Conflict in Ukraine
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Euromaidan Newsletter # 343 CIVIC SECTOR of EUROMAIDAN
CIVIC SECTOR OF EUROMAIDAN GRASSROOTS MOVEMENT 2020 EuroMaidan Newsletter # 343 17, - Kyiv denies calling for new elections in Belarus Ukraine shares EU position on elections in Belarus mercenaries to Russia. Delegations of Ukraine, UK, Baltic States to PACE condemn election violations, violence in Belarus, President's Office denies statement by Belarusian August 11 August 11 warn Russia against interference. administration saying that Kyiv calls for new election in country. Belarusian police detain and beat teenagers, injure 5-year-old. Iran’s ambassador to Ukraine has said that 343. compensation for the Ukrainian plane which was Ukraine generally shares EU position on elections # downed mistakenly near Tehran in January 2020 in Belarus – MFA. will be based on international regulations. UWC condemns violence against protesters in StopFakeNews with Marko Suprun (No. 293). Belarus. Fake: Terrorists arrested in Crimea. Russian From falsifications to Russia’s role: Nine questions constitutional changes make Crimea forever and answers about the protests in Belarus. Russian. Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry acknowledges Belarus to start missile troops, artillery exercise that Crimeans are forever lost to Ukraine. near Belarusian Nuclear Power Plant on Lithuanian Pro-Kremlin disinformation and elections in NEWSLETTER border on Monday. Belarus. Belarus initiates ‘mass riot’ criminal charges Kremlin watch briefing: Russia’s pillars of against detained Ukrainian rights activists. disinformation and propaganda. Belarus hands over 32 of 33 Russian Wagner Bestiarium Kremlinensis S – Z. Left: Flowers stronger than guns as “Ladies in White” protests spread throughout Belarus Centre: Chilling testimonies of police brutality, humiliation & “re-education” amid vicious crackdown on Belarusian protesters. Right: Lukashenko regime’s savagery may be backfiring in Belarus Protests in Belarus: is there anything Ukraine can do? Russian hybrid intervention into Belarus is likely imminent The gathering autumn clouds. -
Launching an Effective Anti- Corruption Court: Lessons from Ukraine
U4 Practice Insight 2021:1 Launching an effective anti- corruption court: Lessons from Ukraine By David Vaughn and Olha Nikolaieva Series editor: Sofie Arjon Schütte Disclaimer All views in this text are the author(s)’, and may differ from the U4 partner agencies’ policies. Partner agencies German Corporation for International Cooperation – GIZ German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development – BMZ Global Affairs Canada Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark / Danish International Development Assistance – Danida Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency – Sida Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation – SDC The Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation – Norad UK Aid – Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office About U4 U4 is a team of anti-corruption advisers working to share research and evidence to help international development actors get sustainable results. The work involves dialogue, publications, online training, workshops, helpdesk, and innovation. U4 is a permanent centre at the Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) in Norway. CMI is a non-profit, multi-disciplinary research institute with social scientists specialising in development studies. www.U4.no [email protected] Cover photo High Anti-Corruption Court (CC copyrighted) Keywords justice sector - anti-corruption courts - judges - vetting - Ukraine - Eastern Europe Publication type U4 Practice Insight Creative commons This work is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) Ukraine’s High Anti-Corruption Court was created in response to immense public demand to hold government officials and judges accountable for corruption. Making the court operational, however, required more than adopting legislation. It meant selecting and preparing judges, recruiting qualified court personnel, and setting up administrative and organisational structures, including courthouse facilities, security, IT infrastructure, and communications systems. -
1682-1394.Pdf
