~ Marxism and The Negro struggle

Harold Cruse George Breitman Clifton DeBerry Merit Publishers 873 Broadway New York, N. Y. 10003

First printing March, 1965 Second printing June, 1968

Printed in the United States of America ns

Harold Cruse's two-part article, "Marxism and the Negro," appeared in the May and June 1964 issues of the monthly magazine Liberator and is reprinted here with its permission. A one-year subscription to Liberator costs $3 and may be ordered from Liberator, 244 East 46th Street, New York, N. Y. 10017. George Breitman's five-part series, "Marxism and the Negro Struggle," appeared during August and September 1964 in the weekly newspaper The Militant and is reprinted here with its permission. A one-year subscription to The Militant costs $3 and may be ordered from The Militant, 873 Broadway, New York, N. Y. 10003. Clifton DeBerry's article, "A Reply to Harold Cruse," is reprinted from the October 1964 issue of Liberator.

Contents MARXISM AND THE NEGRO By Harold Cruse Part I 5 Part 11 11

MARXISM AND THE NEGRO STRUGGLE By George Breitman What Marxism Is and How It Develops 17 The Colonial Revolution in Today's World 23 The Role of the White Workers 29 The Need and Result of Independence 34 Relations Between White and Black Radicals 40

A REPLY TO HAROLD CRUSE By Clifton DeBerry 45

Marxism and the Negro By HAROLD CRUSE

Part I

When the Socialist Workers highest level of organizational Party (Trotskyist) announced in the scope and programmatic independ- New York Times, January 14, that ence in this century . In the mean- it had nominated a Negro, Clifton time, the dominant trend in Ameri- DeBerry, to run for president it al- can Marxism, the Communist Party, lows us the opportunity to discuss has declined to the low status of a in depth a question that has long weak, ineffectual sect creating a been agitating many individuals, vacuum in "revolutionary" politics friends and foes, concerning the re- which the Trotskyistsare desperately lationship of Marxism to the Negro trying to fill . But the eclipse of movement in America today . We Communist Party Marxism wenthand emphasize "today" because some in hand with the decline of labor years ago it was impossible to be union radicalism in America . White objective about this inasmuch as labor (as differentiated from black the Marxist movement as represented labor) went conservative, pro- by the Communist Party was so in- capitalist and strongly anti-Negro . dissolubly linked with practically This created a serious and a prac- everything Negroes attempted to do tically insoluble dilemma for the that it was impossible not to find a Marxist movement because the Communist or two under the bed if theory and practice of revolutionary one looked earnestly enough . Marxism in America is based on the Hence, some very relevant issues assumption that white labor, both about Marxism were distorted and organizedand unorganized, must be confused by a barrage of heated a radical, anti-capitalist force in denials and accusations about the America and must form on "alli- "Red Menace ." ance" with Negroes for the libera- Today, the relationship between tion of both labor and the Negro the Negro movement and the Marx- from capitalist exploitation . No ist movement has gone through a matter what the facts of life reveal succession of qualitative changes to the contrary, no matter what the on both sides . Today the Negro Marxists say or do in terms of movement has developed to its momentary "tactics," this is what s~- the Marxists believe, and must be- Negro movement, in orderto rescue lieve or cease functioningas a the Marxists from their own crisis . Marxist tendency . For Karl Marx's In the Fall, 1963 issue of the Inter- dictum on this question was that national Socialist Review , the "Labor cannot emancipate itself in Trotskyists, in discussing the Free- the white skin where in the black dom Now "movement," said: it is branded . " Today, the Trotsky- The present tasks of the SWP in ists consider themselves to be the connection with the Negro most "orthodox" of Marxists . struggle for liberation are: The fact that white labor in (4) To expand and strengthen the America today is clearly unsympa- party's cadre and forces in the thetic to the "emancipation" of Negro organizations and the either Negro workers, or the "petite civil rights movements, by: (a) bourgeois" Negroes, or the "intel- recruiting revolutionary Ne- lectuals," as the Marxists are fond groes and helping to train them of citing, poses, as was said, a for leadership in the party and serious dilemma for the revolution- mass movements . ary Marxists . On the other hand, Elsewhere the Trotskyists said: the Negro movement's rise to the In the same way the influence ascendancy as a radical force in of the colonial revolution . . . America completeIyupsets Marxian upon vanguard elements of the theory and forces the Marxists to Negro movement has helped adopt momentary tactics wh i ch they prepare the emergence of a new do not essentially believe in . I_ radical left wing . In all these short they become opportunistic . cases, it is the task of revolu- Herewe referto thewhite Marxists, tionary Marxists to seek to win the black ones are another question the best elements of this newly which is currently personified in emerging vanguard to Trotsky- the case of DeBerry . However, the ism . realities in America today force However, the real issue at stake theMarxists todeal with the Negro here is: Who is destined to be the movement as the de facto radical dominant and decisive radical force force but this doesnot lode the in America-Black Radicals or fact that the Marxist movement is White Radicals . And this is a ques- in a serious crisis . Moreover, the tion that will and must be settled greater the Negro movement be- outside the scope of any existing comes as an independent force, the "theory," Marxian or otherwise, be- more the Marxists must strive to cause there is no "theory" that ally themselves with the Negro covers this development . Sucha movement, but the deeper does the American theory (if it is ever crisis become for the Marxist move- written down will ha~~ ment itself . For the "alliance" it from blacks . Hence, we have the attempts to forge with the Negro most unprecedented situation yet must be one where the Marxists seen in the western world-a Marx- dominate in order not to be ab- ist movement with a time-honored sorbed . This "alliance" is meant to social theory which does not work build the Marxist party, not the out in life with a mass following, and a viable Negro movement of gro movement is also in a crisis de- masses in movement which is stymied spite its late achievements-o crisis because it has no social theory or which is linked to world develop- program to take it further. World ments broader than our own prob- historical trends have brought both lems and with roots in events which the old Marxist tradition and the pre-date us . new Negro movement face to face The crisis of Marxism in Europe on either side of a profound impasse . and North America has its roots in The Trotskyists, being the most the confused events of the Russian astute of all Marxists, attempt to Revolution of 1917. In the case of bridge the chasm by nominating a the Socialist Workers Party, itwos Negro for presidentl But this des- Leon Trotsky, its guiding revolu- perate gesture cannot cure the tionary thinker, who first said that Marxian crisis by enlisting the Ne- a socialist revolution was even gro potential . Moreover, it is not possible in Russia . This was in 1905 the right remedy for what really when none of the Russian Marxists ails the Negro movement at this agreed to that possibility (not even juncture . It isthe same thing as of- Lenin) . Trotsky was denounced as a fering an impoverished man with a ridiculous visionary for saying this wife and ten kids a Palm Beach va- but later won other Russian Marx- cation withsome political V .I .P .'s ists over to his thinking . Thus and all the trimmings just "to get Trotskywas actuallythe theoretical away from it all ." What'll happen father of the Russian Revolution and to the man's fami I y? These are some Lenin was the chief architect and of the reasons why the SWP's presi- leader. dential announcement caused so Marxism, as Marx himself de- much confusion, anger and suspicion veloped it, did not foresee or pre- within the ranks of the Freedom dict a "socialist revolution" in a Now Party movement concerning backwards agrarian country such as "white radical influence ." For Russia . According to Marx, the re- DeBerryalso linkedhimselfwith the volution he predicted had to come Freedom Now Party without the about in a highly industriolizedna- Party's permission to do so-a well- tion which had necessarily created known Marxian type ofmaneuver in a large, industrial class of workers, Negro affairs . well organized and well-trained in As the Negro movement stops the production skills of capitalist and gropes about for its methods of industry . The capitalist class of entering itsnext stage this question owners would get richer and more of Marxism's influence will keep compact due to monopoly growths, bobbing up in different situations . and the working class would get Hence, it is necessary for black poorer and poorer to the point radical "thinkers" (as opposed to where they would revolt and over- the "strugglers" or "street-men" as turn the system and expropriate the some proudly calIthemselves) to get owners . Recognizing full well that a clearer understanding of why the they were revising the original Marxists act the way they do and view of Marx, both Trotsky and why they are in a crisis . The Ne- Lenin then agreed that if a socialist to project his sup- revolution was possible in Russia- nouncement, had Now Party on a large agrarian country with only port of the Freedom of industrial de- the basis that it is "a step toward a small degree oy this revolution independent political action velopment-then this he stand alone . It would labor and Negroes ." By could not and Negroes to be supported by simul- means white labor have But the leaders of taneous revolutions in the advanced (emphasis ours . Now Party never made nations of western Europe . the Freedom did not happen . There anysuch pronouncement . The Free- But such towards revolution in Russia but it had dom Now Party is a step was a political action . to stand alone because supporting indepgndentblack did not suc- Clearly, the Trotskyists do not revolutions elsewhere Marxism was that the most really want this . Because ceed . The result must single event of the 20th is in a crisis in America they important idea of the was transformed into its attempt to project the century in their own gravest tragedy . Moreover, it put Freedom Now Party Marxian image, with the old wom- the Marxist parties in western out, discredited theme of Negro- Europe,the U .S .,etc ., in a serious which over the Labor unity . dilemma-a dilemma theoreticians into a series of The Trotskyist years has deepened a truly inde- is because every social realize verywell that crises. This partywhich that has taken place pendent blackpolitical revolution irrespectiveof whatwhite the Russian Revolution has functions since does or does not do will also developed out of industrially labor semi-colonial further deepen the already serious backward, agrarian, in the West . conditions while the crisis of Marxist creed or colonial that Marxian ideas classes of the advanced It could show working capitalism in advanced coun- nations became more and about white are not to be taken seriously . more conservative, pro-capitalist tries 2r-imperialist.Moreover, the A whole raft of Marxian formula- and further called into the world revolution- tions would be very act that any event, none of initiativehad possedfrom white question . In ary be the fault of the Ne- nations of the capitalist world to this would Rather, it would be the fault non-white nations of the colonial gro . introduced of the Marxists for being dishonest and semi-colonial world misleading revolutionary with themselves and another factor in of inno- racial factor, which generation after generation politics, the nature of the Marxistsnever admitted cents about the true the western . What was this be a factor of any import- Russian Revolution should How did it really oc- ance at all . Workers, in their revolution? andwhy? What did it achieve? opinion, regardless of race and 'na- cur all think The Communists and the Trotskyists, tional differences, should withering of capitalism twin branches of the same alike on the question have . The Trotskyists tree trunk of western Marxism, and imperialism accusing each under this grand illu- been attacking and still function questions for al- . This is why Clifton DeBerry, other over these sion years . Why? in the Socialist Workers Party's on- most forty Let the Trotskyists tell it-it was national ized property, most of which because Stalin and the bureaucracy had to be built before it could be "distorted" and "betrayed" the "so administered . This was no ordinary cialist revolution ." ButtheTrotsky- task and the nature of the revolu- ists have only inherited a problem tion, itself, brought to the fore just in "socialist theory and practice" the type of individuals needed to that Trotsky made for himself. Who perform the operation-Stalin and was it but Trotsky, himself, who first his Stalinists, single-minded, dicta- claimed that such a revolution was torial, brutal and practical . Not possible? All the facts reveal that the Trotsky type at all . Trotsky op- Trotsky got the very kind of revolu- posed this natural trend of his own tion he actually made and deserved revolution and was expelled from and then disowned it because it Russia . wasn't really "socialist ." He ac- According to a strict interpre- cused the Stalin bureaucracy of tation of Morxion formulations, "terrorism," of "smothering de- Trotsky tampered very loosely with mocracy," of "suppressing the op- Marxion "laws" and reaped the position" of taking away the po- whirlwind . This premise of course litical power of the workers' absolves Marx of responsibility for soviets (councils) . But it was the tragic, anti-socialist aspects of Trotsky, himself, who set such pre- the Russian Revolution . The intent cedents by ordering the brutal sup- is to argue that if Marx was right pression of the Kronstadt sailors' about the workings of "historical revolt of 1921 long before the laws" and Trotsky was a Marxist Stalin bureaucracy set in . then something was wrong about The Russian Revolution logically Marx's "historical law" formula- turned out just the way it had to, tions. Either this, or Trotsky was a considering how and where it was Marxist who gravely misinterpreted achieved and what the social ob- the functioning of Marxion laws . jectives were it set for itself . But it was Marx, himself, who in- Trotsky helped formulate these ob- sisted: "One thing is certain: I am jectives . Nothing was betrayed-it not a Marxist . "Meaning what? Are was the Russian Revolutionaries who we to take it to mean that because "betrayed" themselves and the Rus- his prophecies about advanced sian masses suffered . After Trotsky's capitalist societies, the white na- revolution it was imperative that tions, did not materialize that we the Communists industrialize a are entitled to soy that Marx was backward country in as short a time wrong because he,himself,failed to as possible because there can be no properly interpret the very laws he socialism until there is enough of is credited with being the first to an industrial base to socialize (i .e . discover? If this is the case then nationalize) . Hence, all the po- we have a strong premise for taking litical conflicts between Russian Marx at his own word . If he, him- factions centered around the great, self, admits he was not a "Marxist" pressing problem thrust on them by thenwho was really a Marxist after their own revolutionary seizure of he passed away? Whose claim to be power: How to plan and administer a Marxist must anyone take

