allowed outside entrepreneurs include the desire to settle permanently, an efforts at economic betterment including make way for upland farming - systems. For at to profit from forest extraction. This interest in agroforestry, and the capacity for the forest. (Given cutting down their contrast- least some migrants, such systems need to be situation has put increasing pressure on ing on-the-ground ecological behaviours in developed and managed in a sustainable local limited resource bases in \Mays that upland Palawan, it is of course i¡onic that fashion; some migrant lowland farmers have have effectively contravened any prior lowland migrant parents should speak more made impressive advances in this direction rationâle for sustainable management. explicitly than Batak parents about securing a (Eder, 1996; see also Abdoellah, 1989; Cernea,
better future for thei¡ children.) As in ru¡al 1992; Mittelman, Muenkul and Kamner- Because ofthis, restoring authorify to local areas throughout the where world environ- dratana, 1993). While at one level, migrants people to control local resource use is a vital ments have sustained significant damage, and Batak have quite different notions of what first step toward more sustainable resource especially over last the one or rwo decades, sort of future they desire, at another level they management within the project area. There are project area residents have failed to equate the appear to share an important common interest several formidable difficulties he¡e that must be sustainable management of local ecosystems in making that future a sustainable one. overcome, including:
Despite various strengths on both sides, a legitimizing the rights of local communities however, and in spite of the fact that both to own and manage their lands and Batak and lowland migrants do have a stake in resources; conserving the fo¡est and forest resources, the mediating competing stakeholder interests; fact remains that individuals on both sides do forging public acceptance of any resulting engage in non-sustainable practices. But we sustainable management agreements; and should not forget that Haribon-IUCN's efforts Erosíon cottrol bart'ìers are a institutionalizing the abiliry to monitor and to help develop community-based sustainable ø e Id prep m easur e fi øratíon enfo¡ce compliance with these agreements. The Bataþ collect and sell recentl! adopted by tbe fesource management in the Batak A¡cestral canes from a uaríety of Bataþ, Domain and the buffer zone of St. Paul's røttan species,
30 3r ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANÄGEMENT
,,, P r o sp e cts f or commanity -b as e d man øgement Conclusions
organization and cooperation. AIso on the plus called for. They are also able to present Ifsignificant political progress continues to be management knowledge is to help define and side ofthe equation is the existence oftradi- alternative sustainable management options made in returning control over local resources better understand the ecosystem that the to local people and there is certainly cause project aims to manage, especially since so little tional markets for forest products, and the that coincide with local needs and conditions. - for optimism in this respect then the is known about it. Batak knowledge of seasonal welcome presence of outside facilitating Indeed, the continuing assistance ofthese - agencies, Haribon Palawan and The Vorld agencies in developing local capacities, principal remaining issue is how to weave flowering and fruiting patterns, animal behav- Conservation Union. These organizations have catalyzing local resolve, and synthesizin g local diverse cultures, institutions, and technologies iour, and so forth, could help establish a viable the abiliry to assist local people to identiS' sustainable-use assets will be crucial if an into an effective communiry-based sustainable ecosystem as a basis for the management area instances oflocally unsustainable resource use effective conservation-based natural resource management capacìty. This is a substantial and could help determine suitable harvest and to undertake mitigative measures when management scheme is to be escablished. challenge and a full response to it is beyond the limits fo¡ forest products. In addition, ac- scope ofthis report. But the data and analysis I knowledgment and use of Batak envi¡onmental have presented, and my own wider reading of expertise would also cont¡ibute to empowering the local situation, suggest that success in this them politically. endeavou¡ can indeed be achieved, ifthe principal parties involved proceed together on three related fronts.
First, a role needs to be identified fo¡ the Batak's conside¡able traditional environmental knowledge, some of which has been detailed in this report. It would be unwise to overestimate the potential contribution of Batak knowledge to a locally appropriate management system (see Delü/alt, 1994; Bellon, 1995), especially if it means overlooking potential contributions
from either lowland migrant experience or ,li I modern resource management science. A , concerted effort is necessary to suwey all potentially appropriate kinds of knowledge and to educate local people about them.
