Pericles of Athens Free

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Pericles of Athens Free FREE PERICLES OF ATHENS PDF Vincent Azoulay,Janet Lloyd,Paul Cartledge | 312 pages | 21 Jul 2014 | Princeton University Press | 9780691154596 | English | New Jersey, United States Pericles | Athenian statesman | Britannica The so-called golden age of Athenian culture flourished under the leadership of Pericles B. His policies and strategies also set the stage for the devastating Peloponnesian War, which would embroil all Greece in the decades following his death. His father Xanthippus was a hero of the Persian War and his mother belonged to the culturally powerful Alcmaeonidae family. He grew up in the company of artists and philosophers—his friends included Protagoras, Zeno and the pioneering Athenian philosopher Anaxagoras. In he led a successful military campaign in Corinth and sponsored the establishment of Athenian colonies in Thrace and on the Black Sea coast. The golden age of Athenian culture is usually dated from to B. After the second Persian invasion of Greece inAthens and Pericles of Athens allies throughout the Aegean formed the Delian League, a military alliance focused on the Persian threat. Three years later, a coinage decree imposed Athenian weights and measures throughout the league. By the time Pericles was elected strategos, the league was well on its way to becoming an Athenian empire. He worked to democratize the fine arts by subsidizing theater admission for poorer citizens and enabled Pericles of Athens participation by offering pay for jury duty and other civil service. Pericles maintained close friendships with the leading intellects of his time. The playwright Sophocles and the sculptor Phidias were among his friends. Pericles Pericles of Athens was a master orator. His speeches and elegies as recorded and possibly interpreted by Thucydides celebrate the greatness Pericles of Athens a democratic Athens at its peak. As Athens grew in power under Pericles, Sparta felt more and more threatened and began to demand concessions from the Athenians. Pericles refused, and in B. When the Spartans arrived at Pericles of Athens, they found it empty. A few months later, Pericles himself succumbed. His death was, according to Thucydides, disastrous for Athens. But if you see something that doesn't look right, click here to contact us! Subscribe for fascinating stories connecting the past to the present. The two most powerful city-states in ancient Greece, Athens Pericles of Athens Sparta, went to war with each other from Pericles of Athens B. The Peloponnesian War marked a significant power shift in ancient Greece, favoring Sparta, and also ushered in a period of regional decline that signaled the The classical period was an era of war and conflict—first between the Greeks and the Persians, then between the The Athenian philosopher Plato c. In Pericles of Athens written dialogues he conveyed and expanded on the ideas and techniques of his teacher Socrates. The Academy he One of the greatest ancient historians, Thucydides c. Viewed by many as the founding figure of Western philosophy, Socrates B. The Battle of Marathon in B. The battle was fought Pericles of Athens the Marathon plain of northeastern Attica and marked the first blows of the Greco-Persian War. With the Persians closing in on the Greek capitol, Athenian general Leonidas c. Although Leonidas lost the battle, his death at Thermopylae was seen as a heroic sacrifice because he sent most In around B. Most of all, Pericles paid artisans to build temples Sparta was a warrior society in ancient Greece that reached the height of its power after defeating rival city-state Athens in the Peloponnesian War B. Spartan culture was centered on loyalty to the state and military service. At age 7, Spartan boys entered a Live TV. This Day In History. History at Home. Peloponnesian War. Last Stand of the The Kill Zone. Spartans: Implements of Death. Spartan Boot Camp: Killing Machines. Peloponnesian War The two most powerful city-states in Pericles of Athens Greece, Athens and Sparta, went to war with each other from to B. Plato The Athenian philosopher Plato c. Thucydides One of the greatest ancient historians, Thucydides c. Pericles of Athens Viewed by many as the founding figure of Western philosophy, Socrates B. Leonidas Leonidas c. Ancient Greek Art In around B. Sparta Sparta was a warrior society in ancient Greece that reached the height of its power after defeating rival city-state Athens in the Peloponnesian War B. Pericles - Wikipedia He was descended, through his mother, from the powerful and historically-influential Alcmaeonid family. Pericles had such a profound influence on Athenian society that he was acclaimed by Thucydidesa contemporary historian, as "the first citizen of Athens". The period during which he led Athens, roughly from to BC, is sometimes known as the " Age of Pericles ", but the period thus denoted can include times as early as the Persian Wars or as late as the next century. Pericles promoted the arts and literature, and