seriously? method and the applications of his We pose these questions because latter-day disciples . We reject the Trotskyist nomination of DeBerry these findings precisely because for president grows out of the Marx- they are not, in our opinion, ar- ists' bel ief that the "historical laws" rived at by the dialectical method have pre-ordained the Negro move- of reflection and inquiry . ment in America to be used as a How did Marx arrive at his con- kind of transitional social phase clusions about the role of the work- leading to the "Marxian revolu- ing class in capitalist society? tion . " In this instance we are to Through the application of one of suppose that the Trotskyists are ap- his prime laws of dialectics :_The plying the "methods and principles law of the unity and conflict of of historical materialism," i .e . the opposites . In dialectical processes "laws" correctly "before the fact ." social phenomena, e .g ., classes, But even to grant the Marxists, for ideas, institutions, etc ., are not the sake of argument, the validity static, but go through constant de- of their own Marxian premises, we velopment and changes . Capitol- have to say that their application istic production creates capitalists of the "method" is no more "Marx- and workers (opposites) who come ion"than others that failedto bring, into conflict because their class in their opinion, "Marxian" results . interestsarenot identical . Capital- This might surprise or even shock ists exploit workers by not paying the Trotskyists, coming as it does them their full labor value . from non-Marxist radicals of the Capitalists seek highest rate of Negro movement . However, it is profit through intensified exploita- not that we are prejudiced against tion of the working class . The con- "Marxism" per se . We study Marx- flict of interests generates "class ism just like we study objectively struggle," e .g ., strikes . Marx ob- all social science schools of thought served that the basis of class which claim to be "scientific ." struggle lies in a "contradiction" What we strenuously object to are between the methods of production the "methods" that the Marxists use . "social relations" of pro- Marxist and the Fundamental to all (private property) . These dialectical duction formulations is the "contradictions" can be resolved theory and Rractice . method of only by a social revolution where- Marx made it amply clear that his working class overthrows or hence, any in the method was dialectical; otherwise expropriates the capital- tosocial life which is not approach ists . This description of dialectics, dialectical cannot be Marxian . We simplified, explains why with many, while would tend to agree Marxists have considered it to be such as the late C . Wright Mills, role of the working i the historic who said of Marx, ';H' m th in capitalist societies to usher I istin tri u i class si nal and con in the socialist era. the best soci Ineni wny~of rP- flectior-and;nauir)(nvnilnklP_ " However, Marx came to these (Emphasis ours .) We make a distinc- conclusions about the working class tion here between Marx's original in Europe over a hundred years ago

and these predictions still have not mise is "truth" then why is it as- been borne out in the advanced sumed that everything in society is capitalist societies of western subject to the processes of change Europe and North America. Yet, it exce t the historical role of the must be stated that according to his working class in advance c ita - own dialectical premise of analysis ist nations? Why is this w ite Euro- Marx had every right to make such peanNorth American labor move- predictions . All the evidence ment itself exempt from dialectical abounding in the social and politi- change in terms of class position, cal life of Europe in Marx's time ideology, consciousness, etc ., and pointed to revolution .. Moreover, in terms of what other groups, or the failure of th classes, this labor movement fights, to materialize in the supports or compromises with in the capitalrst countries does "class struggle"? Has it not become inva abundantly clear that the white me aasbocome ^~^I~a labor movement in the advanced is t e subsequent " " " capitalist countries has, indeed, the dialectical method by t~h -_{ot abandoned the Marxian "historical lowers of Marx in the Mk epnhir; role" assigned to it? Do we not We say this because if one accepts have the right to claim, then, that the premise of dialectics then we European and American Marxists accept the view that everything in who still hew to this "white work- social life is constantly changing, ing class" line are practicing coming into existence, and passing mechanistic materialism rather than away. But, if this dialectical pre- dialectical materialism? Part II Classical Marxism rejects all white nations) is the crisis that has forms of mechanistic materialism long gripped the philosophical sys- because it "denies any genuine tem ofthought, the "kernel "around evolution in the sense ofthe emerg- which the entire political, eco- ence of new formsand new qual ities nomic, cultural, theoretical and of new things ." Hence, the very programmatic structure of Marxism premise of dialectical thinking de- must hinge . It is a crisis of dialec- mands, in this instance, an admis- tical materialism which was con- sion that "new forms of social con- ceived by Marx as a method which sciousness" can develop within had to comprehend the reality of capitalist societies which ore of of the world, but is no longer able more political relevance than even to do so. The reality of world revo- the "social consciousness" of the lutionary events are running far conservatized labor movement . Any ahead of Marxian theory. other conclusion than this is mani- In 1939, when the European festly anti-dialectical . Hence, white working class was armed to fundamental to the crisis in all the the teeth along the borderlines of schools of western Marxism of the their nations ready to spread war advanced capitalist countries (the and mayhem against themselves all over Europe, and half the world, tics . But the distortions of today's Trotsky, writing about "Marxism in westernMarxism lie in the fact that the United States," could say Nvith Marxists treat dialectical material- the most lofty detachment : ism onlyfrom the standpoint of how "By the example and with the the impersonal productive forces aid of the ddvanced nations the develop, how the material forces backward nations will also be evolve in society and bring about carried away into the main- class relationships, or cause human stream of socialism ." society to go through stages from Here is expressed in the most feudalism to capitalism . Or further, graphic manner the supreme illu- how capitalism penetrates the sions of the western (or in Trotsky's underdeveloped world and brings case) the "westernized" white the latter into the capitalistic net- Marxist . They cannot let go of the work, etc . But Marx pointed out ideefixe of the white workingclass, that "In the social production which "saving" world's humanity . Rooted men carry on they enter into in their preconceived notions,their definite relations that are indis- undialectical ideas, is the deeply pensable and independent of their ingrained "white nation ideal ." will ." (emphasis ours) Hence, "socialism" becomes like Which means that men are sub- "capitalism" a white-nation con- ject to the blind forces of the laws ception, the great "white working- of social production unless they be- class" prerogative . Thus, the come "socially conscious" of what "white man's burden" shifts from is happening to them . But how men the capitalist's missionaries to the become socially conscious is a socialist's revolutionaries whose problem ofthe Theory of Knowledge duty to history is to lift the "back- and Reflection which is an in- ward" peoples from their igno- separable category in the dialec- minious state to socialist civiliza- tical method of social inquiry . If tion even if the whites have to post- men did not comprehend the nature pone this elevation abroad until of material forces they could not be theyhave managed to achieve it at able to intervene into the process home . But in so doing, the white of these forces in order to shape Marxist's dialectical conceptionsof events, i .e . to control blind forces . world developments become a dis- Thus, men, or classes, or groups, or torted image of the reality that is even nations could not assume the taking place before their very eyes . task of "revolutionizing" societies Hence, the dialectical analyses unless they are positioned to do so that Marxists project concerning and also have the necessary con- world developments are, in truth, sciousness to shape events. In this mechanistically gross distortions of regard, social developments can the original dialectical methods of position certain classes to shape Marx who was essentially true to events, give them the potential, his method for his own time and yet such classes remain without the circumstances . It was not the fault consciousness or the will to make of Marx that the world changes for history . this wasalready explicit in dialec- But there are always other

10 classes and it is the implied func- "backward peoples" of the world tion of dialectics to correctly per- are carrying themselves into the ceive what classes are being brought "mainstream of socialism" instead to the forefront of social conscious- of being led there by the "aid of ness by "blind" material forces . the advanced nations" as Trotsky This class will become the social saw it, then the "backward peoples" force chosen by "historical laws" must replace the white working for historical roles rather than pre- class as the "chosen people" of the conceived classes that history has dialectical functionings of world left behind . Lenin dealt most society. Hence, if "historical sci- thoroughly with how men or classes ence" or "dialectics" is to be con- receive their sense perceptions of sidered really scientific it must be the real world, but Marxists today developed and verified in life by bypass this aspect of dialectics be- the inclusion of the social experi- cause they believe the social role ences, the history, the ideas and of the "proletariat" alone settles political pkilosophies,thepoints of this question for all time . view of the backward peoples . In White Marxists have tried to short, it is the social reflections of make world reality fit their dialec- backward peoples that count today tical preconceptions, but world de- the world over . For it is their so- velopments require that dialectical cial consciousness that is determin- conceptions embrace world reality. ing which way history is moving . But such conceptions cannot come Hence, dialectical materialism is from the minds of western Marxists no longer the "philosophy of the whose philosophical viewshave be- proletariat" (i .e . the European come provincially rooted in the proletariat) as the western Marxists crisis-reality of the western world would have it . and cannot transcend the con- It' is the fate of the Marxists to ceptual limitations of that world . be imprisoned within their illusions They talk "revolution" but revolu- andthat isthe sourceof their crisis . tion is being made by others . They cannot deal with the race Hence, world social developments ~uestion in America in terms of run ahead of the world social their dialectical method except theory . Warde says that the prin- superficially which they must at- ciples of historical materialism are tempt to conceal by all too obvious applicable everywhere "provided practices of political expediency, they are applied with full con- such as the DeBerry nomination . sideration of the facts in each This must, of necessity, bring them case . "But the question Warde does intoserious conflictwith the Negro not discuss is : "Who is to determine movement itself . For the Negro this? Those who are making the movementhas its spiritual affinities world revolution or those in the not with the white working class of West whose 'dialectical' views are America whose status vis-a-vis anchored down to the lethargy of American capitalism isqualitatively the white working class?" different from Negroes' . White The Marxion Theory of Know- labor's heyday is behind them in ledge (dialectics) implies that if the the history of the 1930's . The

American lA 9roes' movement is forany deviationsor distortionsthat currentl a s - re vo either history or men have imposed which is more inspired by events to detract from his doctrine . He nip u s+ America than wrt m -t . We was a towering product of his times can much better explain the Negro and his conclusions about the so- movement's relationship to world ciety of men tore away the veil developments today by quoting that hid the profound forces that LeopoldSedar Senghor,president of movedsocieties . However,his fore- the African republic of Senegal, costshave beennegated bythe very from his pamphlet on African So- dialectical process he, himself, re- cialism : vealed . Yet,to say,noy insist, that "We are not communists . . . history should act just the way Marx an injus- "Theparadoxof socialistic con- thought it would is to do thinker and imply, struction in communist countries tice to a great in the Soviet Union is that it in- thereby, that dialectics is a philo- have tried creasingly resembles capitalistic sophical fraud as many construction in the United States to do (even some who called therr.- neither his- of America . . . And it has less art selves "Marxists") . But freedom of thought . tory nor dialectics which ishistory's and . "Buts third revolution is taking inner clockworks stand still to bestow place, as a reaction against Neither is history prone capitalistic and communistic special historical prerogatives on forever . materialism,andwhich will inte- any special class of people juxtaposition of grate moral, if not religious It is the peculiar values, with the political and time, place, and social circum- economic contributions of the two stances which decide who is going movers of great revolutions . In this revo- to play the role of prime lution the colored peoples in- history . Hence, we can well under- cluding Negro Africans, must stand Marx's own assertion "I am play their part, they must bring not a Marxist ." It would have been self- their contribution to the con- an historical tribute to Marx's struction of the new planetary effacement if Leon Trotsky had ad- civilization ." mitted : "Though 1 played fast and Of the Negro American in this loose with Marx's laws, I am no "third revolution" Senghor quotes dialectician ." Paul Morond as saying : Hence, in America today the "The Negroes have rendered an Socialist Workers Party must strive enormousservice to America . But to conceal the theoretical bank- for them one might hove thought ruptcy of Western Marxism by the that men could not live without highly questionable political a bank account and a bathtub ." strategy of entering into political The living facts of the world competition with a Negro political revolution today are more per- party (which is not even estab- suasive than any revolutionary lished) by using a Negro candidate theory that ever came out of West- for high office . Some capitalists ern Europe since the death of Marx . trying to crash in and exploit the We do not hold Marx accountable Negro economic market could not