In evaluating the role of the Batak's environ- mental knowledge, a possible starting point to Røttan cønes øre cut and sízed before being baalzd to begin is the ecosystem itself. One potential The Batøb tap almaciga the settletnent. contribution of traditional Batak resource trees nt the base for copal,
32 )) ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MAN,\GEMENT
Conclusions
Second, local stakeholders must work together reliance on the forest. Such a programme might establishing a new one, such as a local water- and genuinely empowered local people, who to make the project area economically, as well also help enlist lowlander support for a sustain- shed users association. Any such local manage- share the benefìts from and the responsibili- - as ecologically, viable. A number of encourag- able management plan that they might other- ment organization must be geared toward the ties for the management area, is the best - ing elements are aheady in place: the presence wise view with scepticism. But there is also a management of resources, and must not merely guârantee of the long-term success of this of markets for forest products that can, in need for more direct incentives to foster lower- act as a vehicle for outside interests. Organized innovative and promising project. principle, be harvested sustainably; the Batak's impact behaviour, specifically with regard to mobile, mixed subsistence strategy and their market mechanisms that ¡eward forest product identification with the forest; and lowland exploitation. One possibiliry, for example migrant desires to settle, and their willingness (assuming that harvest limits are set), is for to take a longer view ofresource use. local resource managers to vary the level ofcash payment that forest product collectors receive The crucial issue of incentives, however, needs according to whether or not they remain to be addressed; in particular, incentives to within, or exceed, those limits. modi$r individual behaviour toward mo¡e sustainable farming and forest harvesting. The third way in which local stakeholders There is a continuing role here for education should proceed is broadly political and con- broadly defined for all parties. cerns the need to organize an appropriate - - management structure. Such a structure is An aggressive upland agricultural stabilization needed to mobilize and utilize traditional Batak programme aimed at lowland migrants, for environmental knowledge; to develop and example, could help establish cash crop options enforce incentives for ecologically-sound that would enable migrants to meet their behaviour, and to otherwise strengthen the subsistence and cash needs without excessive entire management programme.
Eleme nts of such a structure aheady exist; fo¡ instance, in the close working relationship between the Batak and Haribon-IUCN, and in the complex economic and social ties berween the Batak and lowland migrants. A project- focused management group that includes all stakeholders still remains to be established, The alruøcigø tree, a source howeve¡. As always, the choice is between of Møníla copø|, reaches Cut rattan canes are stored working with an existing political structure, hígh ínto the forest before transport to narþet such as rhe local \aranggay organization, or ilpPerstore!.
34 35 ISSUTS iN FORTST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MAN,{GEMENT
References
Abdoellah, Oaken S. (1989). SuccøsfulAdøpta- De\Øalt, Billie R. (1994). Using Indigenous Mittelman, AndrewJ. andJ. Alisuag (1995). Rai, Navin K. (1990). Liuing in a Lean-to: tion Strøtegies among Balinese Transmigrants in Knowledge to Improve Agriculture and Indigenous Knowledge Systems: Problems and Phiþpine Negrito Foragers in Transition. the Upland"s of East Kalimantan. College of Natural Resource Management. Human Opportunities in Sustainable Forest UttLza- Anthropological Paper No. 80. Ann Arbor: Natural Resources and Forestry, Universiry of Organization 53 (2): pp. 123-131. tion. Paper presented at the workshop: The University of Michigan Museum ofAnthropol- California-Berkeley. applications of indigenous knowledge sysrems ogy.
