Public Opinion Survey in Poland
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Poland | Freedom House
Poland | Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2012/poland About Us DONATE Blog Contact Us REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD Poland Poland Freedom in the World 2012 OVERVIEW: 2012 Parliamentary elections in October 2011 yielded an unprecedented SCORES second term for Prime Minister Donald Tusk of the center-right Civic Platform party. The Palikot Movement, an outspoken liberal party STATUS founded in 2010, won a surprising 10 percent of the popular vote, bringing homosexual and transgender candidates into the lower house of Free parliament for the first time. FREEDOM RATING After being dismantled by neighboring empires in a series of 18th-century 1.0 partitions, Poland enjoyed a window of independence from 1918 to 1939, only CIVIL LIBERTIES to be invaded by Germany and the Soviet Union at the opening of World War II. The country then endured decades of exploitation as a Soviet satellite state 1 until the Solidarity trade union movement forced the government to accept democratic elections in 1989. POLITICAL RIGHTS Fundamental democratic and free-market reforms were introduced between 1989 and 1991, and additional changes came as Poland prepared its bid for 1 European Union (EU) membership. In the 1990s, power shifted between political parties rooted in the Solidarity movement and those with communist origins. Former communist party member Alexander Kwaśniewski of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) replaced Solidarity’s Lech Wałęsa as president in 1995 and was reelected by a large margin in 2000. A government led by the SLD oversaw Poland’s final reforms ahead of EU accession, which took place in 2004. -
The Political Activity of Mazovian Dukes Between the 13Th and 15Th Century
The Person and the Challenges Volume 5 (2015) Number 1, p. 219–230 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/pch.936 Waldemar Graczyk Cardinal StefanWyszynski University in Warsaw, Poland The Political Activity of Mazovian Dukes between the 13th and 15th Century Abstract According to some historians, Mazovia once had a separate political existence, with a different form of economy, a social structure and customs that differedfrom those of the Crown, a separate dialect, and its own laws. One of theoutward expressions of its separate existence was its own dynasty. To defend its independence, Mazovia entered into feudal contracts with Bohemia and Kazimierz III the Great. Mazovian dukes also paid homage to Władysław Jagiełło, not only as an acknowledgment of dependence, but also of certain obligations the dukes took upon themselves. After the death of Władysław Jagiełło, a group of Lesser Poland lords proposed the candidature of Siemowit V as king of Poland, and Mazovia had a chance to play a more significant role in Polish politics. It should be stressed that while Siemowit IV still enjoyed popularity on the political scene, his sons, particularly after they divided their patrimony among themselves in 1434, very soon lost significance. The period of the greatest regional disintegration of Mazovia began and the province soon lost any political significance. Keywords Mazovia; politics; dukes; alliances; law. Mazovia, situated in the middle Vistula region, was one of the provinces forming part of the early Piast state. In the beginning of the 11th century, Płock became the centre of a vast province and the state run by Miecław. -
Poland's 2019 Parliamentary Election
— SPECIAL REPORT — 11/05/2019 POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse Warsaw Institute POLAND’S 2019 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION Held on October 13, 2019, Poland’s general election is first and foremost a success of democracy, as exemplified by crowds rushing to polling stations and a massive rise in voter turnout. Those that claimed victory were the govern- ment groups that attracted a considerable electorate, winning in more constitu- encies across the country they ruled for the past four years. Opposition parties have earned a majority in the Senate, the upper house of the Polish parliament. A fierce political clash turned into deep chasms throughout the country, and Poland’s political stage reveals polarization between voters that lend support to the incumbent government and those that question the authorities by manifest- ing either left-liberal or far-right sentiments. Election results Poland’s parliamentary election in 2019 attrac- try’s 100-seat Senate, the upper house of the ted the attention of Polish voters both at home parliament, it is the Sejm where the incum- and abroad while drawing media interest all bents have earned a majority of five that has over the world. At stake were the next four a pivotal role in enacting legislation and years in power for Poland’s ruling coalition forming the country’s government2. United Right, led by the Law and Justice party (PiS)1. The ruling coalition won the election, The electoral success of the United Right taking 235 seats in Poland’s 460-seat Sejm, the consisted in mobilizing its supporters to a lower house of the parliament. -
Eastern Poland As the Borderland of the European Union1
