The Administration of Native Affairs by the Liberal Government From
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Bromley Cemetery Guide
Bromley Cemetery Tour Compiled by Richard L. N. Greenaway June 2007 Block 1A Row C No. 33 Hurd Born at Hinton, England, Frank James Hurd emigrated with his parents. He worked as a contractor and, in 1896, in Wellington, married Lizzie Coker. The bride, 70, claimed to be 51 while the groom, 40, gave his age as 47. Lizzie had emigrated on the Regina in 1859 with her cousin, James Gapes (later Mayor of Christchurch) and his family and had already been twice-wed. Indeed, the property she had inherited from her first husband, George Allen, had enabled her second spouse, John Etherden Coker, to build the Manchester Street hotel which bears his name. Lizzie and Frank were able to make trips to England and to Canada where there dwelt Lizzie’s brother, once a member of the Horse Guards. Lizzie died in 1910 and, two years later, Hurd married again. He and his wife lived at 630 Barbadoes Street. Hurd was a big man who, in old age he had a white moustache, cap and walking stick. He died, at 85, on 1 April 1942. Provisions of Lizzie’s will meant that a sum of money now came to the descendants of James Gapes. They were now so numerous that the women of the tribe could spend their inheritance on a new hat and have nothing left over. Block 2 Row B No. 406 Brodrick Thomas Noel Brodrick – known as Noel - was born in London on 25 December 1855. In 1860 the Brodricks emigrated on the Nimrod. As assistant to Canterbury’s chief surveyor, J. -
From Legislative Machine to Representative Forum? Procedural Change in the New Zealand Parliament in the Twentieth Century
From legislative machine to representative forum? Procedural change in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century John E Martin* This article analyses procedural developments in the New Zealand parliament in the twentieth century to assess the shifting balance between government and parliament. A previous article in this journal documented how the government began to move to centre stage by the late nineteenth century. 1 This shift was consolidated in the first half of the twentieth century. A similar transition was evident in the British House of Commons and in other parliaments as the powers of the central state were extended: ‘A traditionally obstructive [legislative] procedure ... was transformed into a procedure which facilitated constructive criticism of the financial and legislative proposals of politically responsible governments, whilst severely restricting the opportunities of private Members to legislate.’2 This change was associated with a diminishing role for backbench private members and a strengthening of political party organisation in parliament. In New Zealand this came about at the turn of the twentieth century as the decayed factional system of politics was replaced by that of parties. (Previously political leaders assembled loose groups of supporters — factions — which gave them majorities in the House of Representatives. This form of politics broke down during the depression of the 1880s.) Associated with this change there was a gradual tacit recognition that the nature of obstruction of business should change as both governing and opposition parties considered that their work in parliament was orientated more towards the business of governing (and winning elections) than to demonstrating parliamentary independence. -
Whanganui Ki Maniapoto
'. " Wai 903, #A 11 OFFICIAL WAI48 Preliminary Historical Report Wai 48 and related claims Whanganui ki Maniapoto \ Alan Ward March 1992 "./-- · TABLE OF CONTENTS Page No. I THE NA TURE OF THE CLAIMS AND GENERAL HISTORICAL BA CKGROUND ...................... 9 1. The claims . .. 9 2. The oreliminarv report . .. 10 3. The iwi mainlv affected . .. 10 4. Early contacts with Europeans ................. 12 5. The Treaty of Waitangi ...................... 13 6. Early Land Acquisitions: .................. , . .. 15 7. Underlving Settler Attitudes . .. 16 8. Government land ourchase policy after 1865 ....... 18 fl. WHANGANUI AND THE MURIMOTU ................ 20 1. Divisions over land and attempts to contain them ... 20 2. Sales proceed . ........................... 22 /------, 3. Murimotu .. .................•............ 23 -1< ____)' 4. Strong trading in land? ...................... 25 5. Dealings over Murimotu-Rangipo ............... 26 6. Further attempts to limit land selling ............ 27 7. Kemp's Trust . 29 Iff THE KING COUNTRY ........... .. 30 1. Increasing contacts with government. .. 30 2. The Rotorua model ......................... 33 3. Whatiwhatihoe, May 1882: origins of the Rohe Potae concep t . , . .. , , , . , , . , , . 33 4. Government policy ., ....................... 36 5. Legislative preparations ........ , . , ...... , , , . 36 6. The Murimotu legislation .......... , .. ,....... 37 7. The Mokau-Mohakatino .. , ............. , , ... , 38 - 2 - 8. Maungatautari. • . • . • . • • . • . • • . 39 ) 9. Native Committees, 1883 -
Māori Land and Land Tenure in New Zealand: 150 Years of the Māori Land Court