Eder, James F. (1987). On the Road to Tribal in sustainable upland development. Institute of Bellon, Mauricio R. (1995). Farmers'Knowl- Extinction: Depopuktion, D ecuhuration, ønd Conservation, College of Forestry. Universiry Shimizu, Hiromu (1983). Pinatubo Aytas: edge and Sustainable Agro-ecosystem Manage- Adaptiue lYell-Being among the Batah of the of the Philippines at Los Banos. Continuity and Change. Quezon City, Metro ment: An Operational Definition and an Philippines. Berkeley: Universiry of California Manila: Ateneo de Manila Universiry Press. Example from Chiapas, Mexico. Human Press. Mittelman, AndrewJ., Saksith Muenkul and Organization 54 (3): pp.263-172. Songphol Kamne rdratan a (1993) . Integrated Thomas, Villiam H. (1994). Are Indigenous
Eder, James F. (1996) After Deforestation: Conservation and Development Buffer Zones People Ecologically NØise? Unpublished Bennagen, Ponciano L. (1993). Tribal Filipi- Migrant Lowland Fa¡mers in the Philippine for P¡otected Areas Support.In RECOFTC manuscript. Arizona State University, Depart- nos. In: Shelton H. Davis (ed). Indigenous Uplands. In: Leslie Sponsel, Thomas Head- 1994: Proceedings of an International VorÞshop ment ofA¡thropology. Views of Land and the Enuironrnent.World land, and Robert Bailey (eds). Deforestation: on Community Forestry and Bffir Zone lVest, Bank Discussion Papers No.188, pp.67-84. The Human Dimension. New York: Columbia Deaelopment. Bangkok Regional Communiry Patrick and Steven Brechin (1991). 'Sf'ashington, D.C: \Øorld Bank. Universiry Press. Forestry Training Centre. Introduction. ln: Resident Peoples and National Parks, pp.l-28. Tucson: University of Arizona Callo, Ruben A. (1995). Damage to Almaciga Fox, Robert B. (1952). The Pinatubo Negritos: Quiniones, S.S. (1980). The Diminishing Press. Resources in Puerto Princesa and Roxøs, Palawan Their Useful Plants and Material Ctl:lure. The Almacigas in Palawan: A Report. Canopy Concessions. Ecosystems Research and Develop- Philippine Journal of Science 8l (3-4): International 6 (4): l. pp. 13-14. ment Bureau. Department of Environment and PP.173-414. Natural Resources. College, Laguna, Philippines. Hames, Raymond (1991). \Øildlife Conserva-
tion in Tribal Societies. In: M. Oldfield and J Cernea, Lapulapu (1992). Farmer-to-Farmer Alcorn (eds). Bio diu ersity : Cu hure, Cons erua-
Transfe r of S us tain a b le Agri cu bura I Te c h n o lo gi e s tion, and Ecodeuelopment. Boulder: \Øeswiew in the Uplands of Cebu. Cebu, Philippines: Press. Magu-umad Foundation.
Conelly,'ùØ. Thomas (1985). Copal and Rattan Collecting in the Philippines. Economic Botany 39: pp.39-48.
36 37 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
Appendix
Table 1. Batak place names along a l2-km section of the Langogan River Table 2. Traditional Batak animal foods Batakname Scientificname 1: confluence 3: deep water 2: rapid 4: cliffs Mammals
Mangapin (present settlement site) biaatanen:1,2 \Xrild pig baboy Sus barbatus palawensis
dugian T h ec urus p um i lus (Gtnther) girek; 1,2 nanag:1 Porcupine (Huet) mabitia 1,2 bulalakaw: 3, I Palawan stink badger tuldo Sullotaxus marchei tabid: 1,2 sigiang: 3, I Scaly anteater bay'i Parømansis culionensis amantoron (Nlen) bangkal: w3 naglogan:3, I Palawan bear cat Artictis whitei Little leopard cat mi¡e' Fe lis rninuta (Temminck) makanreb: l, 3 ablay:3,4 Dwarf small-clawed otter dengen Arnblonyx cinerea cinerea piamenglayan: 1, 3 agutay:3, I Macaque bakes Maceca philþpinensis siadig: 1, 3 linwasan: 3, I
legas: 1,3 ganed:1,2 Flying squirrel beyatat Hylopeta nigripes nigripes bagtik:1,2 naglimbengan: 1,2 Palawan tree shrew ka'may Tupaia palauønensis (Gray) ingegsuran: 1,3 kanibognan: 1,3 Squirrel Gmall) bising Callosciurus (large) (Gray) ogis: 1,2 malelbegan: 1,3 Squirrel soysoy Callosciurus kiaswagan: l, 2 malabago: 1,3 Fruit bat paniki suborder Megachiroptera Insectivo¡ous balingasag: 1,3 Pitpiten (1970-72 settlement site): 1, 2 bat kalagbeng suborder Microchiroptera
papandayan: 1 piolaan: 1,2 Birds/junglefowl
tabangarangen: 3,2 mayboingaw: 3, 1 Palawan peacock pheasant tandikan Poþplecnon emphanurn
mamonmon: 1,2 tiniktik 1,2 \Øild chicken katian Gallus gallus allusL.