12

have been more crass and oppor- mold . In view of what Leopold tunistic . But what is revealed here Senghor says on the matter of com- that is more striking than mere munism, on American Negro Marx- crassness is the unreality that hovers ist becomes a rather misplaced around much of what American figure in the real scheme of things . Marxists do . Basic to all is the And his position is made all the Marxist illusions about the "working more ridiculous if he is involved class-socialist myth" as concerns politically in beating the "dead the Russian experience . For the horse" issue of Stalinism vs . Trotskyists to be forced to let go of Trotskyism . What can this really this dead issue would be to force matter to the "third world" in view the admission that the Trotskyist of the fact that Russia's place and Fourth International is and always impact on the 20th century revolu- has been rather utopian . For after tion isestablishedandwell-known? the seizure of power in Russia by Trotskyists in the west have been the Bolsehviks and the creation of reduced to the role of ferreting out soviets the problem became more Stalinist vestiges in world revolu- Kantian than Marxian . The Marxist tionary currents, analyzing the revolutionary idealists assumed that "distortions" of revolutions already Marxist elites once in power would made, projecting an ideal of the act in accordance with the Kantian "socialist revolution" that has never "categorical imperative" and per- been seen. or experienced, while form theirfunctions accordingto an rehashing Trotsky's theory of "per- ethical code of "right conduct ." manent remolution"-an undialec- This has been and always will be a tical concept because everything, problem of revolutions . including revolutions,are a process However, the hard American of change and developments . realities, and the Negro movement Trotskyists are the "purists" of the force the Trotskyists to push all Marxist camp-astute, analytical these issues that once agitated the and possessed with the insight to international revolutionaries years refine, from their own point of ago into the background, depart view, every aspect of historical from the book, and play it prog- materialism . But they connotes- maticolly by jumping on the band- cape the theoretical net of the wagon of the black political party crisis of Marxism in the west . idea . But this cannot work . The Hence, Clifton DeBerry becomes a Freedom Now Party will not be mere pawn whom the Trotskyists can used to save the Marxist tradition attempt to foist on the black po- in America from its own illusions litical party wearingaking's crown about the nature of a social reality that is much oversized . today. The problem of Clifton De- The Negro movement possesses Berry's role as a Negro Marxist of inner qualities of different degrees the western mold is a contradictory of nationalism and integrationism thing that cannot be solved within whose economic, political, cultur- the context of the political, social al, and psychological implications and cultural philosophy which the are too much for Marxian theory Freedom Now Party will attempt to today . To attempt to confuse these

13

unknown qualities with the white world social forces the reality is in- labor mystique of the Marxian left that white capitalist nations, would be to disrupt the natural de- cluding all the different classes velopment of the Freedom Now within these nations, from upper Party, confuse the real native issues bourgeoisie to lower proletariat of the Negro with the unreal and have become, in fact, bourgeois irrelevant view of the Marxists and relative middleclass strata vis- concerning American realities . a-vis the non-white peoples who Such intrusions will be fought with have become, in fact, the "world everyweapon at the FNP's disposal . proletarians . " This is the real out- The Freedom Now Party 'is come of "dialectical" processes in predicatedon the idea of achieving our age . If world unity of different independent black political power peoples is ever to be achieved in the U .S . through economic, cul- withina democratic fromework,this tural and administrative approaches . unitymust besought along the paths In this fashion, the Negro movement of "social consciousness" that in America becomes aligned with clearly reveal future possibilities the real nature of the world de- rather than the "dead ends" of the velopments involving non-white past that we have encountered be- peoples . In this realignment of fore in radical politics . Marxism and the Negro Struggle By GEORGE BREITIVIAN

What Marxism Is and How It Develops

The Negro movement continues Walter Reuther, Roy Wilkins, to unfold with ever-increasing James Farmer and Martin Luther scope and power, but, like most King are all united, the Negro in- mass movements, empirically - tellectuals are faced with the task feeling its way along through ex- of defining their attitude to Marx- periment, trial and error. It is ism, the theory and practice of working out its positions, policies scientific, revolutionary socialism. and orientation step by step under Marxists can only welcome the the press of immediate necessity . most searching examination and Since the system against which criticism by black radicals. The it is rebelling is capitalist, its pol- one thing we ask is that Marx- icies are becoming more and more ism be discussed as it really is, anti-capitalist, implicitly for the and not as one of the many straw most part, but explicitly too. But men substituted for it through the most advanced elements of malice or ignorance in this coun- the movement (radical and na- try, where the misrepresentation tionalist) have not yet projected of Marxism is a national industry. or adopted a clear-cut ideology or This eiementary condition for a comprehensive program of so- fruitful discussion is not met in cial revolution based on a tho- Harold Cruse's article on "Marx- rough examination of U.S. mo- ism and the Negro" in the May nopoly capitalism and the ways and June Issues of Liberator. and means to end its domination. Primarily a polemic against the Need for Theory Socialist Workers Party, this ar- The need is felt for the move- ticle is designed to support ment to broaden its perspectives Cruse's thesis that Marxism is un- and formulate a fundamental realistic, unable to adjust to rev- theory for its action. Some Negro olutionary reality, dominated by intellectuals are trying to fill this "white" thinking, and intent on need. Inevitably, this begins with exploiting and dominating the analysis and critique of existing Negro movement. Cruse's depic- theories. Having rejected liberal- tion of Marxism is on a higher ism, that is, liberal capitalism, level than one finds in most of behind which Lyndon Johnson, the capitalist press, but it too suf-

1 5 fers from many errors and distor- knowledge, different conditions tions. We shall start with his con- and new experiences. ception of Marxism in general. Cruse eriticizes the 20th cen- tury Marxists for adding to what Estimate of Msrz Marx started, adapting his ideas Cruse tips his hat to Marx, ac- to conditions that did not exist his knowledging that he was a great in his day, and applying thinker, whose dialectical ma- theory in circumstances it was im- terialist method of analysis vastly possible for Marx or any other expanded the world's knowledge human being of that time to fore- about society. But he can find no- see. This would make sense only thing positive or creditable to say if one expected a theory to have about 20th century Marxists . He magic qualities: to be full grown them of merely repeating and fully developed at birth, to accuses in what Marx said, of being inflex- apply to all times and places ible, of clinging to outdated ideas the same way, to be perfect, un- and failing to adjust to changed unprovable. No one makes such theories and conditions. Simultaneously, he ac- demands of other the opposite fault - sciences. Modem evolution is not, cuses them of the not repeating what Marx said, cannot be, the same thing as of Darwin a century ago, of being too flexible, of deviating findings of Marx so much that they but it stems from them, it is an from with don't really deserve to be called extension of them. Similarly Marxists. Marxism. Heads I win, tails you lose: "Deviations from Marx" When modern Marxists repeat what Marx said, they are parrots, Cruse would probably concur and when they don't repeat what with these remarks as a general- what he is he said, they are not Marxists. ization, saying that Let us take up first the second talking against are not extensions deviations of these charges - "deviation ." of Marx's theory, but As a theory Marxism began from it - deviations so great that with Marx, but it did not end they have thrown Marxism into a with him. If it had, if Marxism hopeless and insoluble crisis. We was only what Marx discovered can better understand what he and formulated a century or more means by deviations from Marx- means ago, it would have no claim what- ism, and therefore what he ever to being called scientific; it by Marxism, when we turn to the would be classified now as some only example he gives of such kind of dogma or cult, and the deviation: the Russian Revolution world would have stopped de- of 1917. (As will soon be seen, bating about it long ago. Marx the role of Marxism in the Rus- important developed his theory and worked sian Revolution sheds the real relationship be- out some of its laws on the basis light on of the knowledge and conditions tween Marxism and the Negro of his time. His theory would in- struggle.) deed be useless todkty if other The chief deviator, says Cruse, thinkers, using his method, had was Leon Trotsky, "who first said not added to it and brought it up that a socialist revolution was to date in the light of subsequent even possible in Russia. This was

16 in 1905 when none of the Russian the first major confirmation of Marxists agreed to that possibility Marx's theory. (not even Lenin) . Trotsky was The time sequence of revolu- denounced as a ridiculous vision- tions expected by Marx was ary for saying this but later won shown to be faulty or outdated, other Russian Marxists over to but that was a minor thingcom- his thinking . . . pared to the fart that the wrF Serious Dilemma? J13g lass revol u ion predicted hh Marx actually took place, that, "Marxism, as Marx himself the workers decisively demon- developed it, did not foresee or strated their ahilitg fn tak wpr predict a `socialist revolution' in away from the-capitalists, that a a backward agrarian country such gaping wound was torn in the as Russia. According to Marx, the side of world capitalism. revolution he predicted had to come about in a highly industrial- A crisis? Yes, the Russian Rev- ized nation which had necessarily olution produced a crisis all right created a large industrial class of - for capitalism and imperialism, workers . . . (who) would revolt a crisis that still haunts them. and expropriate the owners . . . For despite the subsequent de- "(The Russian Revolution) put generation of the Soviet Union the Marxist parties in western during decades of isolation, the Europe, the U.S., etc., in a serious Russian Revolution has been an dilemma - a dilemma which over example for the oppressed masses the years has deepened into a in many lands and has inspired series of crises. This was because successful revolutions against cap- every social revolution that has italism and imperialism by other taken place since the Russian Rev- colonial and semi-colonial coun- olution has also developed out tries. Some more "crises of Marx- of industrially backward, agrar- ism" like that and world capital- ian, semi-colonial or colonial con- ism will be finished . ditions . Lenin and Trotsky were, unlike "According to a strict inter- Marx, able to see the possibility pretation of Marxian formula- of the revolution occurring first tions, Trotsky tampered very in an industrially-backward coun- loosely with Marxian 'laws' and try because they lived later and, reaped the whirlwind . . . . " "standing on his shoulders," were It is true that Marx expected able to see farther. Much hap- the working class revolution pened to change the world during against capitalism to begin in the the third of a century between industrially-advanced countries, Marx's death and the Russian and it is also true that it began in Revolution. That was the period a backward, semi-colonial country. when capitalism definitively But neither fact invalidates Marx- passed beyond the industrial stage ism or convicts Lenin and Trot- and entered its monopoly stage sky of "tampering" with Marxism. (imperialism) . contraryl The On the overthrow Monopoly of capitalism in Russia signalled Capitalism the beginning of the end of cap- Marx had shown that capitalism italism as the dominant world was inevitably moving in the di- system and therefore was, in fact, rection of monopoly, but he did