77 MĀORI LAND AND LAND TENURE IN NEW ZEALAND: 150 YEARS OF THE MĀORI LAND COURT R P Boast* This is a general historical survey of New Zealand's Native/Māori Land Court written for those without a specialist background in Māori land law or New Zealand legal history. The Court was established in its present form in 1865, and is still in operation today as the Māori Land Court. This Court is one of the most important judicial institutions in New Zealand and is the subject of an extensive literature, nearly all of it very critical. There have been many changes to Māori land law in New Zealand since 1865, but the Māori Land Court, responsible for investigating titles, partitioning land blocks, and various other functions (some of which have later been transferred to other bodies) has always been a central part of the Māori land system. The article assesses the extent to which shifts in ideologies relating to land tenure, indigenous cultures, and customary law affected the development of the law in New Zealand. The article concludes with a brief discussion of the current Māori Land Bill, which had as one of its main goals a significant reduction of the powers of the Māori Land Court. Recent political developments in New Zealand, to some extent caused by the government's and the New Zealand Māori Party's support for the 2017 Bill, have meant that the Bill will not be enacted in its 2017 form. Current developments show once again the importance of Māori land issues in New Zealand political life. -
Treaties Nobody Counted On
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Open Journal Systems at the Victoria University of Wellington Library 653 TREATIES NOBODY COUNTED ON R P Boast* This article is based on the author's inaugural professorial lecture delivered at Victoria University of Wellington in March 2011. The author's subject is treaties and treaty-like agreements, entered into between the New Zealand government and Māori after the Treaty of Waitangi. In the early 1880s there was a prolonged process of negotiation between representatives of an indigenous and autonomous Polynesian state; a state which a prominent New Zealand historian has described as being "two thirds the size of Belgium" which "not all historians have noticed".1 This autonomous state had its own monarch, a port of its own, and was actively trying to build its economy, manage its own lands, and develop overseas trade and commerce. The process of negotiation took a number of years, involved frequent consultations at the highest level, was embodied in a number of documents, and was given effect to in legislation. To this day, those negotiations and the agreements that came out of them remain pivotal to the indigenous groups affected and are well-remembered. I am speaking of the King Country, and the negotiations that took place in the 1880s in which two Native Ministers, John Bryce and John Ballance, were involved, as well as King Tawhiao and a number of leading rangatira of the Ngāti Maniapoto, Ngāti Raukawa and other tribes.2 The historian I have referred to is of course Professor James Belich, who at the end of his The New Zealand Wars, expressed his puzzlement that the persistence of this independent Māori state in the middle of the North Island could remain off the historical radar for so long. -
James Macandrew of Otago Slippery Jim Or a Leader Staunch and True?
JAMES MACANDREW OF OTAGO SLIPPERY JIM OR A LEADER STAUNCH AND TRUE? BY RODERICK JOHN BUNCE A thesis submitted to Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Victoria University of Wellington 2013 iii ABSTRACT James Macandrew, a Scotsman who migrated to Dunedin in 1851, was variously a businessman, twice Superintendent of Otago Province, an imprisoned bankrupt and a Minister of the Crown. He was an active participant in provincial and colonial politics for 36 years and was associated with most of the major political events in New Zealand during that time. Macandrew was a passionate and persuasive advocate for the speedy development of New Zealand’s infrastructure to stimulate the expansion of settlement. He initiated a steamer service between New Zealand and Australia in 1858 but was bankrupt by 1860. While Superintendent of Otago in 1860 and 1867–76 he was able to advance major harbour, transport and educational projects. As Minister of Public Works in George Grey’s Ministry from 1878–79 he promoted an extensive expansion of the country’s railway system. In Parliament, he was a staunch advocate of easier access to land for all settlers, and a promoter of liberal social legislation which was enacted a decade later by the Seddon Government. His life was interwoven with three influential settlers, Edward Gibbon Wakefield, Julius Vogel and George Grey, who variously dominated the political landscape. Macandrew has been portrayed as an opportunist who exploited these relationships, but this study will demonstrate that while he often served these men as a subordinate, as a mentor he influenced their political beliefs and behaviour. -
Closer Settlement in the Early Liberal Era