QUAESTIONES GEOGRAPHICAE 29(2) • 2010 EASTERN POLAND AS THE BORDERLAND OF THE EUROPEAN UNION1 TOMASZ KOMORNICKI Institute of Geography and Spatial Organization, Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland ANDRZEJ MISZCZUK Centre for European Regional and Local Studies EUROREG, University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland Manuscript received May 28, 2010 Revised version June 7, 2010 KOMORNICKI T. & MISZCZUK A., Eastern Poland as the borderland of the European Union. Quaestiones Geo- graphicae 29(2), Adam Mickiewicz University Press, Poznań 2010, pp. 55-69, 3 Figs, 5 Tables. ISBN 978-83-232- 2168-5. ISSN 0137-477X. DOI 10.2478/v10117-010-0014-5. ABSTRACT. The purpose of the present paper is to characterise the socio-economic potentials of the regions situated on both sides of the Polish-Russian, Polish-Belarusian and Polish-Ukrainian boundaries (against the background of historical conditions), as well as the economic interactions taking place within these regions. The analysis, carried out in a dynamic setting, sought to identify changes that have occurred owing to the enlargement of the European Union (including those associated with the absorption of the means from the pre-accession funds and from the structural funds). The territorial reach of the analysis encompasses four Polish units of the NUTS 2 level (voivodeships, or “voivodeships”), situated directly at the present outer boundary of the European Union: Warmia-Mazuria, Podlasie, Lublin and Subcarpathia. Besides, the analysis extends to the units located just outside of the eastern border of Poland: the District of Kaliningrad of the Rus- sian Federation, the Belarusian districts of Hrodna and Brest, as well as the Ukrainian districts of Volyn, Lviv and Zakarpattya. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125). -
LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog: What Are the Prospects for the Polish Left? Page 1 of 4
LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog: What are the prospects for the Polish left? Page 1 of 4 What are the prospects for the Polish left? Poland’s communist successor party has seen its opinion poll ratings increase in recent months. This upturn in support came after the revival of debates about the country’s communist past prompted by government legislation affecting the interests of its core electorate. But as Aleks Szczerbiak writes, the party’s leadership has failed to develop any new ideas or initiatives that can attract broader support beyond this declining group of former communist regime beneficiaries and functionaries. Without a political game-changer, the left will remain a marginal actor in Polish politics. Image from a Democratic Left Alliance campaign event ahead of the 2014 European Parliament elections, Credit: Democratic Left Alliance For most of the post-1989 period, the most powerful political and electoral force on the Polish left was the communist successor Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), which governed the country from 1993-97 and 2001-5. However, the Alliance has been in the doldrums since its support collapsed in the 2005 parliamentary election following a series of spectacular high-level corruption scandals. It contested the most recent October 2015 election – won decisively by the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, the first political grouping in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority – as part of the ‘United Left’ (ZL) electoral coalition in alliance with the ‘Your Movement’ (TR) grouping. The latter was an anti-clerical social liberal party led by controversial businessman Janusz Palikot, which came from nowhere to finish third with just over 10% of the votes in the 2011 election but failed to capitalise on this success and saw its support decline steadily. -
UNIVERSITY of ECONOMY
UNIVERSITY of ECONOMY Credibility Tradition Innovation Receptiveness Central Europe ENTERPRISE of KNOWLEDGE www.wsg.byd.pl University Administrators over 5000 students more than 20 major fields of study The mission of the University of Economy challenges of the present with a sense of is to develop individuals who are prepared civic duty and respect for human dignity. to think creatively and critically, strive for Our University is dedicated to preparing professional skills and who become lifelong students with both the soft and hard learners. Our aim is to prepare students to skills that are essential for success in 300 meet the standards of a highly educated a multinational and multicultural Europe. academic staff society by taking on the social and economic The largest in Northern Poland Kaliningrad Słupsk Wilno Gdańsk Malbork Ełk Chojnice Działdowo Piła Bydgoszcz Toruń Chojnice Berlin Inowrocław Poznań Warszawa Wrocław Piła Praga Kraków Działdowo Bydgoszcz Toruń Inowrocław Ełk Malbork Słupsk 2 University of Economy UNIVERSITY OF ECONOMY Our University is the largest private institution of higher education in Northern Poland. We offer studies at the main campus in Bydgoszcz, as well as in our campuses in Toruń, Inowrocław, Malbork, Elk, Słupsk, Piła, Chojnice and Działdowo. Classroom preparation is just a part of the opportunities that the University of Economy offers. Besides educational programs and opportunities, we also are active in regional development activities for the advantage of local societies. We encourage our academic staff and students to have an active role in the surrounding world. The University of Economy offers students different fields to study. At our Bydgoszcz Main Campus are the Academic Cultural Area and the Museum of Photography. -
THE POLISH RES PUBLICA of NATIONAL and ETHNIC Minorities from the PIASTS to the 20TH CENTURY