INTERNATIONAL STUDIES INTERDISCIPLINARY POLITICAL AND CULTURAL JOURNAL, Vol. 18, No. 2/2016 10.1515/ ipcj-2016-0008 Jacek Reginia-Zacharski UKRAINIAN ISSUES IN GEOPOLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE TWENTIETH AND TWENTY-FIRST CENTURIES ABSTRACT: Ukrainian lands in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries have been in proximity of great geopolitical changes several times. During that time the Ukrainian nation – due to various factors – encountered a number of “windows of opportunity” for achieving the realization of dreams about independence and national sovereignty. The author identified in the period considered four “general moments,” of which two have been completed successfully. The first of these oc- curred in 1990–1991, when for the first time in modern history, Ukrainians man- aged to achieve a lasting and relatively stable independence. The second of the “moments” – still unresolved – are events that began in the late autumn of 2013. The process, called “Revolution of Dignity”, represents a new quality in the history of the Ukrainian nation, therefore, that the Ukrainians have to defend the status quo (independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty, etc.) but not to seek to achieve an independent being. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the ability of Ukrainians to achieve and maintain independence is largely a function of the rela- tive power of the Russian state as measured with respect to the shape and quality of international relations. KEYWORDS: Ukraine, geopolitics, geostrategy, Russia, Maidan, war, security complex Ukraine’s geopolitical importance in the modern scientific re- flection and views, which can be described as “colloquial,” seems to be pretty obvious (Moczulski, 2010: 312). The country, located in the basin of the Dnieper River, with wide access to the Black Sea, an important human and economic potential, and above all, being a special keystone between “East” and “West,” has been pre- destined to play an important geopolitical role (Al-Rodhan, 2009: 18–19). -
Ukrainian Armed Forces
June 23, 2021 Ukrainian Armed Forces In 2014, the Ukrainian military, which observers noted had lower (around 2.5% of GDP). Ukraine’s 2021 defense been weakened by years of neglect and underfunding, faced budget is 117.6 billion hryvnia ($4.2 billion), 127 million Russia’s occupation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and hryvnia ($4.6 million) less than 2020’s budget. invasion of eastern Ukraine. Since that time, the Ukrainian Additionally, Ukraine’s defense budget allocations are split armed forces have made considerable improvements; they between funds necessary to maintain the military and funds have undertaken efforts to adopt NATO standards and to support its ambitious reform program. received significant NATO and U.S. assistance. Many of these reforms began out of the experience of defending Ukraine inherited a sprawling defense industry from the against Russian aggression. Reforms range from the tactical Soviet Union, producing a wide range of products, to the strategic levels and include both political measures including tanks and armored vehicles, aircraft, radars and (e.g., increasing transparency, countering corruption, and electronics, missiles, and ships. Defense conglomerate ensuring civilian control over the military) and military Ukroboronprom oversees the defense industry, which reforms (e.g., modernizing equipment, reforming command comprises over 130 state-run companies. In recent years, and control, and increasing professionalization). Ukrainian officials have made reforming Ukroboronprom and increasing transparency key goals, including passing a Significant hurdles remain, however, and the reform new law, On Defense Procurement, in July 2020 to process is complicated by Ukraine’s Soviet legacy, the implement NATO standards in defense procurement. -
The Progress Report on G7 Energy Sector Support for Ukraine
The Progress Report on G7 Energy Sector Support for Ukraine Foreword The Energy Ministers of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the EU Commissioner for Energy met in Rome in May 2014. They discussed ways to strengthen collective energy security and issued the Rome Energy Security Initiative, which provided for a number of immediate actions to be taken. On the basis of this initiative, Italy compiled “Rome G7 Energy Initiative for Energy Security Implementation Report” and submitted to the Hamburg G7 Energy Ministerial Meeting in May 2015. At the Hamburg meeting in May 2015, G7 Energy Ministers discussed progress since the meeting in Rome in strengthening collective energy security and decided on a further initiative to effectively improve sustainable energy security of G7 countries and beyond, taking into account recent market developments. In the G7 Hamburg Initiative for Sustainable Energy Security, G7 Energy Ministers declared concrete joint actions with non-G7 countries to further strengthen sustainable energy security. In the G7 Elmau Summit Communiqué published in June 2015, the G7 leaders welcomed the Hamburg Initiative and announced their commitment to continue to support vulnerable countries, including Ukraine, in its efforts to reform and liberalize energy systems and aimed to further diversify its energy mix, fuels, energy sources and routes. This paper aims to report to the G7 Energy Ministers about the outcomes of support for Ukraine by G7 member countries, EU and the IEA after the “Rome G7 Energy Initiative for Energy Security Implementation Report”. Given that our support for reforming and liberalizing energy systems in most vulnerable countries including Ukraine, is one of the concrete actions described in the Hamburg G7 Initiative, this paper organizes the current state and progress of reforming Ukraine’s energy system and identifies unsolved issues. -