123 WOE UNTO THEM THAT LAY FIELD TO FIELD: CLOSER SETTLEMENT IN THE EARLY LIBERAL ERA Monique van Alphen Fyfe* This article undertakes a re-examination of the origins, construction and application of the Land for Settlements legislation in the early Liberal era. The Liberal's commitment to closer settlement reveals part of the story of highly contested land policy in colonial New Zealand. Land for Settlements legislation of the 1890s, aimed at "bursting up" the great estates, was predominantly the product of settlers' ideological aspirations and two determined politicians: John Ballance and John McKenzie. When measured against the rhetoric used to promote it, however, the policy was not necessarily effective: it was complicated by practical realities and a narrow vision of New Zealand as a vigorous Arcadian paradise. When contrasted with the treatment of Māori land, yet more of the complexity of the land issue and the frailties of the actors facing it are revealed. The article concludes by proposing that Liberal policy, while flawed in execution, may have nevertheless contributed something to the consolidation of the concept of New Zealand as an agrarian ideal, a concept that remains largely intact today. I INTRODUCING AN IDEOLOGY Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey; where wealth accumulates, and men decay.1 Liberal land policy has been an evocative and much examined topic for historians of decades past. The emergence of Waitangi Tribunal histories has since tended to homogenise Crown land policy such that very real shifts in government initiatives risk becoming overlooked. Land policy was, in fact, highly contested in colonial New Zealand. -
The Anzac Connection: Chris Seed Trans–Tasman Ties in the Century Since Beersheba∗
The Anzac Connection: Chris Seed Trans–Tasman Ties in the Century since Beersheba∗ The Trans–Tasman political ‘family’ It has become a habit for leaders on both sides of the Tasman to refer in their official remarks to our two countries—New Zealand and Australia—as ‘family’. One may well argue that the recent parliamentary dual citizenship revelations simply take that sentiment to its logical—and literal conclusion—because a closer analysis shows the trans–Tasman political family tree to be surprisingly deep-rooted. At a rough count, we have furnished each other (voluntarily) with no less than three prime ministers, possibly four, if John Gorton was indeed born in Wellington as has sometimes been claimed.1 At least two Australian state premiers in recent decades— Joh Bjelke-Petersen and Mike Rann—came to Australia from New Zealand. Remarkably, nearly every current major political party (or its predecessor) on either side of the Tasman has at one time boasted a leader or deputy leader who allegedly or actually hailed from the other side of the ditch.2 Notably, although coincidentally, this includes the first Labo[u]r prime ministers of both countries—Michael Joseph Savage in New Zealand in 1935 and Chris Watson in Australia in 1904. Indeed, in a situation people today might regard as a bit ironic, at the time Watson’s New Zealand heritage and upbringing was reportedly invoked to support his constitutional eligibility for Australian office. This was on the basis that it made him a subject of the Queen, notwithstanding his birth father’s more constitutionally questionable South American and German ancestry.3 ∗ This paper was presented as a lecture in the Senate Occasional Lecture Series at Parliament House, Canberra, on 20 October 2017. -
Māori Representation in a Shrunken Parliament
New Zealand Journal of History, 52, 2 (2018) Māori Representation in a Shrunken Parliament IN A REFERENDUM held in conjunction with New Zealand’s 2011 general election, Māori overwhelmingly supported the retention of the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) voting system introduced in 1996. Māori support for MMP was significantly less equivocal than that of the general population.1 The extent of support is understandable. MMP brought many benefits for Māori voters, most obviously a large increase in Māori representation in Parliament.2 The bulk of Māori votes were no longer tied up in just four electorates where they could often be safely ignored. With all votes being equal, political parties had a heightened motivation to pay heed to Māori aspirations and to put forward Māori candidates. The benefits of MMP for Māori were increased through the retention of seats reserved for voters of Māori descent, along with the innovation of linking the number of such seats directly with the numbers enrolled to vote in them. In 1996 the number of Māori seats increased to five under the new rules, and further increased to seven in 2002.3 Previously the number of reserved Māori seats was fixed at four, and had been since 1867.4 New Zealand adopted MMP following a binding referendum held in 1993. In 1990 Ranginui Walker summarized some of the faults with the electoral system then in place, pointing to both historical and ongoing discrimination. Whereas the secret ballot applied in European electorates from 1870, it did not apply in Māori electorates until 1937.5 There were no Māori electoral rolls until 1949 and compulsory voter registration was not introduced for Māori until 1956. -
