Crash Course in Tallinn I II Studio I Typomorphology Crash Course in Tallinn

Home , Foorum, KUMU (museum), Maakri, Tallinn Old Town, Tallinn University

EKA Urban Studies frst studio / MMXVI Crash course in Tallinn I II Studio I typomoRphology Crash Course in Tallinn

1 2 Impressum

Tutors: Andra Aaloe and Keiti Kljavin

Students: Elena Bolkhovitinova Tom Brennecke Fruzsina Csala Aleksandra Dorofeeva Güngör Güneş Máté Hulesch Nina Stener Jolande Kirschbaum Anastassija Malkova Kaarel Oks Johannes Pointner Mikko Toivanen

Map team: Anastassija and Güngör

Editing team: Tom and Elena

Layout team: Nina, Mikko and Jolande

Cover photo by Johannes Pointner Images by members of the studio and Maros krivy

3 INDEX

Map 6 Foreword 9

SPONTANEOUS WALK 11 Introduction 13 Stops 14

TRIGGER WORDS WALK 21 Introduction 23 Stops 24

TEMPORARY WALK 33 Introduction 35 Stops Betapromenaad 36 Kalarand 40 The Cultural Kilometer 44 Kultuurikartel and EKKM 46 Linnahall 50

GENIUS LOCI WALK 53 Introduction 55 Stops Genius Loci 56 Skyscrapers of Tallinn CBD 58 Reenacting the Industries 60 Garages Worth Millions 62 Haunted Heritage 64 Kaasani Church 68 Keldrimäe Modernism 70 Dvigatel Workers’ Home 72 Madame Blokhina’s Brothel 76 Keskturg 78 Densification of Keldrimäe 80

4 6 9 FINAL WALK 83 11 Introduction 85 13 Stops 14 Paper Skyscrapers 86 The Change in Value of 21 Garage-Scape 90 23 Mobile Morphology 94 24 Quest for Domination 100 Liminal Space of CBD 104 33 Modernist Living 108 35 Mapping the Sacred 114 Tree Tales 118 36 Real Estate Market 124 40 Where have all the kids gone? 130 44 Nothing & a Bit of Something 134 46 Soviet Shopormophology 140 50

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56 58 60 62 64 68 70 72 76 78 80

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!! !! !! !!! !! !! !! ! ! !! !! !! !! !! !! !! !! !! 7 8 Foreword

Crash course in Tallinn – a frst physical manifestations of the small studio of the Urban Studies MA nation’s own narratives. Te second programme at the Estonian Academy tour – a more thorough collective of Arts, was designed to be an ABC survey for students – looked into the course for learning about the main developments of Tallinn’s seaside actors and structures behind the in the recent past. Students were to development of Tallinn’s urban form. familiarise themselves with the actors Te majority of the course was spent and processes behind the rapid urban outside of the classroom working change within the controversial chain with the immediate urban space – of developments in the area between as a resource, a trigger for investiga- Linnahall and the Noblessner quar- tions, and also as a stage to present ter. Tis two-week process ended gathered knowledge & insights. with a coherent tour called Tempo- Te studio was built around the rary city. practice of urban tours – a wonderful Ten we were ready to move on. and permissive format to learn and Firstly toward the South, on our talk about one’s environment. We three-day road trip of wider Estonia started of with few tour ‘games’ i.e. and Latvia (visiting Tartu and Valga/ simple tasks to activate perceiving Valka, Cesis and Riga) to be able the environment surrounding us, and to position better our quasi-city- fnding refections of given litera- state Tallinn in the wider Estonian ture from the space itself. And then context, as well as to learn about moved on to more thorough (and distinctive themes common in urban in times even classical) tour-making formations in the Baltic region. And practices. secondly, to move on to one single First one was the so-called Iden- project-area for more elaborate tity walk, a tour about the formation dissection of the urban fabric in the and uphold of Estonian national second half of the semester. identity. Tat tour followed sites Te area we focused on consists in the city that are illustrating the of parts of Maakri and Keldrimäe endeavours, and also failures, of the subdistricts. Te urban form of the