Development Partnership Forum Joint Statement 8 October 2020
Development Partnership Forum Joint Statement 8 October 2020 Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal and Heads of Missions and Heads of Cooperation met 8 October 2020, in Kyiv, Ukraine, in the framework of the Development Partnership Forum, which was established as a part of the three-tier coordination mechanism between the Government of Ukraine (GOU) and the international Development Partners (DPs) in line with the Paris Declaration on Improving the Effectiveness of External Assistance. This meeting builds upon the successful Development Partnership Forum held in January 2020 and the Ukraine Reform Conferences (URC) held in London, Copenhagen, and Toronto. It is also a key milestone in preparing for the next URC expected to be held in Vilnius, Lithuania in 2021. Development cooperation takes place in Ukraine across multiple sectors and areas and is being provided by 24 countries, IFIs and the EU with total grant assistance of roughly USD 5.7 billion since the Revolution of Dignity. Cooperation between Ukraine and DPs is based on common interests and shared values and aims to support national reforms promoting an inclusive, independent, democratic, prosperous, and healthy Ukraine united around core European values. Both sides underscored that their shared aim is to achieve a tangible impact for all Ukrainian citizens, including its most vulnerable, based on the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. The GOU continues to be committed to reforms aimed at restoring economic growth and bringing the country closer to the European future. Development Partners stand ready to support the GOU to realise the potential of the Ukrainian economy through systemic changes to improve its business climate, increase investment attractiveness and to develop trade and human capital. -
Local and Regional Government in Ukraine and the Development of Cooperation Between Ukraine and the EU
Local and regional government in Ukraine and the development of cooperation between Ukraine and the EU The report was written by the Aston Centre for Europe - Aston University. It does not represent the official views of the Committee of the Regions. More information on the European Union and the Committee of the Regions is available on the internet at http://www.europa.eu and http://www.cor.europa.eu respectively. Catalogue number: QG-31-12-226-EN-N ISBN: 978-92-895-0627-4 DOI: 10.2863/59575 © European Union, 2011 Partial reproduction is allowed, provided that the source is explicitly mentioned Table of Contents 1 PART ONE .................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Introduction..................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Overview of local and regional government in Ukraine ................................ 3 1.3 Ukraine’s constitutional/legal frameworks for local and regional government 7 1.4 Competences of local and regional authorities............................................... 9 1.5 Electoral democracy at the local and regional level .....................................11 1.6 The extent and nature of fiscal decentralisation in Ukraine .........................15 1.7 The extent and nature of territorial reform ...................................................19 1.8 The politics of Ukrainian administrative reform plans.................................21 1.8.1 Position of ruling government ..................................................................22 -
17Th Plenary Session
The Congress of Local and Regional Authorities 20 th SESSION CG(20)7 2 March 2011 Local elections in Ukraine (31 October 2010) Bureau of the Congress Rapporteur: Nigel MERMAGEN, United Kingdom (L, ILDG)1 A. Draft resolution....................................................................................................................................2 B. Draft recommendation.........................................................................................................................2 C. Explanatory memorandum..................................................................................................................4 Summary Following the official invitation from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to observe the local elections on 31 October 2010, the Congress appointed an observer delegation, headed by Gudrun Mosler-Törnström (R, Austria, SOC), Member and Vice-President of the State Parliament of Salzburg. Councillor Nigel Mermagen (L, UK, ILDG) was appointed Rapporteur. The delegation was composed of fifteen members of the Congress and four members of the EU Committee of the Regions, assisted by four members of the Congress secretariat. The delegation concluded, after pre-election and actual election observation missions, that local elections in Ukraine were generally conducted in a calm and orderly manner. It also noted with satisfaction that for the first time, local elections were held separately from parliamentary ones, as requested in the past by the Congress. No indications of systematic fraud were brought -