Fact Sheet from Talking Shop to Party Government
From talking shop to party government: procedural change in the New Zealand Parliament, 1854-1894 John E. Martin This paper is reproduced with permission as published in the Australasian Parliamentary Review, vol 26, no 1, Autumn 2011 This article looks at parliamentary business in the nineteenth-century New Zealand Parliament, making comparisons with the British and Australian state Parliaments. Together with its companion article for the twentieth century, also to be published in this journal, it develops further the argument of a previous paper (see Related Documents) which examined the shifting balance between Parliament and the executive in New Zealand and the rise to dominance of the executive in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. 1 The two articles document changes in procedure accompanying this shifting balance. The second article will look at the strengthening of control over business of the House in the twentieth century as governments sought to pass compact legislative programmes in their entirety, followed by more recent changes which were associated with a lessening of government control in some respects. Today and for the last century almost all legislation introduced into Parliament has originated from government and was virtually certain to pass into the statute book. In the middle decades of the nineteenth century the situation differed markedly. Private members’ bills comprised about 40 per cent of all bills and a substantial proportion of bills – between one-third and a half – did not become law. There were also private and local bills to consider. Governments had to find time for their business alongside these other demands and could not expect that their legislation would necessarily go through. -
Aspects of Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1886 to 1913
OFFICIAL Wai 898 #A71 Aspects of Rohe Potae Political Engagement, 1886 to 1913 Dr Helen Robinson and Dr Paul Christoffel A report commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal for the Te Rohe Potae (Wai 898) district inquiry August 2011 RECEIVED Waitangi Tribunal 31 Aug 2011 Ministry of Justice WELLINGTON Authors Dr Paul John Christoffel has been a Research Analyst/Inquiry Facilitator at the Waitangi Tribunal Unit since December 2006. He has a PhD in New Zealand history from Victoria University of Wellington and 18 years experience in policy and research in various government departments. His previous report for the Tribunal was entitled ‘The Provision of Education Services to Maori in Te Rohe Potae, 1840 – 2010’ (Wai 898, document A27). Dr Helen Robinson has been a Research Analyst/Inquiry Facilitator at the Waitangi Tribunal Unit since April 2009 and has a PhD in history from the University of Auckland. She has published articles in academic journals in New Zealand and overseas, the most recent being ‘Simple Nullity or Birth of Law and Order? The Treaty of Waitangi in Legal and Historiographical Discourse from 1877 to 1970’ in the December 2010 issue of the New Zealand Universities Law Review. Her previous report for the Tribunal was ‘Te Taha Tinana: Maori Health and the Crown in Te Rohe Potae Inquiry District, 1840 to 1990’ (Wai 898, document A31). i Contents Authors i Contents ii List of maps v List of graphs v List of figures v Introduction 1 The approach taken 2 Chapter structure 3 Claims and sources 4 A note on geographical terminology -
Inventory Report
Date: October 2013 Seddon Statue Parliament Grounds, Molesworth Street, Thorndon, Wellington WCC Image 2014 Summary of heritage significance • The statue of Richard Seddon has architectural value for the quality of its sculpting and craftsmanship. It also admirably fills the space, dominating Parliament’s forecourt and interacting well with the grounds. • The statue of Richard Seddon has historical importance, as it commemorates one of New Zealand’s most important Prime Ministers. The statue’s maker, Sir Thomas Brock, was an important sculptor of considerable renown. The connection with Thomas Brock gives the statue added historical importance. • The statue of Richard Seddon makes a strong contribution to a sense of place for Parliament. Structurally, the Parliamentary precinct is dominated, and very much defined, by the Beehive, Parliament House, and the Parliamentary library. However, the statue, along with that of John Ballance, importantly injects a degree of humanity into the grounds, reinforcing the idea that Government is made of the people. • The statue of Richard Seddon is held in very high public esteem. Seddon is still thought of as one of New Zealand’s most important Prime Ministers, especially for the significant pieces of social legislation passed during his reign. The statue is an icon of New Zealand’s Parliament and its grounds, and often a prop for protests. 1 Date: October 2013 District Plan: Map 18, object reference 36 Legal Description: Secs 1210 1211 SO 24133 Town of Wellington Heritage Area: Parliament Heritage Area