9 area is scattered, messy and diverse, results of surveys were developed by giving us perfect incentive to learn the students. So all in all: it was full- about the actors and processes be- on but also lots of fun. hind it. Afer two-week preliminary Tese materials, methods, research, students compiled a col- outcomes, descriptions etc of the in- lective public tour in search for the tensive three-month working process genius loci of the area on All Souls are now organised by students into Day. Ten, in the last leg of the stu- this booklet you are about to browse. dio, students had a chance to concen- Do enjoy! And warning: there are trate on their individual subjects of no excuses to not to try it all out at interest to develop personal projects home! for the fnal public grading festival on 7th December 2016 in situ. Andra Aaloe and Keiti Kljavin, Te studio was clearly pro- tutors of Crash course in Tallinn cess-oriented, where active participation in every lesson and task was crucial in order to receive a base understanding of the political, social, economic, cultural, ideological, historical etc processes shaping the physical environment frstmost in Tallinn but also in the region. One can say that a good set of methods to study urban formations were tried out and used: observations, interviews, work with literature, comparative work with maps & other archive materials etc. A multitude of cases were studied, and bunch of fruitful discussions were held. And a wonderful array of possible outputs for engaging audience in presenting the

10 Spontaneous Walk

11 Church

Rotermanni

Rotermanni 3

Structures Tree Towers Market Pigeons Flower Stands New Building McDonald’s Viru Gate Souvenir Shop

Pärnu mnt 10 Energia Kohvik

12 Introduction

As the name says, this walk for us, students, was spontaneous and unknown. Most of us were not familiar with Tallinn at that time as we arrived not long before our studies started. Tings were about to change when we plunged into urban fabric, thinking on our feet and holding the “speakers stone”. We had to make up stories unprompted and by this observed, experienced and examined places on our way which started our Crash- course in Tallinn.

13 TOM brennecke (full-time student in EKA Urban Studies MA)

I addressed somehow a traditional, but a bit special souvenir shop. Te shop sells puppets and other hand made goods from the region. Te owner of the shop, an Ukrainian man, illustrated the shop with talking about his history in Estonia and how he ended up in Tallinn. It was a fugitive but surprisingly deep entrance into Estonian crafs and local shops.

Aleksandra dorofeeva (full-time student in EKA Urban Studies MA)

Referring to the McDonald’s cafe, I went along with my personal story of coming to Tallinn for the frst time and being warmly greeted there by a stranger. My experience demonstrated how identity of a place is mentally constructed with diferent narratives, showing for example how intimacy gives banal public place the layer of sacredness.

Fruzsina Csala (architecture and design theory student from Budapest, Hungary)

I am an art and design theory student from Hungary spending my Erasmus semester at EKA. During our frst walk I mentioned the concrete pigeons of Tallinn. Tese nice petite landmarks gently divide streets or function as barriers. For me these types of details make the city cosy and likeable.

14 Church

Rotermanni

Rotermanni 3

Structures Tree Towers Market Pigeons Flower Stands New Building McDonald’s Viru Gate Souvenir Shop

Pärnu mnt 10 Energia Kohvik : Gungor: Gunes: (full-time student in EKA Urban Studies MA)

During the spontaneous walk, I addressed the gate of Old Town and the maintenance construction within its surroundings.

15 Jolande Kirschbaum (urbanism student from Weimar, Germany)

I addressed the De la Gardie building on Viru street. Te building was among the frst new ones in Old Town afer the occupation and is widely discussed because it breaks up the historical structure. Still, it tries to play with some features of the old town, e.g using the same type of stone in parts of its facade.

Elena Bolkhovitinova (full-time student in EKA Urban Studies MA)

For an art historian like me, old towns are always places of interest with all the historical layers interwoven, creating something completely new. Te area following the inner side of the city wall near Viru Gates is an interesting spot as it is a new woollen goods market meant mostly for tourists, but in the past this place was most likely a trade place for the local inhabitants.

Johannes Pointner (architecture student from Munich, Germany)

Close to the Viru Gate a strip of the medieval city wall is well presented and visible. Te old structure of stones and mortar is at this part reinforced by ferroconcrete pillars which were obviously added in more recent times. Te way of dealing with the old heritage and the contrast between both construction methods of diferent times was of interest for me.

16 Church

Rotermanni

Rotermanni 3

Structures Tree Towers Market Pigeons Flower Stands New Building McDonald Viru Gate Souvenir Shop

Pärnu mnt 10 Energia Kohvik

Mikko Toivanen (architecture student from Tampere, Finland)

I led the group through the fower stands on Viru street. Te colours and smells of the fowers in contrast to the slightly unpleasant busy street crowded by tourists create an ambivalent atmosphere which can be experienced in the busiest tourist season, in a certain time of the day.

17 Nina Stener (full-time student in EKA Urban Studies MA)

I led the group to Energia Kohvik, a special place that has survived the transition, a calm well decorated haven for Tallinners to enjoy their cofee without loud music and having to choose between macchiato, fat white or moccachino.