The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(S): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No
The Past and Present Society The Causes of Ukrainian-Polish Ethnic Cleansing 1943 Author(s): Timothy Snyder Source: Past & Present, No. 179 (May, 2003), pp. 197-234 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3600827 . Accessed: 05/01/2014 17:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press and The Past and Present Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Past &Present. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 137.110.33.183 on Sun, 5 Jan 2014 17:29:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE CAUSES OF UKRAINIAN-POLISH ETHNIC CLEANSING 1943* Ethniccleansing hides in the shadow of the Holocaust. Even as horrorof Hitler'sFinal Solution motivates the study of other massatrocities, the totality of its exterminatory intention limits thevalue of the comparisons it elicits.Other policies of mass nationalviolence - the Turkish'massacre' of Armenians beginningin 1915, the Greco-Turkish'exchanges' of 1923, Stalin'sdeportation of nine Soviet nations beginning in 1935, Hitler'sexpulsion of Poles and Jewsfrom his enlargedReich after1939, and the forcedflight of Germans fromeastern Europein 1945 - havebeen retrievedfrom the margins of mili- tary and diplomatichistory. -
Nuclear Security in the Black Sea Region: Contested Spaces
SIPRI Policy Paper NUCLEAR SECURITY 49 IN THE BLACK SEA December 2018 REGION Contested Spaces, National Capacities and Multinational Potential vitaly fedchenko and ian anthony STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Dewi Fortuna Anwar (Indonesia) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi (Algeria) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Nuclear Security in the Black Sea Region Contested Spaces, National Capacities and Multinational Potential SIPRI Policy Paper No. 49 vitaly fedchenko and ian anthony December 2018 © SIPRI 2018 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. ISBN 978-91-85114-95-5 Contents Preface iv Acknowledgements v Summary vi Abbreviations viii 1. Introduction 1 2. The evolution of nuclear security in the Black Sea region 4 The circumstances facilitating nuclear security threats: materials, 4 poverty and conflicts The evolution of nuclear security assistance 5 3. -
Biden and Ukraine: a Strategy for the New Administration
Atlantic Council EURASIA CENTER ISSUE BRIEF Biden and Ukraine: A Strategy for the New Administration ANDERS ÅSLUND, MELINDA HARING, WILLIAM B. TAYLOR, MARCH 2021 JOHN E. HERBST, DANIEL FRIED, AND ALEXANDER VERSHBOW Introduction US President Joseph R. Biden, Jr., knows Ukraine well. His victory was well- received in Kyiv. Many in Kyiv see the next four years as an opportunity to reestablish trust between the United States and Ukraine and push Ukraine’s reform aspirations forward while ending Russia’s destabilization of Ukraine’s east. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is greatly interested in reestablishing a close US-Ukraine relationship, which has gone through a bumpy period under former US President Donald J. Trump when Ukraine became a flash point in US domestic politics. Resetting relations with Kyiv will not be simple. As vice president, Biden oversaw Ukraine policy, visited the country six times, and knows most of its players and personalities, which is an obvious advantage. But Zelenskyy is different from his immediate predecessor. He hails from Ukraine’s Russian- speaking east, was not an active participant in the Revolution of Dignity, has had little contact with the West, and took a battering during Trump’s first impeachment in which Ukraine was front and center. However, Zelenskyy is keen to engage with the new Biden team and seeks recognition as a global leader. The Biden administration would be wise to seize this opportunity. The first priority for the new Biden team should be to get to know the players in Ukraine and Zelenskyy’s inner circle (Zelenskyy’s team and his ministers are not household names in Washington) and to establish a relationship of trust after the turbulence of the Trump years. -
Migration and the Ukraine Crisis a Two-Country Perspective This E-Book Is Provided Without Charge Via Free Download by E-International Relations (
EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2017 ISBN 978-1-910814-27-7 (paperback) ISBN 978-1-910814-28-4 (e-book) This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share – copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt – remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution – You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • Non-Commercial – You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials / scholarly use.