it is principally through his efforts that Athens acquired the reputation of being the educational and cultural center of the ancient Greek world. He started an ambitious Pericles of Athens that generated most of the surviving structures on the Acropolisincluding the Parthenon. This project beautified Pericles of Athens protected the city, exhibited its glory and gave work to its people. Our polity does not copy the laws of neighboring states; we are rather a pattern to Pericles of Athens than imitators ourselves. It is called a democracy, because not the few but the many govern. If we look to the laws, they afford equal justice to all in their private differences; if to social standing, advancement in public life Pericles of Athens to reputation for capacity, class considerations not being Pericles of Athens to interfere with merit; nor again does poverty bar the way, if a man is able to serve the state, he is not hindered by the obscurity of his condition. Pericles was born c. Pericles' mother, Agariste, was a member of the powerful and controversial noble family of the Alcmaeonidaeand her familial connections played a crucial role in helping start Xanthippus' political career. Agariste was the great-granddaughter of the tyrant of SicyonCleisthenesand the niece of the Athenian reformer Cleisthenes. According Pericles of Athens Herodotus and PlutarchAgariste dreamed, a few nights before Pericles' birth, that she had borne a lion. His early years were quiet; the introverted young Pericles avoided public appearances, instead preferring to devote his time to his studies. His family's nobility and wealth allowed him to fully pursue his inclination toward education. He learned music from the masters of the time Damon or Pythocleides could have been his teacher [14] [15] and he is considered to have been the first politician to attribute importance to philosophy. Anaxagoras, in particular, became a close friend and influenced Pericles of Athens greatly. Pericles' manner of thought and rhetorical charisma may have possibly been in part products of Anaxagoras' emphasis on emotional calm in the face Pericles of Athens trouble, and skepticism about divine phenomena. In the spring of BC, Pericles presented The Persians of Aeschylus at the Greater Dionysia as a liturgydemonstrating that he was one of the wealthier men of Athens. Plutarch says that Pericles stood first among the Athenians for forty years. Throughout these years he endeavored to protect his privacy and to present himself as a model for his fellow citizens. For example, he would often avoid banquets, trying to be frugal. In BC, Pericles was the leading prosecutor of Cimon, the Pericles of Athens of the conservative faction who was accused of neglecting Athens' vital interests in Macedon. Around BC, the leadership of the democratic party decided it was time to take aim at the Areopagusa traditional council controlled by the Athenian aristocracy, which Pericles of Athens once been the most powerful body in the state. The Ecclesia the Athenian Assembly adopted Ephialtes' proposal without opposition. The democratic party gradually became dominant in Athenian politics, and Pericles seemed willing to follow a populist policy to cajole the public. According to AristotlePericles' stance can be explained by the fact that his principal political opponent, Cimonwas both rich and generous, and was able to gain public favor by lavishly handing out portions of his sizable personal fortune. Samons II Pericles of Athens, however, that Pericles had enough resources to make a political mark by private means, had he so chosen. In BC, Pericles achieved the political elimination of this opponent using ostracism. The accusation was that Cimon betrayed his city by aiding Sparta. After Cimon's ostracism, Pericles continued to promote a populist social policy. Rather, Pericles of Athens admiration of the present and succeeding ages will be ours, since Pericles of Athens have not left our power without witness, but have shown it by mighty proofs; and far from needing a Homer for our panegyrist, or other of his craft whose verses might charm for the moment only for the impression which they gave to melt at the touch of fact, we have forced every sea and land to be the highway of our daring, and everywhere, whether for evil or for good, have left imperishable monuments behind Pericles of Athens. Such measures impelled Pericles' critics to hold him responsible for the gradual degeneration of the Athenian democracy. Constantine Paparrigopoulosa major modern Greek historian, argues that Pericles sought for the expansion and stabilization of all democratic institutions. According to Samons, Pericles believed that it was necessary to raise the demosin which he saw an untapped source of Athenian power and the crucial element of Athenian military dominance. Cimon, on the other hand, apparently believed that no further free space for democratic evolution existed. He was certain that democracy had reached its peak and Pericles' reforms were leading to the stalemate of populism.