1 7 fea- not live to see it arrive there. The ness to recognize important imperialist conquest of the world, tures of Marxism - its richness, the final subjugation and division its variety, its ability to cope with Asia and Africa by the ad- changing situations, its unfin- of only vanced capitalist powers, created ishedness. Marxism is not a century a new situation: They lodged new what Marx worked out and deeper contradictions in the ago, nor only what Lenin and applied capitalist system - and opened Trotsky added when they new opportunities for the revolu- Marx's method to the conditions tionary opponents of that system. of their time, but also what sub- did, do and will situation Lenin and sequent Marxists In this they apply this theory to Trotsky applied the method they do as other situations, including some had acquired from Marx. Lenin's imperialism, its corol- that do not even exist yet. theory of a theory in process into colonialism and Marxism is lary insights development, which grows in nationalism, and Trotsky's theory of added power and scope as it is applied of permanent revolution situations and to new indispensable features to to specific new and conditions. It developed when the body of Marxist thought. They cap- Lenin and Trotsky applied it to revealed weaknesses in the Russia had not ex- the specific conditions of italist structure that of imperialism had not been visible in in the epoch isted or ("Russianized" it) . It developed the mid-19th century: imperial- Work- weak- further when the Socialist ism would break first at its the specific classes in in- ers Party applied it to est link, the ruling of America ("Ameri- backward countries conditions dustrially canized" it) . And it continues to would not be able to put up as it to revolution as develop as the SWP applies much resistance to conditions of the Ne. brothers. the specific their stronger gro community in the United Prime Example States ("Afro-Americanizes" it, as 1963 conven- Applied to Russia and acted on, the SWP put in the Marxist theory tion resolution, Freedom Now: these additions to Struggle in one-sixth of the world The New Stage in the resulted Emancipation, Pioneer being torn out of the capitalist for Negro stranglehold. How can one ask for Publishers, 250) . a more magnificent example of Based on Reality the creative application of Marx- a specific country and a Theory is derived from reality; ism to cor- specific set of problems and rela- the more closely a theory tionships? What Cruse calls "tam- responds to reality, the better a pering" is Marxist theory en- theory it is. Marx studied the riched and made concrete under conditions and struggles of the learned special and unique conditions. west European workers, would be dead today if from them, and incorporated those Marxism and not for those additions. lessons in his theory. Lenin When Cruse sees deviations be- Trotsky did the same with the and peasants. cause Lenin and Trotsky did not Russian workers repeat what Marx had said, And from its inception the Social- merely doing heshows an inability or unwilling - ist Workers Party has been

18 this with the conditions and strug- anything else in America today." gles of the American Negro peo- From these studies and from its ple, which have always been uni- own participation in the struggle, que in many respects . Embodied the SWP in the last year or two in its theory and program are has developed a number of ideas many lessons learned from the - Marxist ideas - about black Negro struggle, and from the nationalism, separatism, inde- ideas, feelings and outlook of the pendent black political action, the masses in the black ghetto. Negro's relation to the capitalists, Nor is that all. The Negro strug- to the white workers, etc. Whether gle in 1984 is not the same thing these ideas are perfect or less it was ten or even five years than perfect, whether they are ago - much has changed. Speak- complete or only beginnings to- ing at a recent Freedom Now ward a more complete grasp of Party rally in Detroit, state chair reality, no one can deny that they man Albert B. Cleage noted: do grapple with vital questions "Everywhere the black man's concerning the Negro people and whole conception of himself, of their allies . Certainly no other his struggle, has changed. You party in this country has done may not know the day you started more than the SWP along these thinking differently but it has lines. changed." (Illustrated News, June A Straw Man 29.) With the change of the black The most discouraging thing man's conception of himself and about Cruse's article is not that his struggle have come many he rejects Marxism, but that he other changes - in goals, strate- deliberately refuses to confront or gy, tactics - even changes in the even mention what the SWP way certain words are defined. thinks, says and stands for. Pre- The SWP has been studying ferring to construct a straw man these changes, trying to under- that even a mental flyweight can stand their causes, find out their demolish, he simply ignores what direction and fit their revolution- the Marxists actually advocate ary aspects into a theory and pro- and propose. For example, the gram of action capable of replac- SWP is the only organization ing capitalism with socialism. It claiming to be Marxist in this has been listening to and learn. country which says that black na- ing from nonMarxist figures - tionalism is progressive and of- such as Malcolm %, Rev. Cleage, fers it support and collaboration. William Worthy, Jesse Gray, Isn't it strange that Cruse can Daniel Watts, James Baldwin, find no space for this fact in an the exiled Robert F. Williams and article about the SWP and the Julian Mayfield, even Harold Negro movement? Or would state Cruse sometimes - who to one ing such a fact undermine the degree or another eicpress the whole structure of his polemic? thinking, feeling and aspirations In some cases where the SWP of the black ghetto which, as position is widely known. Cruse Robert Vernon recently pointed accuses the SWP of saying things out, is "more solidly working- it doesn't really believe in, but class and revolutionary in out- he is always careful not to inform look than the trade unions, or his readers just what those things

1 9 the slight- are so that they can make their Negro," he never gives . never offers est hint or notice. own judgment He "win" the alleged insincerity, This may be one way to evidence of create and merely asserting that Marxists a debate, or to believe the unstated things strengthen prejudices against cannot poor way to claim to believe because then Marxism. But it's a they militants, or anyone they would have to give up Marx- educate black Cruse's version else, about Marxism, or anything ism (at any rate, to Marxism) . Of the SWP's pio- else. Cruse has the right not of SWP really neering effort to Afro-American' discuss what the which should be of stands for, but an article about ize Marxism, place to interest to readers of an ar- the SWP is a strange some that right. ticle called "Marxism and the be exercising The Colonial Revolution in Today's World

The main revolution in the let's turn to the facts. world is the colonial revolution, It is a matter of record, which says Harold Cruse in his article, anyone who reads can check for "Marxism and the Negro" (Liber- himself, that the Socialist Work- ator, May and June) . And the ers Party and the Fourth Inter- main trouble with even "the most national believe and assert that astute" Marxists of the Socialist the colonial struggle is the center Workers Party and the Fourth In- of the world revolution today and ternational, he contends, is that has been since 1949. they do not and cannot under- For evidence, we cite one of stand or recognize this . many documents, Dynamics of The reason why they cannot World Revolution Today, a resolu- understand this, Cruse says, is that tion adopted by the Fourth Inter- they are obsessed and blinded by national at its Reunification Con- Karl Marx's outdated idea that gress in June, 1963, and printed the workers in the industrially in International Socialist Review, advanced countries are the prin- Fall, 1963. (Available from Pioneer cipal or only revolutionary force Publishers as a pamphlet, 350 .) in the world. This resolution states very plain- The result, he says, is that ly that the principal center of the Marxists take a paternalistic at- world revolution shifted to the titude toward the (colored) col- colonial world beginning with onial parts of the world, believ- the triumph of the Chinese Rev- ing that their emancipation must olution, and explains why this wait until the (white) workers of happened, what its effects have the industrially advanced coun- been, what the problems of the tries make their own revolution, colonial revolution are and how after which they will "lead" the these problems can be overcome . colonial people to their freedom . This position is so well known An additional result is that Marx- that when Mikhail Suslov, Soviet ism is obsolete and the Marxists ideological hatchetman, made a in a crisis which they cannot re- speech last April trying to dis- solve. credit the Chinese leadership, he Those are Cruse's charges. Now said:

2 1 "Does anyone think perhaps Cruse's sole piece of "evidence" that the Chinese theory making is a sentence in the last paragraph the regions of Asia, Africa and of Trotsky's pamphlet, Marxism Latin America the `principal zone in the United States. This was of the storms of the world revolu. written in 1939, shortly before tion' represents something orig- World War II, which Trotsky inal? No, this is the repetition al- thought would surely provoke rev- most word for word of one of the olutionary outbursts in both Eu- principal theses of current Trot- rope and its colonies . Once the so- skyism . One can read in the deci- cialist revolution began, he wrote, sion of the so-called Fourth Inter- it would spread rapidly from national (Trotskyist) : 'As a result country to country, and : "By the the of the successive failures of the example and with the aid of two major revolutionary waves of advanced nations, the backward 1919-23 and 1943-48 - and of the nations will also be carried away minor one of 1934-37 - the main into the main stream of socialism," center of the world revolution He was referring here to all in- shifted for a time to the colonial dustrially backward countries, in- world.' Here is where the source cluding those in eastern Europe as olf the political wisdom of the Chi- well as the colored countries. nese leadership must be sought," Socialism Messianic? etc. Not only is this fact refuting Cruse, however, considers this Cruse's contention well known, sentence "proof" that Marxists but it is well known to Cruse too! have a "lofty detachment" toward We can state this categorically the colored people, that Marxist because Cruse himself quotes in socialism is a messianic "white na- his article a short passage from tion" conception, that revolution- this same resolution, Dynamics of ary socialists deem it their "duty World Revolution Today. (It is a to history to lift the 'backward' passage urging revolutionary peoples from their ignominious Marxists to recruit black radicals state to socialist civilization even influenced by the colonial rev- if the whites have to postpone this olution.) elevation abroad until they have Why does Cruse do this? Why managed to achieve it at home." does he misrepresent the SWP's Quite a big indictment to spin out position on the colonial revolu- of that little sentence. tion? We can only conclude that But it simply doesn't stand up. he finds it easier to argue against Far from believing that workers positions that the SWP does not in capitalist countries are the only hold than against those it does revolutionary force, Trotsky in- hold. sisted many times that "the de- The facts are similarly damag- cisive word in the development ing to Cruse's charge that Marx- of humanity" belongs to "the op- ists ("western" or "westernized" pressed colored races" (1932) . He or white) have a paternalistic at- repeatedly expressed the view that titude toward the colonial (col- "The movement of the colored ored) people. The only example races against their imperialist op- he offers, Leon Trotsky, is about pressors is one of the most im- the worst he could pick. portant and powerful movements

22 against the existing order and orable conditions have been estab- therefore calls for the complete, lished, and through this set an unconditional and unlimited sup- example for the workers of other port on the part of the proletariat countries." of the white race" (1937). This So the SWP considers the col- was, long before the current col- onial revolution foremost today, onil upsurge, and it is in this like Cruse, and supports t "com- spirit that both the Socialist pletely and unconditionally," also Workers Party and the Fourth In- like Cruse. Having disposed of ternational have always been differences invented or exaggerat- guided. ed by Cruse, we can now turn to In May, 1940, a year after the some real differences. sentence cited by Cruse, when Cruse holds that the colonial World War II had already begun, revolutionary movement is the the Fourth International held an only important one; that no other emergency conference where it revolutionary movement or tenden- adopted a manifesto on "The Im- cy today means anything; that perialist War and the Proletarian how the world goes and how his- Revolution" which was supported tory is made will be determined by the SWP. Trotsky wrote this entirely by the colonial (colored) document, and since he was as- revolution against the imperialist sassinated a few months later, it (white-controlled) countries. represents his final, mature, con- The SWP's world outlook is far sidered Judgment on the question. less simple because the actual sit- It could almost have been writ- uation is much more complex. It ten as an answer to Cruse's claim sees the fate of the world being that Marxists think the colonial decided by the combined operation people should wait for, depend on of three factors: 1. The colonial or trot humbly behind the indus- struggle against imperialism, trially advanced countries. After which is today the central and urging the colonial masses to take most active revolutionary sphere. advantage of the war crisis in 2. The struggle for political rev- order to break free from their olution in the workers states, in. imperialist masters and urging volving the ouster of the privileged the workers in the imperialist bureaucratic caste that is now countries to support the colonial dominant and the restoration of revolt, Trotsky explicitly stated: workers democracy. 3. The strug- No Need to Wait gle for social revolution in the im "The perspective of the per, perialist states, involving the end m4nent revolution in no case sign- of capitalist rule and its replace- ifies that the backward countries ment by the rule of revolutionary must await the signal from the workers and their allies . advanced ones, or that the col- To the SWP these three spheresin- onial peoples should patiently wait of the world revolution are for the proletariat of the metro. timately connected and interde- politan centers to free them. Help pendent. Although they develop comes to him who helps himself. unevenly, t h e y reinforce and Workers must develop the revolu- strengthen each other. Victories tionary struggle in every country, for one benefit, the others, and colonial or imperialist, where fav- vice versa. A correct strategy for