Anastassija Malkova (full-time student in EKA Urban Studies MA)

At the Viru centre Narva maantee entrance we can have a glimpse of a house with three towers. Designed by one of the most colorful Estonian architects Vilen Künnapu, the house’s stupas are designed to catch the energy and transfer it to residents. According to the architect- professor, seaside has the ability to lose the energy, but antennas will be able to catch it.

MatE Hulesch (architecture and design theory student from Budapest, Hungary)

In our frst walk, I led the group to the wooden church at the corner of Paadi and Ahtri streets. Tis church caught my attention few days before the walk as I passed it, because of its interesting location – it is in the middle of a wasteland, surrounded by parking lots and the harbour. It stands there like a last memory of a forgotten time.

18 Church

Rotermanni

Rotermanni 3

Structures Tree Towers Market Pigeons Flower Stands New Building McDonald Viru Gate Souvenir Shop

Pärnu mnt 10 Energia Kohvik

Kaarel Oks (full-time student in EKA Urban Studies MA)

I took our group through the new Rotermanni quarter near the port. Tis area has in recent years gained popularity in news and architecture magazines. Te buildings are varying but mostly keeping a kind of a balanced look between the old and the new. Rotermanni has some problems regarding pedestrian fow between the port and the city center which shows how mobility questions have to be addressed in good urban planning.

19 20 Trigger Words Walk

21 Scales Ideology Temporary Accessibility Religiosity Capital Disguised Temporary Creativity Religiosity Ideology Rhythms Accessibility Religiosity Disguised Anarchy Disguised Scales Creativity Flow Disguised Flow A. Weizenbergi 34 Pikk 20 Utopia Capital Accessibility Ideology Utopia Flow Rhythms Anarchy Temporary Rhythms Religiosity Accessibility Capital Utopia Scales Anarchy

22 Introduction

As we consider diversity in the urban fabric as valuable and highly livable, there are tons of approaches to uncover the multilayered space. Given trigger words, such as rhythm, disguise, accessibility or even anarchy, refne the view of the observer to the observed space. Everyone of our class chose a trigger word, which can be basically every kind of a word, and scanned the given route for these words. Here, concrete words like disguise ofer concrete city space whereas rhythm or accessibility relate more to a narrative, an abstract element or space. Tis segmentation of the city in these words ofer the best possibility to exploit the space and to reveal the hidden. Depending on the word, a dip in the history and a glimpse to the future become part of the walk. In this process we annexed city towards a strong connection between word, observer and space. Even words became connected and created its own dynamic within the route. Capitalism and rhythm is especially a well-experienced but so far an undescribed one. Te space of capitalism has its own rhythm and, therefore, creates broken or vexing relations. Formerly apparently unconnected spaces become connected. Once you start looking at the city in a context of a word, you will go on with that. It is becoming part of your walking and it might be helpful to apply diferent theories.

23 Scales

Te city is defned by a set of distinguishable scales. Troughout the city, the scale can suggest the motives of construction. Te old town of Tallinn is one of the oldest in the northern Europe and has remained more or less authentic to this time. Te scale of the streets was determined by the pedestrian and equestrian measures and space was limited with the city wall. Tat infuenced the building style of the streets concerning the width and shape. Moving outside of the old town walls, the scale of the built environment becomes larger. Te 20th century Tallinn is witnessing a scale that is more aimed at accom- modating cars and transport vehicles. Te new center of the city is designed for commerce and so, the street level is taken inside the commercial centers. Te exteriors are reaching into the sky and that creates a more modern city scale with less space for people and aimed for demonstrating wealth.

Kaarel

RhythmS

Te urban life is full of diferent intertwined rhythms and each urban situation is characterized by the singular composition these rhythms create. Tey are produced by social practices, natural phenomena, physiological/biological functions and movement of objects through space. Rhythms are always in relation to each other, creating polyrhythmic, eurhythmic and arrhythmic felds. In Tallinn these rhythms were scrutinised in three situations: in old town, where the rhythmic disruptions are caused by tourists and locals, in Pro Kapital shopping centre, where rhythms are synchronized to serve the means of consumption, and in Kadriorg, where the natural rhythms are subjected to man-made environments.