Recommended publications
  • Philosophy and the Foreigner in Plato's Dialogues
    Philosophy and the Foreigner in Plato’s Dialogues By Rebecca LeMoine A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) at the UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN-MADISON 2014 Date of final oral examination: 06/20/2014 The dissertation is approved by the following members of the Final Oral Committee: Richard Avramenko, Associate Professor, Political Science Alex Dressler, Assistant Professor, Classics Daniel Kapust, Associate Professor, Political Science Helen Kinsella, Associate Professor, Political Science John Zumbrunnen, Professor, Political Science i ABSTRACT The place of foreigners in Plato’s thought remains understudied despite the prevalence of foreign characters, myths, and practices throughout his dialogues. Attending to this gap in the scholarly literature, this dissertation challenges conventional depictions of Plato as hostile to diversity by showing that Plato makes a compelling case for why we should engage with foreigners: the epistemological benefits of cross-cultural engagement. Through exegetical readings of the Republic, Laws, Phaedrus, and Menexenus, I argue that Plato finds cross-cultural dialogue epistemologically beneficial owing to its ability to provoke us to philosophize together, an activity at once conducive to the quest for wisdom and generative of friendship. Put simply, conversations with foreigners perform the same role as the Socratic gadfly of stinging us into consciousness. This finding has major implications for the field of political theory and, specifically, for the role of the new subfield commonly referred to as comparative political theory. By demonstrating the centrality of cross-cultural dialogue to Plato’s conception of political theory, this dissertation suggests that comparative political theory is not a deviation from the tradition of Western political theory, but a restoration of it.
    [Show full text]
  • Theopompus's Philippica
    chapter five Theopompus’s Philippica heopompus of Chios (FGrHist 115) was widely renowned in antiq- T uity for the severity with which he condemned the moral faults of the characters peopling his Philippica. Few indeed escaped the scathing vigor of his pen. Despite his family’s exile from Chios, Theopompus seems to have had the necessary funds to carry out thorough research (TT 20 and 28,FF25, 26 and 181) and did not have to work for a living, but was able to devote himself wholly to his writing.1 Because he was in no need of either patronage or an income, he had the freedom to write whatever he pleased without risk of losing his livelihood by causing offense. It is per- haps for this reason that he was known in antiquity as “a lover of the truth” (φιλαληθης )(T28). We must now determine whether or not this epithet was justified in Theopompus’s use of the past in the Philippica. In addition to his numerous epideictic speeches, Theopompus wrote three known historical works: an epitome of Herodotus, a Hellenica, and a Philippica.2 It is likely the epitome of Herodotus was Theopompus’s earliest 1. A recent discussion of the (very vague and contradictory) evidence for Theopompus’s life can be found in Michael Attyah Flower, Theopompus of Chios: History and Rhetoric in the Fourth Century BC (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 11–25. 2. Suda, s.v. Θε π µπ ς ι ς ρ ητωρ (ϭ T 1). 143 144 lessons from the past historical work,3 but all that remains of it is an entry in the Suda stating it contained two books (T 1) and four attributed fragments from ancient lexica giving it as the authority for the use of specific words (FF 1–4), although the possibility exists that some other, unattributed fragments may belong to it also.
    [Show full text]
  • Download The
    THE CONCEPT OF SACRED WAR IN ANCIENT GREECE By FRANCES ANNE SKOCZYLAS B.A., McGill University, 1985 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Department of Classics) We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1987 ® Frances Anne Skoczylas, 1987 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of CLASSICS The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 Date AUtt-UST 5r 1Q87 ii ABSTRACT This thesis will trace the origin and development of the term "Sacred War" in the corpus of extant Greek literature. This term has been commonly applied by modern scholars to four wars which took place in ancient Greece between- the sixth and fourth centuries B. C. The modern use of "the attribute "Sacred War" to refer to these four wars in particular raises two questions. First, did the ancient historians give all four of these wars the title "Sacred War?" And second, what justified the use of this title only for certain conflicts? In order to resolve the first of these questions, it is necessary to examine in what terms the ancient historians referred to these wars.