PRZEGLĄD ZACHODNI 2014, No. II MARCELI KOSMAN Poznań THE POLISH RES PUBLICA OF NATIONAL AND ETHNIC MINORITIES FROM THE PIASTS TO THE 20TH CENTURY Początki Polski [The Beginnings of Poland], a fundamental work by Henryk Łowmiański, is subtitled Z dziejów Słowian w I tysiącleciu n.e. [On the History of Slavs in the 1st Millennium A.D.]. Its sixth and final volume, divided into two parts, is also titled Poczatki Polski but subtitled Polityczne i społeczne procesy kształtowania się narodu do początku wieku XIV [Political and Social Processes of Nation Forma- tion till the Beginning of the 14th Century]1. The subtitle was changed because the last volume concerns the formation of the Piast state and emergence of the Polish nation. Originally, there were to be three volumes. The first volume starts as follows: The notion of the beginnings of Poland covers two issues: the genesis of the state and the genesis of the nation. The two issues are closely connected since a state is usually a product of a specific ethnic group and it is the state which, subsequently, has an impact on the transformation of its people into a higher organisational form, i.e. a nation.2 The final stage of those processes in Poland is relatively easily identifiable. It was at the turn of the 10th and 11th century when the name Poland was used for the first time to denote a country under the superior authority of the duke of Gniezno, and the country inhabitants, as attested in early historical sources.3 It is more difficult to determine the terminus a quo of the nation formation and the emergence of Po- land’s statehood. -
Treasures of Culinary Heritage” in Upper Silesia As Described in the Most Recent Cookbooks
Teresa Smolińska Chair of Culture and Folklore Studies Faculty of Philology University of Opole Researchers of Culture Confronted with the “Treasures of Culinary Heritage” in Upper Silesia as Described in the Most Recent Cookbooks Abstract: Considering that in the last few years culinary matters have become a fashionable topic, the author is making a preliminary attempt at assessing many myths and authoritative opinions related to it. With respect to this aim, she has reviewed utilitarian literature, to which culinary handbooks certainly belong (“Con� cerning the studies of comestibles in culture”). In this context, she has singled out cookery books pertaining to only one region, Upper Silesia. This region has a complicated history, being an ethnic borderland, where after the 2nd World War, the local population of Silesians ��ac���������������������uired new neighbours����������������������� repatriates from the ����ast� ern Borderlands annexed by the Soviet Union, settlers from central and southern Poland, as well as former emigrants coming back from the West (“‘The treasures of culinary heritage’ in cookery books from Upper Silesia”). The author discusses several Silesian cookery books which focus only on the specificity of traditional Silesian cuisine, the Silesians’ curious conservatism and attachment to their regional tastes and culinary customs, their preference for some products and dislike of other ones. From the well�provided shelf of Silesian cookery books, she has singled out two recently published, unusual culinary handbooks by the Rev. Father Prof. Andrzej Hanich (Opolszczyzna w wielu smakach. Skarby dziedzictwa kulinarnego. 2200 wypróbowanych i polecanych przepisów na przysmaki kuchni domowej, Opole 2012; Smaki polskie i opolskie. Skarby dziedzictwa kulinarnego. -
The October 2015 Polish Parliamentary Election
An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election Article (Accepted Version) Szczerbiak, Aleks (2016) An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The october 2015 Polish parliamentary election. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 18 (4). pp. 404-427. ISSN 1570-5854 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/63809/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk An anti-establishment backlash that shook up the party system? The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election Abstract The October 2015 Polish parliamentary election saw the stunning victory of the right-wing opposition Law and Justice party which became the first in post-communist Poland to secure an outright parliamentary majority, and equally comprehensive defeat of the incumbent centrist Civic Platform. -
The New Face of Safeguarding and Promotion of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in Poland
LITERATURA LUDOWA. Journal of Folklore and Popular Culture vol. 65 (2021), no. 1 Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze Polish Ethnological Society JOANNA ANTONIAK Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0002-1011-7865 The new face of safeguarding and promotion of the intangible cultural heritage in Poland Multimedia materials published by the Ethnographic Museum in Toruń DOI: 10.12775/LL.1.2021.011 | CC BY-ND 3.0 PL Kuyavia is a historical and ethnographic region located in North Central Poland. Situated on the left bank of the Vistula River, Kuyavia stretches from the Skrwa Lewa River in the South to the Wda River in the North and to the Noteć River and Brdowski Lake in the West. Thanks to their black fertile soils and the production of rapeseed (the oil of which is essential to the local cuisine), the Kuyavian low- lands are known as “the granary of Poland” (Piotrowska, 2010a). However, as no- ted by Agnieszka Piotrowska (2010a), those geographical and agricultural features count among of the reasons for cultural diversity of the region. The fertile Kuyavian soil lured German and Dutch settlers whose customs – such as conducting marriage divinations on 12 December, the eve of the Feast of Saint Lucy – soon started to seep into the local traditions. This cultural diversity of Kuyavia deepened during the Partitions as the region was divided between Russia and Prussia (Piotrowska, 2010b). Those differences were further reinforced by the existing administrative and parish divisions. Finally, Kuyavian culture has also been strongly influenced by the neighbouring regions, predominantly Greater Poland and Mazovia (Piotrowska, 2010b).