Mikko

24 Scales Ideology Temporary Accessibility Religiosity Capital Disguised Temporary Creativity Religiosity Ideology Rhythms Accessibility Religiosity Disguised Anarchy Scales Disguised Flow Disguised Flow A. Weizenbergi 34 Pikk 20 Utopia Capital Accessibility Ideology Utopia Flow Rhythms Anarchy Temporary Rhythms Religiosity Accessibility Capital Utopia Scales Anarchy

Creativity

Industrialization was based on the vast amount of natural resources. Today the engines of economic growth are knowledge, innovation and talent – the characteristics of creative class. According to Richard Florida’s creative capital thesis a community of creative and talented people is fundamental to urban development. Te good infrastructure system is important to attract these people but positive lifestyle factors are also necessary such as artistic and cultural institutions. Te former industrial “dangerous”, “closed”, “brown felds” have become “potential”, “cool”, “artistic” and “under heritage protection” part of the post-industrial cities. Tis shif symbolizes the economic change of Europe and North America. To represent Florida’s thesis and the economic shif of the western world I have chosen the Museum of Estonian Architecture situated in the former Rotermann Salt Storage, a building under the protection of heritage.

Fruzsina

25 Ideology

More or less every element of the city fabric is linked to ideology. Because of the overwhelming range of content in each of the three contributions to the walk a brief case study was presented. It was shown at Rotermanni Quarter, where neoliberalism as ideological concept has shaped the area, rejecting every real public space and dedicated solely to consumption. At a typical example of Estonian architecture of the inter war period on the corner of Karu and Aedvilja street the purpose was shown how the young republic attempted to present its independence and legitimacy through architectural style characterized by monumentality, traditionalism and symmetry. In the last stop KUMU another aspect of contemporary ideology was taken up: city-branding as systematic competition between cities to attract investments, tourists, attention, etc.

Johannes

Accessibility

Te concept of accessibility was addressed in three diferent locations during the walk. Te frst was in Rotermanni quarter where accessibility was emphasized in terms of urban design and social equality. Te second point was the electric car charging station in front of the Ministry of Environment. Tere, accessibility was discussed in terms of accessibility to environmentally friendly solutions, i.e motorised vehicles Te third point was in the intersection of Narva maantee in Kadriorg, where the accessibility of pedestrian and non-motorised vehicles in the urban space were analysed.

Güngör

26 Scales Ideology Temporary Accessibility Religiosity Capital Disguised Temporary Creativity Religiosity Ideology Rhythms Accessibility Religiosity Disguised Anarchy Disguised Scales Creativity Flow Disguised Flow A. Weizenbergi 34 Pikk 20 Utopia Capital Accessibility Ideology Utopia Flow Rhythms Anarchy Temporary Rhythms Religiosity Accessibility Capital Utopia Scales Anarchy

TemporaRy

Urban life is all about temporary: the fow of people, cars, events are endless and forever changing. Temporary can be viewed from diferent points in urban context, be it some construction works or a pop-up street food café and sometimes they can even escape our notice. Sometimes temporary can become permanent. My frst spot is inside the parking lot near Foorum and is about the temporary nature of grafti. Next spot is the building on Narva mnt 40, an example of how some temporary processes can become permanent: the renovation of this house continues for several years now. And, fnally, the last spot is the hectic crossroad on Narva mnt – a perfect illustration of fast pace of urban life where nothing is truly permanent or temporary.

Elena

27 FLOW

Tese three diferent locations represent diferent approaches to the term of fow. Te frst one at Rotermann Quarter is an example of the historical fow of the built environment, with the functional change of old industrial buildings. Te second point is the huge crossroad at Narva mnt, which is a good location to talk about the fow of walking itself, as the junction unlinks us from this fow. At the third location at the entrance of Kadrioru Park we can examine the fow between the city and the nature by analyzing the structure of the park.

Máté

Utopia

Te picture perfect society and dystopia – it´s opposite. Like in today’s surveillance society, exchanging hope for more security for increased distrust is one example. Space is in this case not neutral, but serves as the base of power exercise, e.g. through video surveillance. Like our exclusive society, demonstrated in the exclusion of undesirables in malls and other semi-public spaces, is leading to spatial injustice. Space is here again used and abused for power reasons. But there is some smell of Utopia around as well: free public transport in Tallinn – good for social inclusion and the city’s tax income, but failing in any environmental eforts. You can fnd those former failed visions of a better society on every street corner.