    [Show full text]
  • Spartans a New History Pdf
    Spartans a new history pdf Continue For those who study or teach the ancient world but are not a disciple of ancient Sparta, Nigel Kennell has written a paper to bridge the gap between Sparta's general concept and what experts believe. He argues that this is appropriate, given the fact that while the myth of Sparta is slowly collapsing (graphic novels and films like 300 might suggest otherwise), the new picture is far more fragmentary and complex than we might imagine. Kennenell's book tries to emphasize advances in our knowledge, reconcile, where possible, contradictory explanations, and often recognize that the state of our knowledge excludes consistent and convincing conclusions. The book begins with a brief discussion of the geography/topography of the region; the brevity of this section is perhaps the clearest indicator of the lack of systematic archaeology in the region. The more well-known and subject of most of the chapter are the twelve main sources of written or epigraphic evidence that Cannell examines (and evaluates) in chronological order. While all literary sources have contributed to the Spartan myth, Cannell acknowledges that Plutarch is probably the main culprit. The second chapter, the Sons of Hercules, tries to reconcile conflicts in the myths of Spartan origin with the evidence presented by archaeology. Cannell argues that, while the Spartans themselves may have reconciled Heraclid's return to Dorian's invasion, archaeological records and linguistic evidence are milit against a consistent explanation. Kennell is more confident in the archaeological records of the eighth century, during which, he said, Laconia was and remained sparsely populated, almost exclusively in the settlements of the Eurotas Valley in Sparta and Aiklae.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict in the Peloponnese
    CONFLICT IN THE PELOPONNESE Social, Military and Intellectual Proceedings of the 2nd CSPS PG and Early Career Conference, University of Nottingham 22-24 March 2013 edited by Vasiliki BROUMA Kendell HEYDON CSPS Online Publications 4 2018 Published by the Centre for Spartan and Peloponnesian Studies (CSPS), School of Humanities, University of Nottingham, Nottingham, NG7 2RD, UK. © Centre for Spartan and Peloponnesian Studies and individual authors ISBN 978-0-9576620-2-5 This work is ‘Open Access’, published under a creative commons license which means that you are free to copy, distribute, display, and perform the work as long as you clearly attribute the work to the authors, that you do not use this work for any commercial gain in any form and that you in no way alter, transform or build on the work outside of its use in normal academic scholarship without express permission of the authors and the publisher of this volume. Furthermore, for any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/csps TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD .................................................................................................................................. i THE FAMILY AS THE INTERNAL ENEMY OF THE SPARTAN STATE ........................................ 1-23 Maciej Daszuta COMMEMORATING THE WAR DEAD IN ANCIENT SPARTA THE GYMNOPAIDIAI AND THE BATTLE OF HYSIAI .............................................................. 24-39 Elena Franchi PHILOTIMIA AND PHILONIKIA AT SPARTA ......................................................................... 40-69 Michele Lucchesi SLAVERY AS A POLITICAL PROBLEM DURING THE PELOPONESSIAN WARS ..................... 70-85 Bernat Montoya Rubio TYRTAEUS: THE SPARTAN POET FROM ATHENS SHIFTING IDENTITIES AS RHETORICAL STRATEGY IN LYCURGUS’ AGAINST LEOCRATES ................................................................................ 86-102 Eveline van Hilten-Rutten THE INFLUENCE OF THE KARNEIA ON WARFARE ..........................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Counterintelligence
    ch5.qxd 10/18/1999 2:14 PM Page 190 Chapter 5 Counterintelligence As the shield is a practical response to the spear, so counterintelligence is to intelligence. Just as it is in the interest of a state to enhance its ability to in›uence events through the use of intelligence, it is in its interest to deny a similar ability to its opponents. The measures taken to accomplish this end fall within the nebulous boundaries of the discipline now known as counterintelligence.1 Was such a shield employed by the ancients? In general, yes— although, as with intelligence, this response must be quali‹ed in degree according to state, circumstance, and era. Assessments are, however, somewhat complicated by the use of stereotypes and propaganda by the ancients. Members of democratic states (i.e., the Athenians, who have left us a lion’s share of evidence) tended then—and still tend—to wish to conceive of their societies as open and free and of subjects of other forms of government as liable to scrutiny and censorship. In his funeral oration, Pericles declared that the Athenians “hold our city open to all and never withhold, by the use of expulsion decrees, any fact or sight that might be exposed to the sight and pro‹t of an enemy. For on the whole we trust in our own courage and readiness to the task, rather than in contrivance and deception.”2 Demosthenes similarly characterized the Athenians: “You think that freedom of speech, in every other case, ought to be shared by everyone in the polis, to such an extent that you grant it even to foreigners and slaves, and one might see many servants among us able to say whatever they wish with more freedom than citizens in some other 1.