23 the world revolution, which alone their labor lieutenants? Then it can permanently guarantee the will always be this way! gains won in each of these spheres, This is the same way most peo- requires a realistic appraisal of ple viewed the colonial revolution their potentials, limitations and in- 25 years ago, and the Negro strug- terrelationships . (Such an apprai- gle 10 years ago, when the condi- sal is brilliantly supplied in the tions for today's upsurge were still already mentioned resolution, Dy- maturing beneath the surface. The namics of World Revolution To- Cruses of that day, prisoners of day.) outward appearances, could also Absurd Illusion? only sigh: It will always be this Cruse regards the very idea of way! It is not a mode of thought workers revolution in the capital- helpful to people who want to ist countries as an absurd and prepare for revolutions. harmful illusion; he appears The colonial revolution has much surer of this than the cap- made great advances and it will italists. For him class struggle make more. But these advances between workers and capitalists have not got rid of imperialism, is meaningless or irrelevant. He especially on its home grounds. lumps together all the antagonistic Yet the continued existence of im- classes in these countries as if perialism, with its preponderant they were one harmonious fam- economic and military strength, is ily (except the Negro people in the main deterrent to further, the U.S., whom he considers a part deeper and faster revolutionary of the world-wide colonial revolu- gains in the colonial sphere. tion) . He has nothing to say about The converse is also true. The developments inside the workers abolition of capitalism in the im- states. (Since he says Stalin was perialist centers and its replace- the type of leader "needed" in the ment by workers states will open earlier days of the Soviet Union, new avenues for the colonial rev- he may also think the Soviet work- olution. It will bring invaluable ers "need" the Khrushchev type economic aid to the colonial rev- today.) olutions, enabling them to curb or What leads Cruse to thus exag- prevent bureaucratism, limitations gerate the strength of the enemy of workers' rights and other de- and shut his eyes to the possibility formations that breed in the soil of aid from allies inside the cap- of economic backwardness and italist and workers states? These poverty. and related errors flow from his A crucial question for revolu- method, which sees only things- tionists everywhere therefore is: as-they-are, fixed and frozen, How to achieve the abolition of rather than as a process replete capitalism in the imperialist with contradictions, reversals and sphere? Must it wait, as Cruse's change (despite all his talk about position implies, until the colonial dialectics). countries are strong enough to de- The class struggle in the cap- feat their imperialist foes in direct italist countries is at an ebb? Then military combat? And will the im- it will always be this way! The perialists wait until that occurs workers are conservative, apathe- without launching their own of- tic, hogtied by the capitalists and fensive first, including the H-

24 bomb? pressed national minorities, na_ Or -are there forces inside the tionalities and nations the imperialist countries that can be world- butit is true.) welded together into a revolution- People unfamiliar with this idea ary movement capable of disarm- may be able to grasp it by ing the asking capitalists, throwing them themselves: Suppose the Negro out of power and joining in fra- people, instead ternal of being scattered collaboration with the col. throughout the country, were onial revolutionists? con- centrated in one section of the As Clifton DeBerry, Socialist U.S., or in one area outside of the Workers Party candidate for presi- U.S. And suppose that they were dent, wrote in an answer to Cruse dominated by the same forces that (which Liberator invited but has now dominate them, and that they not printed yet), the policy Cruse were treated, or mistreated, in counterposes to Marxism "would exactly the same way they are in fact leave the colonial peoples now - denied equal rights, con- subject to an unending threat of fined to the worst jobs, paid less, wimperialist attack." unemployed more, etc. Wouldn't it be plain then Hit at Root that they are sub- jected to a colonial-type oppres- The job of ending this threat sion? bannot be done by the colonial Not Only Aspect revolution alone. "That job has to be But while this is one major done within imperialism's home aspect of the base," said DeBerry. "It Negro struggle, it is calls for not the only one. Cruse a revolutionary struggle by the oversim- plifies this question, as he does on workers, non-white and white the combined, world scale with the colonial to abolish the capitalist revolution. system from which imperialism Here he reminds us of those blind men, each of whom springs." touched a The same error is committed different part of an elephant - tusk, leg, trunk and by Cruse when he tries to define so on the nature of the Negro --and mistakenly thought struggle . they understood the To nim it is, purely and simply, whole reality "a semi-colonial of the elephant. revolt, which is The aspect more inspired by events outside of the Negro strug- gle that Cruse shuts his eyes America than within it." to is its class aspect. Negroes are ex- While we question the last part ploited not only because of their of that statement, we agree that color, but also because of the class the Negro struggle definitely has to which they belong in their many characteristics of a semi- great majority. They are a part of colonial revolt, and believe it is to the working class, the most ex- Cruse's credit that he has been one ploited part, the most proletarian of the foremost propagandists of part, and whatever hurts the this idea. (He probably will not be workers as a class hurts them too pleased by our assertion that this - usually first and always hard- idea can be traced back to the est. Marxist Lenin, who was the lirsi:, To ignore the dual and com- to our kno bined character of the Negro enan Nea_s sarvons the op- struggle is to blind oneself to the

25 dual sources of its full potential. tive. The early American social- As both a racial-national and class ists, who saw only the class as- struggle, it is fed and powered by pect, are an object lesson in how the two most explosive fuels in badly astray you can be led by a modern society. These are the one-sided grasp of the dual char- sources of its dynamism, and al- acter of the Negro struggle. Cruse though race and class operate is making a similar mistake in the unequally and unevenly at differ- other direction. The Marxist at- ent times, they are both sources tempt at a synthesis is the most that will contribute to the victory enlightening so far. If it is not yet of the Negro struggle. fully or adequately worked out, then it ought to be - by black Any theory which does not rec- radicals as well as the SWP - ognize and combine both these because it points in the right di- aspects will prove fatally defec- rection. The Role of the White Workers

Can Marxism be of help to tion of abolishing racism, which black radicals in working out a benefits them politically by keep- program capable of winning free- ing the workers divided and eco- dom for the Negro people? The nomically by keeping down the Socialist Workers Party says yes. wages of all workers. Harold Cruse says no (Liberator, it is doubtful that the capitalists May and June) . This is a ques- could abolish racism even if they tion each person can check for wanted to, but nobody has to lose himself by finding out what the sleep over that question because Marxists say and do. they don't want to. The most they Especially what they say and will grant are mild concessions and do about the nature of the so-, very gradual reforms (like the ciety we live in (capitalism), its 1984 civil rights law) that may strengths and weaknesses, and the eventually make the South like relations its ruling class has with the North, where racism is still other forces at home and abroad . supreme, despite all the laws, The Socialist Workers Party commissions and constitutional says that American capitalism is provisions. a sick and unjust system, which Reforms will not end racism, has seen its best days and is slated now or`a hundred years from now. to be replaced by a new, socialist Rocking the boat is needed to get system. This change will not be concessions, but it is not enough imposed by some force outside to get equality. We need a new this country, although outside captain; we also need a new boat. pressures will help, but will be There are only two ways to brought about by internal forces, achieve Negro equality Ones. by classes and groups here inside through a socialist revolution that the U.S., rebelling against capital- will end capitalist rule The other. ist domination and mismanage- fi-H90 ment. _seoarat~ns from it to form a new One of the major internal weak- nation or to migrate to a coun- nesses that will bring about the try free of racism. Nether way is downfall of capitalism is its rac- e ism. The capitalists have no inten- is a socialist revolution pos-

27 sible? The answer would probably Marxists have it. They are so be no if racism were the only obsessed by this "working class- evil bred by capitalism. It isn't. socialist myth," this "grand illu- Capitalism spawns many other sion," this "white labor mystique," evils, which it would take a book that they have lost touch with out of to list. The most prominent-and reality and are virtually generate opposition to this world. He says: they all and practice of rule-are unemployment, . . . the theory capitalist revolutionary Marxism in Amer- poverty, insecurity, thought con- ultra-right ica is based on the assumption that trol, the growth of and and the danger of a war white labor, both organized reaction must be a radical, that may wipe out humanity. unorganized, anti-capitalist force in America Nothing to Lose and must form an `alliance' with These evils, which are inherent Negroes for the liberation of both in capitalism, create the condi- labor and the Negro from capital- tions for an anti-capitalist move- ist exploitation . No matter what ment which, properly led, can the facts of life reveal to the oust the bankers and corporation contrary, no matter what the executives and four-star generals Marxists say or do in terms of and white supremacists now in momentary 'tactics, this is what control. The members of this the Marxists believe, and must movement will come from the believe or cease functioning as a classes and groups that have most Marxist tendency ." to gain and least to lose from pro- If this means what it says, it found and far-reaching change : certainly is a poor argument. When revolutionary workers, young - a man insists something "must "Wait! Now wait just a minute," be," and it obviously isn't, then interrupts Harold Cruse, who has everybody concludes that man is been sitting by imlpatiently up to some kind of a nut, and every- now. And he launches into his body is right. But if he's ob- attack on the idea that the work- viously a nut, why spend so much ers can play a revolutionary role space and time refuting him? in this country. His position is The truth is that the Socialist this: Workers Party does not believe substantially must be radical and labor rad- the workers There was a period of anti-capitalist. We are well aware icalism in the 1930's but it has that the overwhelming majority of declined and ended. White work- white workers in this country to- ers have become conservative, day are not radical, thanks to cap- pro-capitalist and hostile or in- italist brainwashing, relative pro- different to the Negro. There was treacherous labor leader- reasonable sperity, a time when it seemed ship and political immaturity . they would usher to expect that That ie why socialism in general, in socialism, but it's too late now. and our party in particular, are The only ones capable of revolu- not stronger and better able to tionary action in this country are back up the Negro struggle. What the black people. we believe is that the workers Labor Mystique? must become radical if they are to Then, turning to the theme of solve their problems, and that they his Liberator article, he lets the will become radical under certain

28 conditions and at certain times. is not that the working class can "Must become" is a different horse or will be radical all of the time from "must be." or most of the time, but that the conditions created by capitalism Not Inevitable must radicalize it some of the Marxists have never believed time, and that even though rev- that the workers in capitalist olutionary situations occur rarely, countries must be or have been one can be turned into a success- radical all the time. We do not ful conquest of power. As the idealize the workers, knowing full Cuban experience demonstrates, a well and from painful experience successful revolution can then that they can be and often are quickly alter conditions enough infected, corrupted, demoralized, so that the revolutionary cons- exhausted and disoriented. Their ciousness and will of most of the radicalism waxes and wanes, rises workers will remain high and be- and sinks, depending on their con- come permanent. ditions, leadership and level of does not consider such a (Isn't also true Cruse consciousness. this working class revolution possible, of the Negro masses?) like most Americans, or even New The American working class has Left professors like C. Wright not been radical during most of Mills. With other sophisticated op- its existence. Even when it was ponents of Marxism, he lives in a more radical than today, during world that is changing with dizzy- the 1930s and 1940s, it never ing speed, but he thinks every- reached the point of breaking with thing is going to change except the politics of the capitalists whom the workers. Talk about a grand it was battling on the picketlines illusion! Even the most ignorant and creating its own. non-capital- capitalist knows better than that. ist, political party. The most rad- That's why they distort the teach- ical sector of the working class ings of Marxism and try to isolate today, the black workers in the and suppress socialist ideas and ghetto, wasn't always as radical movements. as it is now. The future of this country will Socialists believe that the work- be determined in large part by the ing class can become revolution- relations among its three major ary - not always, but sometimes. forces : the capitalists, the white And that on such an occasion, workers and the Negro people which does not occur all the time (mostly workers too). At present or last forever, it can, in coopera- the capitalists dominate and have tion with other non-capitalist the support of most white work- forces, and with consistently rev- ers. Cruse thinks this is going to olutionary leadership, abolish the last forever. It won't, because of system that breeds racism, pover- the internal contradictions of this ty, regimentation and war. The system. question of leadership is crucial The central contradiction is the precisely because such opportun- material readiness of our society ities do not knock at the door for socialism and the ideological often, or for long. and political unreadiness of the Our assumption, therefore, un- white workers to fight for it. Tied like the one Cruse imputes to us, up with this is another acute con-