Jolande

28 Scales Ideology Temporary Accessibility Religiosity Capital Disguised Temporary Creativity Religiosity Ideology Rhythms Accessibility Religiosity Disguised Anarchy Disguised Scales Creativity Flow Disguised Flow A. Weizenbergi 34 Pikk 20 Utopia Capital Accessibility Ideology Utopia Flow Rhythms Anarchy Temporary Rhythms Religiosity Accessibility Capital Utopia Scales Anarchy

Religiosity

Estonia is known as one of the least religious countries in Europe, but even then, afer regaining its independence, diverse religious movements started to fourish. Estonians’ mentality “believing without belonging” has changed the image of churches to be more publicly open. Te churches of a postsecular country are becoming hubs of communication and networking. To illustrate this, we passed Jewish Synagogue – sacred place that contains beside preaching rooms also a restaurant, a stall, library, school and mikvah. Furthermore, even in strong religious communities, one can notice that the importance of strictly following traditions is not so central any more and more efort is put into strategies of economical and cultural survival.

Anastassija

29 DIsguised

For this trigger word, a strategy of digging into history was chosen to spot things that are hidden but still have some clues. For instance, at the corner of Narva mnt and Tuukri street stands a strategically placed building. If one pays attention to its architectural design, then she can spot a cruiser ship and that reveals her its original purpose – it was an apartment house built for Estoni- an Navy. Next to the building, on the crossroad of Narva mnt, an interesting fan-like street pattern is presented. It turned out there used to be a water canal connectingÜlemiste Lake to the port and passing Kadriorg on its way. Tat canal hindered the neighbourhood from normal development for 150 years. Te last stop was in Kadrioru park, where I shed light on the history of a barrack complex on Lasnamäe plateau (disguised from the sight of people strolling in Kadriorg) of late XVIII century. Tese barracks were built for seven thousand people, but as a harsh architectural element, turned out to be extremely unsuccessful.

Aleksandra

Anarchy

It seems to me that three sorts of anarchy are existing in urbanism. Te frst is that people build without permission and with immediately available resources. Tis creates an architecture we know from townships or tree houses. Second is the aspect that people want to create an own utopia with it, where they fabricate their own way of living (i.e some of them like living in self-built houses more than in planned ones). Te third kind of anarchy happens when there isn’t much forces of authority present. We can detect this behaviour in abandoned buildings that people break in and do grafti, make fres in them or smash their windows. Anarchy can also be a tool for unfolding people’s creativity. All mentioned three types are connected and doesn’t function without the others.

Tom

30 Scales Ideology Temporary Accessibility Religiosity Capital Disguised Temporary Creativity Religiosity Ideology Rhythms Accessibility Religiosity Disguised Anarchy Disguised Scales Creativity Flow Disguised Flow A. Weizenbergi 34 Pikk 20 Utopia Capital Accessibility Ideology Utopia Flow Rhythms Anarchy Temporary Rhythms Religiosity Accessibility Capital Utopia Scales Anarchy

Capital

Afer regaining its independence in 1991, diferent governmental changes were made and new policies were implemented to make Estonian economy grow – fast. Mart Laar, the prime minister at the time, wrote an article titled Te Estonian Miracle explaining the need for a new economic structure. With Laar’s “just do it”-policy in mind one can see how this strategy changed the urban landscape in central Tallinn. Te new policy made it possible for foreign developers and investors to buy land in Tallinn without many restrictions. Te cityscape was infuenced by this rapid distancing from the style of former Soviet planned economy and resulted in many new structures built for business – some call it Cowboy Capitalist Architecture.

Nina

31 32 Temporary Walk

33 Promenaad Promenaad Promenaad Peetri 11 Promenaad

Promenaad

Promenaad Kalarand Mere pst 20 Kalarand Linnahall ISFAG Kilometer Linnahall Kilometer ISFAG Kilometer EKKM KK

34 Introduction

In this walk focus was put on the recent trends of Tallinn’s urban development. Te notion of the Temporary City became more and more popular over the last years all over the world. It questions the unilateral occupation with permanent urban elements. Moreover pop up culture not only goes beyond conservative architectural solutions by placing itself on sites where permanent solutions would fail but also engages with challenges that are facing short term uses and demand a high fexibility. By this means the Temporary City can be regarded as the suitable answer on the increasing dynamic and speed of contemporary urban life and seems to develop itself as Mere pst 20 an integral part of urban planning of our time. Pop up Linnahall interventions ofen extend market interests into places Linnahall and areas, like public space, that were formerly lef out. Also as the cases of Tallinn will show those actions which are mostly driven by public interests are also intentionally used to contribute to the increasing of property values, ofen entitled as Gentrifcation. In the course of this walk the single cases were investigated in detail to elaborate the diferent actors involved and their interests and agendas to uncover the social and political processes that form today’s physical space. Usually investment-driven development plans for new areas which were used for public purposes generate then public activism what then leads to a confict in which both sides try to articulate and claim their rights to the space.