    [Show full text]
  • International Law in Antiquity David J
    Cambridge University Press 0521791979 - International Law in Antiquity David J. Bederman Index More information Index Achaeans— see also treaties see also Greek city-States agricultural/mercantile interests, 159 leagues and federations, 168 Amyntas/Chalcidians (Chalcis), 161 Peloponnesian War, 161, 163 Athens/Argives, 70, 175, 182 relations— Athens/Chalcidians (Chalcis), 164 Athens, 163 Athens/Egesta, 164 Sparta, 163, 182 Athens/Thebes, 163–64, 181 Trojan War, 228, 245, 256, 257–58 Babylon, 141 Adcock, Frank, 35, 96, 160, 168, 212–13 defensive, 36, 161–63, 172, 176, 177, 180, adjudication, norms, 268–69, 271 214–15 Adkins, A. W. H., 216 Egypt/Hittites, 148–49 Adrastus, 258 Elea/Heraea, 70, 162, 174–75, 182 Aegina, 94, 228 epimachia, see epimachia Aeschines, 69, 131, 254 Greek city-States, 35, 37, 156, 159–65 Aetolians— leagues, see leagues and federations see also Greek city-States military, 36, 161–65 federations, 168 offensive, 36, 159, 161–64, 214–15 relations— Peloponnesian War, 35, 37, 156 Macedon, 36, 198 philia, 125, 159–61, 184, 190 Rome, 118, 190–91, 198, 199, 205 Rome/Carthage, 42, 72–73, 134, 160 Sparta, 181 sanctity, 7 Agamemnon, 57, 250 Sparta/Argives (Argos), 163, 182 Ago, Roberto, 38, 42 Sybaris/Serdaioi, 159, 179 Ahhiyawa, relations, Hittites, 90, 91 symmachia, see symmachia Akkadian Empire— ambassadors— conquest, 22, 23 see also envoys covenants, 65 authority, 102 Elam, 140 credentials, 99–102, 104, 105, 116 oaths, 62 diplomacy, see diplomacy statecraft, 3, 47 embassies, see diplomatic missions Akkadian language, 24, 25, 140, 143, 147 immunities, see diplomatic immunities Alexander of Pherae, 112 Israelite kingdoms, 96, 108 Alexander the Great, 21, 31, 41, 93, 153, 167, liberty restrained, 112 250 Mesopotamia, 100 aliens, see foreigners Near East, 96 alliances— punishment, 91 303 © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 0521791979 - International Law in Antiquity David J.
    [Show full text]
  • Greece Study Guide
    Greece Study Guide IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF PAUL 1 Table of Contents Table of Contents 2 Introduction 3 Alexandria Troas 4 Amphipolis and Apollonia 7 Amphipolis 8 Apollonia 12 Athens 14 Corinth 17 Delphi 37 Heraklion Crete 40 Kos 41 Malta 45 Mars Hill 49 Neapolis 54 Nicopolis 58 Patmos 61 Philippi 64 Rhodes 66 Samos 72 Samothrace / Samothraki 79 Thessaloniki 81 Veria - Berea 94 IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF PAUL 2 Introduction “ In the first century, Christianity was a community of believers. Then Christianity moved to Greece and became a philosophy. Then it moved to Rome and became an institution. Then it moved to Europe and became a culture. And then it move to America and became a business.” - Priscilla Shirer Shaul / Paul went to Greece within the framework of his second and third journeys. It was during a night gourd 49 A.D., when Shaul / Paul, while at Troas of Asia Minor, had a vision in which he saw a man of Macedonia who called him to carry on with his work in the this man’s homeland: Come over into M acedonia, and help us. It is worth noting that this divine intervention, which Shaul/ Paul with his fellow laborers Silas, Titus and Timothy took as an invitation from the Lord to make the message of His Gospel know to that area, was not the first. Their arrival at Troas and, as a consequence, their turn westwards and more specifically to Greece had become manifest on two further occasions during this second journey of Shaul / Paul. IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF PAUL 3 On the first occasion, when the left Iconium, they were prevented by the Holy Spirit from turning eastwards, to Asia, and as a result they finally headed for the regions of Phrygia and central Galatia.
    [Show full text]
  • Depictions of Spartan Masculinity in Thucydides and Xenophon
    University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2013-12-13 Depictions of Spartan Masculinity in Thucydides and Xenophon Heydon, Kendell Heydon, K. (2013). Depictions of Spartan Masculinity in Thucydides and Xenophon (Unpublished master's thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/25553 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/1197 master thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Depictions of Spartan Masculinity in Thucydides and Xenophon by Kendell Heydon A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF GREEK AND ROMAN STUDIES CALGARY, ALBERTA DECEMBER, 2013 © Kendell Heydon 2013 Abstract Because we have no Classical Spartan writing we are reliant on the views of outsiders to try to reconstruct their social mores. Using traditional philology combined with social constructionist theory I examine how Thucydides and Xenophon depict Spartan masculinity. I have found that these authors differ in their descriptions of the Spartan masculine subject, reflecting primarily the purposes for which they wrote. Despite this, both authors describe inter-Spartan relations and relations between Spartiates and “others”, both within the Spartan system and those external to it, so as to suggest that the employment of officially propagated images of Spartan masculinity played a significant role in Spartan dealings.