29 tradiction - the readiness of the italist system itself. In the next Negroes to fight for jobs and jus- decade automation will create vast tice by the most militant means armies of unemployed and under- and the unreadiness of organized mine the security of all workers, labor and the white workers as even those of high seniority, skill a whole to support the black peo- and privilege. America's share of ple. the world market will be shrunk From our analysis of the social by the colonial revolution and structure, we conclude that the competition from other capitalist contradiction prevailing between countries, and this will drive the white workers and Negroes is not capitalists to attack the wage rates absolute, but relative ; not per- and living standards of the em- manent, but transitory. The alien- ployed workers. ation between them is no more Isn't this certain to provoke anti- enduring than the political and capitalist sentiments and attitudes, ideological partnership between not only among the youth and un- the white workers and their bosses. employed, but also among union- Can Narrow Gap ists still on the job? Won't such radicalization make white work- two states are in- In fact, these ers more susceptible to suggestions terconnected. Any deepening of action with the Negro the white of joint antagonism between movement? Won't the possibility workers and the ruling class, any change in the them, any be opened for a cutting of ties between present situation, for united ac- of breaches opening or widening tion by the two anti-capitalist between them, objectively sets the movements against the upholders the an- stage for a lessening of of the system responsible for their tagonism and a narrowing of the common insecurity and misery? between the Negro great gap that what we have just movement and the white workers. We hope workers written will not be distorted. It is The outlook of white not altered from two a perspective to be worked for, is going to be reality. We do not directions . One is from the inde- an existing the Negroes, think the achievement of joint ac- pendent struggle of quick. We which tends to upset the status tion will be easy or ele- are not suggesting that the Ne- quo and introduce unsettling white class relations. The dis- groes should wait until the ments into ready for collabora- rupted patterns of politics in this workers are testify to the power tion, before they build their oven election year own leaders, the independent Negro struggle movement, with its of and program. We are not to disarrange and overturn cus- ideology and ac- proposing, and we do not favor, tomary modes of thought white there any reason to think any alliance where the tion, Is the shots and the that white workers will not also workers call be shaken up and divided, and Negroes comply. some of them torn out of their We are talking about an alliance ruts, as the Negro struggle con- of equals. An alliance with rad- tinues to develop and explode? icalized, not conservative, white The other and more basic workers. An alliance against all modifying factor comes directly capitalist parties, not one behind from the operation of the cap- the Democratic Party. Therefore

30 what we are talking about is the continue to seek such ties. We are future (less distant than it may on the side of the Negroes wher- appear on the surface) and not ever they clash with prejudiced today. We concur 100 per cent and privileged white workers. We with the decision of militant Ne- support and work with black groes to concentrate on building radicals even though they have their own movement and working crossed off the white workers out tactics based first of all on the forever as any help to their strug- situation as it is today. gle. Coming Chances We feel no inconsistency in do- ing so because we are confident add is that it will not What we their own experience will teach remain as it is today. A correct teach white work- has to take that them, as it will over-all strategy ers, that collaboration between into account too, be prepared for indispen- promote both camps is ultimately the changes coming, and sable if the power structure is to them. For they will benefit Ne- . be toppled and not simply shaken groes as much as white workers and renovated. Experience will The SWP's 1963 convention prove that the monopolists cannot resolution (Freedom Now : The be dislodged from their seats of New Stage in the Struggle far power except by a transformation Negro Emancipation) stated that of the relations among the three the first stage of the alliance we main forces - a dialectical trans- foresee and predict will very like- formation of the capitalist-white ly be the knitting of ties between worker partnership into a Negro- the black vanguard and the rev- white worker alliance against the olutionary socialist vanguard. We capitalist regime. The Need anti Result of Independence

A program to win the Negro independence . struggle for equality must be based As long ago as 1939, when the on a correct analysis of its main SWP was only a year old, it de- features. Among these are its in- clared in a unanimously adopted dependence, its vanguard role and convention resolution : " . the its need for independent political awakening political consciousness action. We shall compare the So- of the Negro not unnaturally takes cialist Workers Party positions on the form of a desire for indepen- these questions with what Harold dent action uncontrolled by whites. Cruse claims are its positions (in The Negroes have long felt and Liberator, May and June) . more than ever feel today the Cruse says the growing inde- urge to create their own organiza- pendence of the Negro movement tions under their own leaders and produces a crisis for Marxists : thus assert, not only in theory but "the greater the Negro movement in action, their claim to complete becomes as an independent force equality with other American cit- . . , the deeper does the crisis be- izens. Such a desire is legitimate come for the Marxist movement and must be vigorously support- . For the `alliance' it attempts ted . " (In Documents on the itself Publish- to forge with the Negro must be Negro " Struggle, Pioneer one where the Marxists dominate" ers.) But facts are stubborn things, The SWP has never wavered in and the record bulges with facts this position in the 25 years since refuting Cruse's claim that the then . as an examination of its SWP is opposed to the indepen- latest (1963) convention resolu- dence of the Negro movement from tion will prove. It states that "the the labor movement, or from any- liberation of the Negro people re- thing else, including the SWP it- quires that the Negroes organize self . Throughout its entire exist- themselves independently, and ence the SWP has thought, said control their own struggle, and not and argued just the opposite. It permit it to be subordinated to was the first radical organization any other consideration or inter in this country to assert the cor- est." (Freedom Now : The New rectness and necessity of Negro Stage in the Struggle for Negro

32 Emancipation.) One of the more astonishing Why do genuine Marxists take statements in Cruse's article is this position? Why do we advocate that "the Negro movement's rise that the Negro movement must be to the ascendancy as a radical independent, even of the SWP? force in America completely up- Because the history of Negro op- sets Marxian theory" and there- pression in this country has been fore deepens the alleged crisis of such that the more independent Marxism. the Negro movement becomes, the We can only wonder what more revolutionary it becomes. "Marxian theory" Cruse is talking And the more revolutionary the about. Since he insists, wrongly, Negro movement becomes, the bet- on identifying the Communist ter it is for all revolutionists, Party and the Socialist Workers white and black. The radicaliza- Party as "twin branches of the tion of the Negroes cannot help same withering tree trunk of west- stimulating radicalization among ern Marxism," despite the irre- whites too. concilable differences between Contrary to J. Edgar Hoover - them, maybe he is thinking about or to Harold Cruse -we Marxists some kind of "Marxian theory" have no interest whatever in coming from the Communist Par- "dominating" the Negro move- ty. It certainly is not and never ment. Our aim is to influence the has been any theory of the SWP, Negro movement, as it is to in- which is the target of his present fluence the labor and any other polemic. progressive movement, and we Permanent Revolution make no secret of that. We do so by offering it our revolutionary Our theory has been strikingly ideas, which the participants in confirmed by "the Negro move- the Negro movement of course can ment's rise to the ascendancy as freely accept or reject in accord a radical force." For Leon Trotsky, with their own estimate of what making use of the Marxist concep- they need and want. tion of the permanent revolution, We believe that the sooner the predicted more than 30 years ago Negro movement becomes com- that the Negroes could become "the pletely "undominated" (that is, most advanced section" of the the sooner it becomes completely working class, that they could independent and revolutionary), reach revolutionary consciousness the sooner it will approach and ahead of the white workers, that accept the ideas and policies that they could become the revolution- the Marxists have reached; and ary vanguard. Twenty-five years that the process of ever-grow- ago the SWP adopted a convention ing independence will in the end resolution declaring that the Ne- inevitably lead it, as the result groes were destined to become "the of its own experiences, toward very vanguard of the proletarian close collaboration with other rev- revolution." (Documents on the olutionary forces, including the Negro Struggle.) SWP. That kind of fraternal rela- So the Marxist theory which tion, rather than domination, is Cruse tries to discredit foresaw the only one worth having, and it the radicalization of the Negro is the only one we seek. movement (not in all its detail,

33 but in its general sweep) long be- We expect it to be an integral fore it happened, when the em- part of the revolution, before, dur- piricists of that day and others ing and after the winning of stupefied by the status quo could power, until it, the Negro move- not even dream of such a develop- ment, is satisfied that racism is ment. abolished beyond the possibility of Moreover, the SWP not only return. predicted that the Negro move- Vanguard Position ment would become the radical but advocated it, and What we think is this: Historical vanguard, yes "laws," have placed worked for it, and exults now that conditions, Why the world the Negro movement in a vanguard it is happening. in the then should we feel that our theory position - in the leadership of been upset? Why should the mass struggle to change society has socially, politically and econom- confirmation of our theory by real If only ically. Its radicalization marks the life throw us into a crisis? the revolution our theories could be "upset" opening stage of all that will accomplish these changes. this way! The truth, once again, is and what Cruse says, As this revolution continues the opposite of whole political struc- and happens in this case to be an develops, the black ture will begin to come apart, especially good reason for in- become better ac- and other forces will be drawn radicals to revolution, for and against. quainted with the Marxist method to the Which side wins will depend on and program. support When we say that Negroes will which draws the strongest role, Cruse tries from the as-yet uncommitted and play a vanguard majority. to confuse what we mean, and to inactive imply a manipulative motive-, by Cruse's snide implication that attributing to us the "belief that the Marxists plan to "use" the the 'historical laws' have pre- Negro movement and then cast it ordained the Negro movement in aside has no basis at all. We have America to be used as a kind of said a thousand times what we transitional social phase leading said in our 1968 convention resolu- to the 'Marxian revolution ."' tion: "The SWP believes and acts If he will be so kind, we would on the belief that the working like to state our position our- class cannot achieve its aims with- selves, minus the slanted terms he out the Negro people achieving prefers. We do not know of any theirs . The American revolution "Marxian revolution," with or for a socialist democracy cannot without quotation marks, and that succeed unless it is based on an is not what we advocate . The equal and mutually acceptable American revolution will be a so- partnership between the working cial revolution - that is, it will class and the Negro people." remove the present ruling class This is our perspective, openly from political power and recon- stated. It does not involve subor- struct society on new, non-ex- dination of the Negro movement ploitative foundations. "to any other consideration or in- Nor do we consider the Negro terest." It does not involve the movement to be any kind of slightest infringement on the in- "phase," transitional or otherwise. dependence of the Negro move-

34 ment, which at all times must be This is untrue. The SWP's 1963 led by its own representatives and convention resolution endorsing animated by its own goals. We do "the idea of a Negro party, a not believe that this perspective is civil-rights party or an equal- inconsistent with what black rad- rights party" specifically noted icals want, if what they want is that the idea had been raised in revolution . If we're wrong, we'd previous years by Adam Clayton like to be shown. Powell and Liberator, and early in In the light of what has already 1963 by Elijah Muhammad and been said, Cruse's distortions about William Worthy . We would be the SWP's attitude to the Freedom glad to claim credit for conceiving Now Party can be handled rather the idea, but it would be dishonest briefly. His four charges, some- to do so. What we can claim credit what contradictory, are: for is having publicly supported 1) We don't believe in or want the idea of an independent black a truly independent black political party before anyone had taken party. 2) We engage in maneuvers organizational steps to create one. against the Freeedom Now Party. But if we did that, then why, 3) We compete with the FNP, even before the new party has even before it is established, by been established nationally and on running a Negro candidate for a stable basis, would we rush to president in 1964 (Clifton De- "competip" with it? Cruse calls us Berry) . 4) We disrupt the FNP's "astute." But what's astute about development. encouraging the formation of an- The SWP's well-known position other party if your first response, in favor of Negro independence before it has even been assembled, of course applies with full force is to compete with it? The charge to black political action. For many is ridiculous on the face of it. years we have endorsed and sup- There isn't the faintest trace of ported independent Negro candi- "competition with the FNP" in dates running against the capital- Clifton DeBerry's presidential can- ist party candidates. To support didacy, except inside Cruse's head. such candidates when they band When DeBerry was nominated by together in a party of their own, the SWP, it was perfectly plain and to defend their right to do so that the FNP would not be able in their own way, is only an ex- to run a presidential campaign in tension of our long-held position, this, its first year of existence. and comes almost automatically Moreover, DeBerry, every chance for us. he gets, expresses his and the Every politically informed per- SWP's complete support for the son in the country knows this. effort to create a mass, indepen- The anti-Marxist writers, Tom dent FNP. (And gets criticized by Kahn and August Meier (in Net:; Cruse for doing so. What is De- Politics, Spring, 1964), have even Berry supposed to do: keep silent said that the all-Negro Freedom - or oppose it?) Now Party idea "was originally Michigan Ballot projected by the predominantly The FNP has won a state-wide white Trotskyites and for some place on the ballot only in Michi- months received its chief organiza- gan. There, the day after the FNP tional support from them." filed its petitions last spring, the