35 Beetapromenaad

“Linnalabor´s goal is simple: to create really accessible public space, open Tallinn to the sea fnally and literally, do something for real about seaside promenade instead on endless discussions and empty promises. Beetapromenaad is a space of possibilities, not planned or designed in detail, temporary, easy and cheap instead of making a long time project with fnding fnances for it etc. Te permanent solution is up to the city government, it was not part of the proposed project and is not the point of it. Beetapromenaad is about testing, showing the (right) way, inspiring the people (users), owners (facilitators) and ofcials (builders).” – Elo Kiivet

Te Central Tallinn seaside has long been underused, problematic and somewhat inaccessible to the public. In the Maritime Culture Year of 2016 Linnalabor (Estonian Urban Lab) together with landowners created a promenade from Kalasadam to Noblessner quarter. It is a simple footpath along the seaside, created by removing

36 Promenaad Promenaad Promenaad Peetri 11 Promenaad

Promenaad

Promenaad Kalarand Mere pst 20 Kalarand Linnahall ISFAG Kilometer Linnahall Kilometer ISFAG Kilometer EKKM KK

fences, opening up gates and fortifying the shore. Te project was initiated by Estonian Urban Lab and Noblessner quarter. Te initiative was one of the 20 winning entries to the idea contest of the Maritime Culture Year and was created in cooperation with the landowners, AS Tallinna Vesi and the Northern Tallinn City Administration. In summer 2015 Linnalabor opened a website meretallinn.ee to gather ideas for activating the central seaside of Tallinn. Te “architects” of Beetapromenaad were Teele Pehk, an urbanist and a very proactive citizen of Tallinn, and Ivar Piirsalu, a social and cultural value driven real estate developer. During one public event organised by Linnalabor they proposed the idea of a having a promenade, addressing also the lack of seaside swimming beach and inaccessibility of the seaside by foot. Afer the initial spark, the idea had to be broadened. In the beginning of May 2016 Teele Pehk and Ivar Piirsalu met and talked with the representatives of the Sea Museum and Patarei and the head architect of Northern Tallinn district. Around this time Teele also had discussions

37 with the head of Northern Tallinn’s district Raimond Kaljulaid who agreed to the vision of opening the city to the people right away. Tese talks were very value based, basically about how to make clear that aim of the project is noble and right – creating public space that reconnects citizens of Tallinn with the sea. Afer all parties agreed that they would allow it, the actions of individual parties were discussed.

Collaboration was at the very core of the project at every stage. One of the most important investments (beside money and counted numbers) was voluntary work. Connecting the dots was the phase where Anni Müüripeal and Sander Paling (architects, volunteers) took the lead. Tey were greatly inspired by a visit to the M&M shop in London to develop a selfe-prone icon that would connect the whole area into one. In constructing and erecting the B icons they had the help of volunteers who were largely architecture students from the Estonian Academy of Arts. By this stage the individual parties had made the physical openings, and the volunteers’ job was to give it an identity and connect it visually.

38 In the future the aim is in trying to convince the city that the area should be the frst self-regulating public space where not the city forces but people themselves take responsibility.

“I hope that people will see the potential and the beneft of the seaside and this feeling connected with the natural Text is based on elements, that when larger developments start, people the interviews would be against very insensitive proposals.” – Elo Kiivet with Elo Kiivet, Keiti Kljavin and Mikko, Kaarel, Aleksandra Anni Müüripeal.

39 Kalarand

Before 1991 all of the Estonian seaside was considered a border zone between the Soviet union and the Western World. Tere was no public access to most of the coastline along the Baltic coast. Afer Estonia regained its independence in 1991, the seaside in central Tallinn named Kalarand (translates as Te Fish Beach) was opened and cleaned up by Pro Kapital, the legal owner of the beach who had bought the land in the transitional period. Pro Kapital considered the area to be a wasteland and wanted it to remain that way until they decided what to develop at the site. However the area was discovered by inhabitants as a recreational area due to its connection to the old town. Talliners soon started to dream about a connection between Tallinn old town and the sea, which could have been achieved by extending Pikk street making it directly accessible. Especially afer ‘Lif 11’ – a festival designed to invite inhabitants to discover new parts of their city and created while Tallinn hosted ‘European Capital of Cul- ture’ cultural life started to fourish and Kalarand became a popular public space. Unfortunately, the beach was privately owned by Pro Kapital, a company that initially didn’t mind the activities taking part on the site but had other plans for the place. Te plan was to develop a residential area instead of the so-called wasteland and public interests were not considered in the planning process. Te new development plan was taken up for discussion by the local neighbourhood association Telliskivi selts. Lengthy negotiations begun between several contradicting parties: the plot’s owner Pro Kapital, activists from Telliskivi selts, and the inactive City’s Urban Planning Department. Te main drawbacks of the original master plan was that it didn’t specify extent of public use on the plot. In addition,