kaybacong: 1,3 maropropanen: 3, I Birds/general manmanok class Aves
tumulaong: 1, 2 ginibolangen: 1,2 Reptiles pagrayan:2, I maglepad: 1, 2 Box pond turtle bayo'o' Cuora amboinensis
bayo'o: 1 pagtilben: 1,2 3, P¡hon maraniyog Python reticulah¿s bonoang: 1,2 alupayed: 1,2 \Øater snake (?) balinaynay subotder Ophidia alangay: 1,2 biakal: 1,2 kokodiawan: 1,2 Paglaglagan (proposed NAPOCOR damsite,
maaripit: 1, 3 near Kabuyaw stream):2, 1,4
38 39 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
..,þpendix
Table2,(continued) Table 3. Traditional Batak plant {oods Batahname Descrþtion Scientificname Fish Greens River eel katsili order Anquilliformes Anopol Po ihilosp ermurn suaaeo lens "Fish" seda' class Osteichthyes (16 named varieties) Bago Gnetøm gnornornL, Mollusks/c¡ustaoeans Bayakbakaw Shrimp carundang class Crustacea Baradong Crab kaye'ke class Crustacea Biasaian Univalves 6e'gay class Gastropoda (17 named varieties) Dar escaPe taro Co locas ia es cu lentum (Linn.) Insects Katumbal escaPe pePPer Capsicum frutescens Honey bee larvae anlran (5 order Hymenoptera named varieties) Katebek
Pako-pako fern At hy r i um e s c u le n turn (Retz.)
Sandaen
Sugi-sugi
Fruits Akaray
Alandeg santol-like Dracontome lon sy luesne
Amogis Ko orde rs io c lendro n p innøturn
Arupiran carambola Auerrhoø cararnbolaL.
Bago Gneturn in di cum (Lour.)
Balisangkad wild rambutan Nephelium løppaceum Bonog Garcinia benthami Bul
Candis Garciniø kteriflora
Dagaa Keliat Kindi-kindi Lakyaw
40 41 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
,,þpendix
Table 3. þontinued) Table4,Planh that attract bees
Lipso' appleJike Agløia sp. Plant Scientificname LupokJupok Flowetingmonth Honeyqualþ hagonoy February Magarugian 2nd D urio grau e o lens Becc. (?) banegbegan Ptero c1 m b ium tinoto riam Malinapog March 2nd taloto March lst Pali mango-like Mangiferø sp. dumaresa Shoreø contarta? March lst Pangi Pangium edule samereg Pa'o March lst mangoJike M angife r a a b i s s i rn a Blco. balisangkad Nephelium kppaceam Paraminlolon March 2nð. manaw April 2nd. Pega-pega limelike Citrus aurantifolia Swg. malabnang M^y 2nd Popoan breadfruitlike Artocarpis attilis bayoso' Pometia pinnata June lst \Øayway Gnetum snonomL. tayubang June 3rd Tubers lPanga June lst Abagan wildyam Dioscorea luzonensis ulayan Quercas so. July 4th Ayabe' wild yam, vine lahipga Jnly lst Banag wild yam, vine aroPag Eupnoriø dicyna? July 3Å Carendang wild yam, vine begnay Jl'tly 3rd Kudot wildyam Dioscorea hispidø Dennsr. aIa'kat August 3rd. Su'dan padiegan September 2nd Suga'ok bogo Gnetum gnormon 3Å \Øanday tailis 3rd. Otûe¡
\7ild bananas (2 named varieties) Musa errøns (Blco.) Teodoro
Palms (5 named varieties) Arenga sp. Rattans (7 named, varieties)
Fungi (14 named varieties)
Bamboos (3 named varieties) Bambasa sp.
42 45 ISSUES IN FOREST CONSERVATION BATAK RTSOURCE MANAGEMENI
,,.Appendix
Table S. Trees that attract wild pigs Table 6, locally important rattan varieties
Tree Scientiffcname Monthofsimbolan fü mmercially-important varieties sagasa Glochidion linorale January-February ariingan bagto February-March-April bugtong Calamøs mindorensis Becc. ba'wat February-March-April colombi alakat March-April dagket lagioan March-April kalabang Calørnus ornatus camaringin Semercepas p h ilippinew is? March-April lapsik Daemonorops mollis (Bl¡nco) Merr. sala M"y lipi Miuospbaerion ? malagtem June palasan Calamus merrillii Becc. nato Palaquium luzoniense June-July sambolagan bangloan June-July balisangkad Nephelium lappaceum June-July Non-commercial varieties: (for subsistence purposes only) baloing June-July dakawan bayoso' Pometia pinnata Joly morowa ipangah August omagas marabayangan Cyperus rotundus August tayobang August danglisan Grewia rnubiflora? September olayan October-November sabsaban Poþgonurn so. November pangi' Pangium edule December
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