35 filed its own peti- significance of the FNP as Marx- SWP, which had that? won ballot rights in ists. But what's wrong with tions and from 1963, publicly stated that it was Does it stop other people from whatever angle in the campaign to fight the Dem- discussing it Republicans: "We are they wish? Does it interfere with ocrats and an against the Free- Cruse's right to discuss it as not campaigning right of any Now Party, which in our view anti-Marxist? Or the dom member to discuss it as he has valuable contributions to make FNP pleases? How is DeBerry's exer- to the electoral struggle for a oppression and ex. cise of his right to express his world free of is We welcome its entry opinion, whether the opinion ploitation . "disruptive" to the election campaign, and right or wrong, into FNP's development? hope it will get a fair hearing the from whites as well as Negroes." The whole charge is further ex- As proof that this is not just talk, ploded when we observe that the Michigan SWP is not running Cruse bases it exclusively on a against, and is endorsing, the FNP New York Times report that had candidates in every Michigan dis- DeBerry saying he supports the trict where they have the slightest FNP as "a step toward indepen- chance of being elected. dent political action by labor and Clifton DeBerry has already re- Negroes." Twisting this a little, futed the "maneuver" charge. The Cruse paints this as opposition to claim that he "linked himself with the FNP: "The Trotskyist . theore- a the Freedom Now Party without ticians realize very well that the party's permission to do so" truly independent black political rests in its entirety on the fact that party which functions irrespective DeBerry, without ever pretending of what white labor does and does to be a spokesman of the FNP, not do will further deepen the expresses support for the FNP and already serious crisis of Marxist urges black militants to help build creed in the West. It could show it. Any expectation or demand that that Marxian ideas about capital- DeBerry has to get permission ism in advanced countries are not from the FNP, or the Democratic to be taken seriously." Party, or the Republican Party, Even If DeBerry said it the way to he expresses his political the Times reported (a "step before action by views about them, is - what shall independent political Negroes") rather than we say? - slightly fantastic. labor and charge is the other way around ("by Ne- The "disruption" knows baseless. DeBerry and the groes and labor"), Cruse equally meant: That SWP are said to be "disrupting" very well what is of the FNP be- DeBerry and the SWP believe the development by up- when they discuss the FNP's that a mass black party, cause then destroying the meaning and effects, "they must setting and the idea of the Democratic-labor-Negro coalition, attempt to project the forma- Now Party in their own will give impetus to Freedom independent labor par- Marxian image, with the old worn- tion of an discredited theme of Negro. ty too. out, And what's so terrible, worn- Labor unity" this means is that De- out or discredited about such a What think that Berry and the SWP discuss the prediction? Does Cruse

36 the stimulation of an independent The only crisis it would deepen labor party by the growth of a would be the crisis of capitalist mass FNP would be bad? Then let politics, the crisis of the Demo- him argue that. Does he think it crats, the labor bureaucrats, the impossible? Then let him argue liberals, the Negro gradualists - that, And let him not substitute which is precisely one of the rea- for such arguments, which would sons we are so strongly for it. be fruitful, his unfounded claim And by the way, aren't the break- that we cannot be for a truly in- up of the two-party system and dependent black party because it the radicalization of American pol- would deepen "the crisis of Marx- itics high on the list of "Marx- ism" ian ideas about capitalism"? Relations Between White and Black Radicals

Marxism so far has done more tion, which Cruse persistently re- than any other theory to shed fuses to confront, we have made light on the nature of the Negro an analysis of the very qualities struggle and the direction in he calls unknown (separatism, which it is moving. Since Marx, assimilationism, nationalism, self- it has illuminated the economic determination, independence, roots of racism, and the workings etc.) . Our analysis may not be of the capitalist power structure perfect or complete, but it has al- which oppresses the Negro people ready proved - fruitful. Further and must be toppled if their op- progress can be made by testing, pression is to end. Since Lenin deepening and extending this an- and Trotsky, it has clarified and alysis, not by labeling the con- shown the progressiveness of the ditions it studies unknown and nationalist and racial aspects of implying they are unknowable. . And in our the Negro movement Historical Science time the Socialist Workers Party is working hard to understand and In another place, Cruse says explain current trends and to com- that "if `historical science' or bine them into a realistic pro- `dialectics' is to be considered g%un for emancipation . really scientific it must be devel- oped and verified in life by the Harold Cruse (in Liberator, May the social experiences, harbor- inclusion of and June) accuses us of the history, the ideas and polit- ing a "white labor mystique," ical philosophies, the points of hard for us to which it was not view of the backward peoples" disprove because we are against (among whom he includes the kind or color. mystiques of any American Negroes) . Well, that's In the same breath he creates a been saying too, be- he what we've mystique of his own when fore Cruse did. That's just what speaks of the "unknown qual- we've been trying to do when we ities" of the Negro movement, as undertake to Afro-Americanize though they somehow defy ration- Marxism. Robert ' Vernon's writ- al and scientific analysis . ings on the black ghetto in The In our 1983 convention resolu- Militant are a striking example of

38

the value of this approach . finding them, and we have no seeking the an- But when we do it, Cruse re- patent on that. In using the method to fuses to even comment on the re- swers and find them, we urgently need and sult. We hope that other black and don't have,any anti- want the active collaboration radicals, who have most to Marxist axes to grind, will be- aid of those who work in gain from revolution, the people come acquainted with our least this field and join in on it. who are least privileged and this society, - the recommend Marxism corrupted by While we black masses and the radical as the best theory now available most authentically against Cruse's type thinkers who and defend it represent them. We think Cruse's of attack, we know that no theory, because it tries perfect. That article does harm not even the best, is through misrepresentation of would mean knowing everything this col- which is Marxism to discourage about a given situation, . impossible . No theory automatical- laboration ly provides all the answers ; that "White" Theory? takes work. No one gains access Another impression which we to the answers merely by adopt- hope to dispel is that Marxism is ing a theory, or by saying I am a "white" theory and philosophy. a Marxist, or a black nationalist, We know it isn't, but that's how or any other ist. it looks today to many black peo. Even the best theory in the ple, especially in this country, who world does not safeguard anyone are justifiably suspicious of white or any movement against making ideas and influences because they mistakes and lagging behind are usually oppressive to Negroes. changes in reality. The question is Cruse tries to fan this suspicion whether their theory enables against Marxists in order to prev- them to avoid fatal mistakes, ent a fair examination of our whether it enables them to learn ideas. from mistakes, correct them and It is true that Marx was clas- avoid repeating them. In this re- sified as a white, and that the spect too, the Marxist record is early development of the Marxist superior to others. movement occurred mainly among Years of isolation and attack white people in the advanced cap- by backsliders and refugees from italist countries. But Marxism is, Marxism as well as by capitalist and is meant to be, a tool and spokesmen, and the need to stand weapon for the revolutionists of firm against them, have unfortun- all races, and should not be re- ately tended to create the impres- jected out of hand any more than sion that Marxists are rigid peo- a gun should be rejected by black ple who think they know it all: rebels in South Africa merely be- "Here is a finished science with cause it was manufactured by all the answers worked out, sit white workers. down and study it" But this is In any case, things have changed not the case, and mature Marxists since Marx's time, and in the do not think it is. world today the millions of non- consider We don't have all the answers. whites who tlAemse-lves We think we have the method for Marxists and sunvorters ctsx-

39 ixm outnumber their irltite co- of guiding the masses to the aboli- thinkers . As Clifton DeBerry tion of capitalism. asked, in an article which Libera- We expect that such a leader- tor asked him to write but has not ship will include members of all printed, "if Marxism is white, races in this country, whether they western and obsolete as Cruse con- are organized in a single revolu- tends, how can he account for tionary party, or an alliance of the fact that from China to Cuba, such parties; that Negroes will where capitalism has been abol- contribute more than their propor- ished by mass revolution, this tionate share to this leadership; was done under the banner of and that they may well be a Marxism? How does he explain majority. In any case, it is ab- the fact that socialism is becom- solutely certain that the struggle ing the most popular mass creed of the Negroes today, in the rev- in almost all the countries and olution that is coming, and after- continents where colored peoples ward, will be led by Negroes. are fighting for freedom?" When we say black and white Because Cruse considers the radicals have common aims and American Negro struggle a semi- therefore should be able to work colonial revolt, DeBerry asked together, we do not mean to min- further: "if Marxism has been so imize the differences that do exist helpful and correct as a guide between many black radicals and in the fight against imperialism the Socialist Workers Party. Be- and white supremacy in the col- sides our differences over the fu- onial world, what prevents this ture role of the white workers, method from being equally useful there are three others that should in the Freedom Now struggle here get mention here: imperialism in the heartland of Negro in- and white supremacy?" A weakness of some like Cruse, is that they real issue tellectuals, Cruse says that "the proceed with their analyses and is: Who is destined to be the dom- conclusions by in arrive at their inant and decisive radical force assuming the indefinite perpetua- America - Black Radicals or of the present conditions of We don't see tion White Radicals?" the struggle and of the relations that as the real issue at all. Far forces on a national and question of of social more important is the world scale. They do not see how black and white radicals can further than the initiating stages promote their pool their forces to of the Third American Revolution. common aims against their com- mon enemies. The are reasoning - a met Black Leadership wit Cruse's assumption here is that ut inrnncistnnt with a thornl7Eh- Marxists are opposed to black ly revolutionary outlook. This leadership, but it simply isn't so. me od is faulty and can be fatal We don't care what the color of because it leaves its practitioners the leadership of the coming unprepared for sharp turns and American revolution may be - liable to be caught by surprise. only that it be a leadership with This is one reason for their rejec- a correct program and be capable tion of Marxism, which views all

40

things in their contradictory devel- ary perspective and a reformist opment. line of thought. It then would not be necessary to wage an uncom- Basic Perspective promising struggle for basic Another difference Marxists change in the power structure and have with some black radicals con- in social relations . It would be cerns a basic perspective . As we enough for the crew to rock the have said, w b that Negroes boat so as to exert pressure on will not achieve e ualit orgi the captain - instead of organ- om in a ca italist America the izing a mutiny to get rid of the will get it through socialist rev- captain and his slave ship. olution or through separ-aition or A pure-and-simple nationalist mi ra ion, is flows from our outlook, which ignores the work- analysis of American capitalism in ing-class element of the Negro its monopoly stage and from our struggle and its dynamics, that is, analysis of the combined national- its implicitly anti-capitalist ten- proletarian character of the Negro dencies, runs the risk of being de- question . railed at some point along the What about those who see only way because it fails to foresee the one side of this dual character, direction of the mass movement, only the national-racial side and both black and white, and the not the proletarian? (Let us call kind of resistance it must en- them pure-and-simple national- counter from the capitalists . Np_ ists, to distinguish them from roes will lay a leading role i black nationalists with a broader an anti-ca 2i a is r vo u ion in view, including socialist-national- this country . hut it will not _ hP ists.) Some of them think Negro uccessfulL equality can be won in this coun- ;inti-ranitalict fnr^r involved try without abolishing capitalist A third difference exists be- rule; others leave this open as a tween us and those like Cruse possibility. Neither, in our opinion, who assume that not only the has thought the question through . ideas and attitudes of white work- If the capitalists can give em- ers, but the ideas and attitudes ployment, education, housing and of militant Negroes, will remain an end to police brutality, segrega- substantially unchanged . They tion and discrimination to 20 mil- underrate, even exclude, the in- lion Negroes, at the bottom of the fluence of socialist ideas as form- social structure, then American ulated by Marxism in the coming capitalism would have succeeded stages of the fight for freedom. in eliminating the most funda- There are actually three com- mental and urgent economic and ponents, very unequally developed social evils of our time . This at this point, at work in the Ne- would even enable it, some would gro movement : its proletarian even say entitle it, to endure in- composition, its nationalism and definitely . its socialism . The first two are al- Reformist Line ready obvious ; the third is still largely latent although distinctly Acceptance of such a possibility, implicit in its orientation in prac- or even a half-hope of it, implies tice. The socialist element is small the adoption of a non-revolution. and embryonic at present, just