40 Promenaad Promenaad Promenaad Peetri 11 Promenaad

Promenaad

Promenaad Kalarand Mere pst 20 Kalarand Linnahall ISFAG Kilometer Linnahall Kilometer ISFAG Kilometer EKKM KK

the natural sand beach was planned to be replaced by a promenade, which had happened everywhere else in the city centre’s coastline, and also the seaside was physically cut from the town by an asphalt road that lead to future inhabitants’ garages. Tus the question was raised if the area would become a so-called “gated community” due to the land’s original use as a port that grants some special outdated rights on how to deal with the space. Pro Kapital did not expect the reaction from the activists regarding their privately owned plot and thus they were not ready to make any compromises in negotiations. Furthermore, the City’s Urban Planning Department was impartial in confict between developer and neighborhood activists. During the confict in 2015, the temporary fence was erected by Pro Kapital in order to, as they claimed, protect the area from homeless people and protect the new road construction from wasteland dirt. Te activists had another interpretation of the fence – a symbol of power of private property.

41 However, when the disagreement was about to reach its closure due to the deadline for accepting the development plan coming closer compromises were attempted. Both sides had to accept some changes to their initial ideas for the future of Kalarand. Te compromise was hurried by the Municipality that otherwise would have to pay a fne to Pro Kapital if the development plan was not accepted in time. Altogether the new plan benefted from the compromise that was made, the approved development plan was visibly cleaner and easier to understand than the frst attempt. Te residential area’s design concept would be

42 decided by an architectural competition, the artifcial Our research is promenade width was fxed to a minimum of 25 meters, based on interviews public usage was defned and the possibility of gated with Toomas Paa- community was denied in written form. Te case was ver and Teele Pehk a frst precedent where public interest was fought for (all interviews are and taken into account in private plan afer decades of in the possession laissez-faire development. But still the case is not closed, of the authors); due to the changed development plan that transferred media research of important decision making to architectural competition years 2012–2016; held in 2016. and comparative research of master Anastassija, Johannes, Güngör, Nastja plans.

43 The cultural Kilometer

Te case of the Culture Kilometre can be regarded as a showcase project of how the process of conficting private and public interests looks like. Culture Kilometre was located on the former train tracks, which represented the industrial character of the area in the Soviet times. Dur- ing the struggles of the privatisation process in Tallinn afer the the collapse of the Soviet Union the new owner of the area emerged: Pro Kapital. Te foreign investment company had from the beginning in mind to develop the entire area of Kalarand to an upper class residential district. Te train tracks were to be removed and replaced by a road to grant the access to the buildings. But in the next years when the planning process started and a possible implementation was in prospect, the great potential for public use was noticed by some of Tallinn’s urban activists, leading to the organization of several events that were intended to attract public attention to new plan of the area. Tis was frstly tolerated by the owner of the area, perhaps having in mind that this attention may also be lucrative for the development itself. Tis public activism peaked by establishing of the Culture Kilometre for the year 2011, when Tallinn was the European capital of culture. Te path on former rail track was then acknowledged by a great amount of people. Trough the events the place became popular and publicly recognized, as happened also in the case of Kalarand. But the investor then took the initiative and pushed the planning forward. Te state of afairs between the activists who were claiming to be representatives of the people and the private investor who was following his economic and fnancial interests, changed from agreed cohabitation to a rigid dispute. At the end of the process, as likely in most of cases like this, a compromise was

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found. Te train tracks were removed, the street was built, but the design was slightly adapted to the surroundings, what means that the amount of street lanes was reduced to two with the addition of bicycle lines. Activists were disappointed in the result and blamed also the city’s lack of interest in partaking in the discussion.

Nina, Johannes, Güngör, Anastassija

Our research is based on interviews with Toomas Paaver and Teele Pehk (all interviews are in the possession of the authors); media research of years 2012–2016; and comparative research of master plans.