    [Show full text]
  • Herakleia Trachinia in the Archidamian War
    Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1993 Herakleia Trachinia in the Archidamian War Mychal P. Angelos Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Angelos, Mychal P., "Herakleia Trachinia in the Archidamian War" (1993). Dissertations. 3292. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/3292 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1993 Mychal P. Angelos HERAKLEIA TRACHINIA IN THE ARCHIDAMIAN WAR By Mychal P. Angelos A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Loyola University of Chicago in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy May, 1993 For Dorothy ·' ,/ ;~ '\ Copyright, 1993, Mychal P. Angelos, All rights reserved. VITA The author was born in Chicago, Illinois in 1929. He first entered Loyola University of Chicago in 1946 where he followed a liberal arts program. He was admitted to the University of Chicago Law School in 1948 and was awarded the Juris Doctor degree in 1951. He was admitted to the Illinois Bar in the same year and has been in private practice as an attorney in Chicago for 41 years. In September, 1982 he enrolled in the Department of History at Loyola University of Chicago, and in January, 1985 he received the Master of Arts degree in Ancient History.
    [Show full text]
  • Sparta Made a Sian Fleet Off Cecryphalea, Between Epidaurus and Aegina
    3028 land at Halieis in Argolis but victorious against a Peloponne- to back out of her alliance with Athens, and Sparta made a sian fleet off Cecryphalea, between Epidaurus and Aegina. Thirty-year truce with Argos to clear its access to Attica Alarmed by this Athenian activity in the Saronic Gulf, Ae- gina entered the war against Athens. In 458 BC in a great sea After the Truce battle the Athenians captured seventy Aeginetan and Pelo- Freed from fighting in Greece, the Athenians sent a fleet of ponnesian ships, landed on the island, and laid siege to the two hundred ships, under Cimon, to campaign in Cyprus. Cit- town of Aegina. With substantial Athenian forces being tied ium in southeast Cyprus was besieged, but food shortage and down in Egypt and Aegina, Corinth judged it was a good time Cimon's death caused a general retreat northeastwards to Sa- to invade the Megarid. The Athenians scraped together a lamis. They were attacked by a Persian force of Cyprians, force of men too old and boys too young for ordinary military Phoenicians and Cilicians. The Athenians defeated this force service and sent it under the command of Myronides to re- by both land and sea then sailed back to Greece. lieve Megara. The resulting battle was indecisive, but the After Xerxes' invasion in 479 BC the Persians had continu- Athenians held the field at the end of the day. About twelve ally lost territory and by 450 BC they were ready to make days later the Corinthians returned to the site but the Atheni- peace.
    [Show full text]
  • International Law in Antiquity
    This page intentionally left blank International Law in Antiquity This study of the origins of international law combines techniques of intellectual history and historiography to investigate the earliest developments of the law of nations. The book examines the sources, processes, and doctrines of international legal obligation in antiquity to reevaluate the critical attributes of international law. David J. Bederman focuses on three essential areas in which law influenced ancient State relations – diplomacy, treaty-making, and warfare – in a detailed analysis of international relations in the Near East (2800–700 BCE), the Greek city-States (500–338 BCE), and Rome (358–168 BCE). Containing up-to-date literature and archeological evidence, this study does not merely catalogue instances of recognition by ancient States of these seminal features of international law: it accounts for recurrent patterns of thinking and practice. This comprehensive analysis of international law and State relations in ancient times provides a fascinating study for lawyers and academics, ancient historians and classicists alike. david j. bederman is Professor of Law at Emory University’s School of Law in Atlanta, Georgia. His previous publications cover such diverse subjects as international legal theory and history, the law of the sea and international environment, the law of State responsibility and international claims, US constitutional law of foreign relations, and maritime law. cambridge studies in international and comparative law This series (established in 1946 by Professors Gutteridge, Hersch Lauterpacht and McNair) is a forum for high quality studies in the fields of public and private international and comparative law. Although these are distinct sub-disciplines, developments since 1946 confirm their interrelationship.
    [Show full text]