4 1

as the conscious and avowed so- Let the non-Marxist black the- cialists are few. Will It remain oreticians try other methods and this way? let's compare the results. What- Those black nationalists who ever they come up with that is slight the socialist element in- good and useful we shall gladly herent in their movement commit adopt, as we have done in the an error comparable to those who past. -There is plenty of room in today slight black nationalism, Marx t theory o accommodate Here the colonial revolution they and into orate ev r feel kinship with has something essive at develops out of the of th~ earo to teach them. Cuba and Algeria eorv and prat :e have recently shown how a na- revolt. At the same time we be- tionalist, democratic, revolution- eve the non-Marxist nationalists ary mass movement can, through should try to think out their posi- conclusions derived from direct tions to the end and state them experience in struggle with im- plainly, so that everybody can perialism and its agents, grow check and learn from the conclu- over into a consciously socialist sions of both their tendency and movement, party and government. ours as the struggle moves from one stage to the next. We hhelieve that hit dynamic of The n rm pent revolution will be While awaiting sucn tests, we operative in the evoluti AM= proceed in the conviction that man black- naUc Marxism is relevant to the Negro furtherert goes in a revolutionary struggle ; that Marxists have much and anti-cav alist e to learn from the black working- closer it comes to socialist. Ma - class ghetto that can make their ist,policies, methods and outlook. theory more effective and com- F e can all the more confident plete; that black radicals have of this because black nationalism much to learn from Marxism that in this country is far more urban can be used to formulate a pro- and proletarian than rural and gram to win freedom for the Ne- peasant. gro people; that non-Marxist black A final point: despite differ- radicals and white and black ences and the critical exchange of Marxists have so many things in views, black radicals and Marx- common that they can and should ists are both engaged in finding work together in as many areas the solutions to the evils bred by as possible, despite their differ- capitalism. These specific answers ences; and that their common are not given in any books. But needs and further experience will Marxism is our method and it is bring them closer together and too useful for us to surrender it into genuine collaboration before, until we can be shown a better during and after the coming Amer- one. ican revolution. A Reply to Harold Cruse By CLIFTON DE BERRY

In a two-part series on Marxism propositions from a factual stand- and the Negro in LIBERATOR, point, I disagree with the conclu- Harold Cruse attacks Marxism as sions Cruse draws from them . Par- being obsolete, white and not ap- ticularly so when he contends, as I plicable to the Negro struggle to- understand his views, that the real ity day . He views the Socialist Workers of world revolutionary events con- Party as an opponent of the Free- tradicts and nullifies the teachings dom Now Party,and considers me a of Marxism, generates an insoluble "pawn" of the Socialist Workers crisis within it and counsels its Party in my role as the Party's presi- abandonment or at least profound dential candidate . modification . It is my hope that an exchange In dismissing "western Marxism" of views between Cruse and myself as a revolutionary factor, Cruse will aid in clarifying misunder- seems to substitute the idea of a standings and misrepresentations of non-white revolutionary struggle what he terms "western Marxism ." against whites for the Marxist con- To begin with, I find myself more or cept of a class struggle of workers less in agreement with three broad against capitalists . If that is his propositions stated by Cruse . I view, he would in fact leave the would sum these up as: 1) The prin- colonial peoples subject to an un- cipal revolutionary struggle in to- ending threat of imperialist attack . day's world is that of the colonial H istory teachesthat the victories peoples, who are generally non- and achievements of the colonial white, against the imperialists . 2) revolution, immense though they Black nationalism is an extension are, have not and cannot by them- and embodiment of this worldwide selves get rid of imperialism . That struggle within the United States . job has to be done within im- 3) In both areas, the privileged perialism's home base . It calls for white workers have tended to align a revolutionary struggle by the themselves with the capital istrulers workers, non-white and white com- against the freedom struggles . bined, to abolish the capitalist Although concurring with these system from which imperialism

43 springs . For that reason, among the Democratic Party and its others, the Marxist program of revo- "liberal" leader, Lyndon Johnson . lutionary class struggle retains full TheCP hosattacked the Black Mus- validity everywhere, including the lim organization, and by inference United States . the Freedom Now Party, as black From another viewpoint, if fascism and segregation in reverse . Marxism is white, western, and ob- This whole policy is Stalinism-the solete as Cruse contends, how can opposite of Marxism . he account for the fact that from There is a very fundamental dis- Cuba, where capitalism China to tinction between the SWP and the has been abolished by mass revolu- CP, and Cruse only confuses things banner tion,thiswasdone under the when he presumes to link these two of Marxism? How does he explain parties together in his attack on the fact that socialism is becoming "western Marxists . "The SWP views the popular mass creed in al- most on the application of the Marxist most all the countries and continents program to the class struggle in the where colored peoples are fighting United States, with particular re- for freedom? At a public meeting ference to the Freedom Now in New York last month, a comment struggle,were set forth in a resolu- X indi- made by Malcolm seemed to tion publ ished in the Fal 11963 issue cate the growing popularity of so- of the International Socialist Re- cialism abroad . He said that in his view . The resolution takes up the Africa and Asia he travels through new phenomena developing in the talked to many people . He found Freedom Now movement-black no- theirpoliticstobe "socialism ." How tionalism-and indicates how the explain this if Marxism is obsolete? logic of the struggle impels the Ne- Here is another question I be- gro people toward independent lieve Cruse should give some serious black political action which the consideration : If Marxism has been SWP supports . so helpful and correct as a guide in the fight against imperialism and Letme quotefrom the resolution white supremacy in the colonial itself : "The Socialist Workers Party world, what prevents this method contends that racism, like unem from being equally useful in the ployment, exploitation and war, can Freedom Now struggle here in the be abolished in this country onlyby heartland of imperialism and white independent political action aimed supremacy? at taking control of the government Perhapshis thinkingon this sub- out of the hands of the capitalists ject suffers froma tendency to mis- and their parties . As a step in this take the policies of the Communist direction, we have long advocated Party for Marxism . The facts are, that the unions break from the however, that the CP has supported Democratic Party and form an inde- the Democratic Party, a capitalist pendent labor party that would seek party, since the New Deal . In topolitically unite workers,formers World War II it opposed Negro and Negroes and elect their repre- militancy as "unpatriotic ." In the sentatives to office . In addition, 1964 elections it is still supporting and for the same reason, we have

44 endorsed and supported representa- the formation and growth of the tives of the Negro communitywhen- Freedom Now Party . I have de- ever they have run for office inde- fended it against its detractors and pendently of and in opposition to have urged black militants to help the old parties, even when they build it . But I have never pretended were not socialists. in any way to be a spokesman for "Extending this policy in the the FNP . light of current developments, we I did not ask the Freedom Now publicly express our readiness to Party's permission to express support support and collaborate with any of it, that is true . Neither did I ask Negro party or Freedom Now party the permission of Malcolm X to that runs candidates of its own in voice my support of his position on opposition to the capitalist parties self defense against white-su- and seeks to elect representatives premacist violence, or the permis- whose primary allegiance will be sion of Jesse Grayand h is ossociates to the Negro community . Our sup- to voice my support of the rent strike port of such a party in no way con- in New York City . Nor did I ask flicts with our own independent so- Fidel Castro's permission to voice cialist political campaigning or support of the Cuban revolution . I with our continued advocacy of a didthesethings,and I will continue labor party . On the contrary, we to do them as a spokesman for the believe that a Negro party, a so- SWP, without asking any special cialist party, and a labor party permission . would find much in common from To voice open and honest support the very beginning, would work to- forany public position or action by gether for common ends, and would others, with which I agree, is tend in the course of common ac- neither maneuveristic or unscrupu- tivity to establish close organiza- lous . It isaprincipled political act . tional ties or even merge into a Cruse may not agree with my single federated party ." party's position or program; that is Harold Cruse commented on the his right. But I have not seen any SWP resolution and in doing so basis for the contention he makes complained that I have linked my that our basic beliefs as Marxists in self with the Freedom Now Party anyway contradict our firm support without that party's permission to do to all serious attempts to create an so . He accused me of "a we I I-known independent black party . The SWP Marxist typeofmaneuver" in Negro recognizes the revolutionary affairs. Here are the facts: character of black nationalism,de- I support independent black po- fends and supports it . We recognize litical action as does the organiza- that the Freedom Now movement tion I represent, the Socialist must develop its own program, go Workers Party . I repeatedly stressed through its own experiences and this idea as a Councilmonic candi- develop its own leadership . We see date in New York City last year, thisprocess asa necessary condition and do so now as my party's presi- for the development within the dential candidate . I have told all Freedom Now movement of a van- who would listen to me that I favor guard force ready to join in the

45 struggle to abolish capitalism . Any- tices, brutality and inequality . We one who fails to recognize these seek to explain how their own in- political facts is neither a socialist terests in freedom and justice, the nor a Marxist . right to work, to live in peace, to Harold Cruse claims to see an be equal, are linked with the insoluble contradiction between struggles of the Negro people . white and black radicals . He makes In conclusion, let me say in re- hisdistinctionbasedsolelyon color, ply toHarold Cruse'sassertions that the Black Nationalists at one pole I am just a pawn of the Socialist and all whites, indiscriminately, at Workers Party as follows: I am a the otherpole-capital ists, workers, black revolutionary socialist. Be- Marxists, everybody white . fore adopting Marxism as my If Marxism can be associated philosophy, I made an intensive with any color it would be red, not study of all the methods of thought, white . And to be thoroughly black the theoretical foundation of the in the United States is to be red- various philosophies . I came to the revolutionary and anti-capitalist . conclusion that the most effective It is the Marxists ("reds") who tools for understanding capitalism can help the Freedom Now move- and how to set the process into mo- ment resolve the contradiction tion for change were provided by Cruse finds insoluble . I believe the Marxism . I examined the revolu- present election campaign of the tions which have taken place Socialist Workers Party is a step in throughout the world . These studies that direction . It is designed to taught me that the concepts needed point out to all sections of the to liberate mankind through the American working class their own necessary seizure of power from the need for class solidarity with the capitalist class are those of scien- dynamic struggles of the black tific socialism . workers throughout the world-here in the United States and abroad . Fidel Castro very accurately The SWP undertakes to point out to summed up my feelings in a state- those 70millionwho live in poverty ment he made not long ago: "I shol I in this land of plenty what they be a Marxist-Leninist for the rest of have in common with Negro free- my life ." dom fighters battling against injus- July 7, 1964 GOOKS AND PAMPHLETS ON THE AFRO-AMERICAN STRUGGLE By Malcolm X Autobiography of Malcolm X 7.50 1 .25 Malcolm X Speaks 5.95 .95 Malcolm X on Afro-American History .50 Malcolm X Talks to Young People .35 Two Speeches by Malcolm X .25 BGeorge Breitman Cloth Paper hye Last Year of Malcolm X, The Evolution of a Revolutionary 4.50 1 .95 Malcolm X, The Man and His Ideas .25 How a Minority Can Change Society .25 Myths About Malcolm X by Rev. Cleage and George Breitman .35 Marxism and the Negro Struggle, Harold Cruse, C. DeBerry, George Breitman .50 Black Nationalism and Socialism by George Breitman and George Novack .50 By W.E.B. DuBois Black Reconstruction in America 3.45 John Brown 2.45 The World and Africa 1 .95 Souls of Black Folk .60

Other Works on the Afro-American Stru le The Case for a Black Party, Introduction Paul Boutelle .25 The Black Uprisings, Newark, Detroit 1967 Introduction by Paul Boutelle .25 The Black Ghetto by Robert Vernon .50 Why Watts Exploded by Della Rosso .25 Should the U.S. Be Partitioned: Into Two Separate and Independent Nations-One a Homeland for White Americans and the Other a Homeland for Black Americans? A Symposium by Robert S. Browne and Robert Vernon .50 Harlem Stirs by Fred Halstead 2.50 Freedom Now: New Stage in the Struggle for Negro Emancipation, 1963 SWP Resolution .25 Soul on Ice by Eldridge Cleaver 5.95

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MURDER I IN MEMPHIS

Martin Luther King and the Future of the Black Liberation Struggle

Articles by Paul Boutelle, George Novack, Joseph Hansen, and Clifton DeBerry

Should the U .S . Be Partitioned Into Two Separate and Independent Nations-One a Homeland for White Americans and the Other a Homeland for Black Americans?

A Symposium by Robert S . Browne and Robert Vernon

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