45 Kultuurikatel and ekkm

Kultuurikatel – Tallinn Creative Hub (in the following: KK) is the municipally owned culture hub in the former building of Tallinn City Central Power Station. Te power plant was founded in 1913 and functioned until 1979. Te limestone building built in 1934 used to be the boiler room of the power plant with giant boilers inside. Te brick chimney of the complex was the tallest in the Baltic States and nowadays it is under heritage protection. Te industrial coastal sites were owned by the municipality and had been closed to the public since the Soviet period because of security reasons. For the last decade the city has been looking for ideas how to open itself up to the sea and to bring life back into this area. KK was the fagship project of the Tallinn 2011 – European Capital of Culture, as a cultural incubator for supporting the creative industries, but the half-ready KK hosted only few events during the Cultural Capital year. Te reconstruction took longer and was more expensive than expected because of the asbestos found in the walls. Te opening ceremony was postponed to February 2015. KK is not really open to the public according to locals and our personal experiencesa. It is a place of top-organized, “fancy” events and high quality, expensive studios. Most of the artists cannot aford to rent a studio there. KK organises events such as fashion shows (Tallinn Fash- ion Week), concerts and conferences of art and design. According to its website the aim of the institution is to develop cultural tourism, marketing, exporting and the connection between culture and private sector. Te shif from a former idea about “public space for creative industries” to a marketing and tourism orientated approach becomes clear.

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Totally diferent, but strongly connected to KK is EKKM – the Contemporary Art Museum of Estonia, located next to KK. Starting from a squatting project in 2006 in the former ofce building of the heating plant it is now an established artist DIY venue with some state-funds helping, still they don’t consider themselves “institu- tionalized”. From their alternative roots they kept the run-down atmosphere of the building and the openness leading to other small creative starters, like the Lugemik Bookstore, which is the premise of a publishing initiative for artist, and around the corner is the ISFAG Gallery. EKKM at the moment is renting the space from KK, a step undertaken in 2012 to legalize the use of the building, but can possibly be thrown out at every moment. EKKM considers their relation to KK today as a win-win situation, as every time KK gets money or attention, EKKM will also proft on it. Te city’s attitude towards EKKM was not always as respectful as it is now, since the city which owns the place has tried to sell of every piece of land surrounding

47 the site to private investors. Te cost of the overpriced completion of KK needed to be covered by selling the backyard of EKKM and the neighbouring site, a former urban gardening space, putting EKKM`s survival at risk. Even though EKKM was one of the reasons for the city to invest in this area as it started the “cultural spirit” already before the European Cultural Capital Year they considered sacrifcing it. Criticism set of quickly when this detail plan was leaked in 2014 denouncing the city’s focus on KK and the ignorance towards the independent culture, the “dirty little brother” next door. Finally they made a deal, so that EKKM could keep its backyard, but will also not shed any bad light on KK. All the activist’s activity coming from outside of EKKM calmed down Text is based on really quickly and at the moment the city is trying to sell internet research; the plot of the former urban garden. What is going on the text Francisco around them might call for political engagement, as you Martinez: Wasted would expect from some alternative artist, but the EKKM Legacies? Youth people don’t consider themselves as activists. Struggling and Repair Afer in the beginning with their own fnancing, they con- a Troubled Past, centrate on EKKM´s own survival. Ironically one of the unpublished; recurrent topics of EKKM is claiming land, as they step the exhibiton by step explore the spaces in and around the building catalogue “I with site-specifc installations. Looked Into the Te ISFAG Gallery in the back of EKKM is since 2013 Walls And Saw”; an autonomous gallery of the Installation, Sculpture and and an extensive Photography department of EKA. Its location is in the interview with coal loading ramp of the one-time power plant – and this the current makes the space unusual and exciting for a gallery. Half curators of of the space is in the land of the municipality that leases it EKKM: Marten to the gallery but the other half is in a private hand – this Esko and part of the gallery can be considered as a squatted area. Johannes Säre. Tis private land is the same where the plans for the fu-

48 ture investments will take place which raises the question what is going to happen with the gallery. While EKKM became an ofcial gallery of contemporary art, the ISFAG gallery gives opportunity for art-experiments and student exhibitions. During the walk, we used the texts from the catalogue of the I Looked Into the Walls And Saw exhibition – which was a site specifc exhibition in the ISFAG gallery – to summon the spirit of the place.

Seeing the whole story of EKKM and ISFAG in a wider context we can identify a classical case of culture being instrumentalized to increase the land value and attract tourists. Developers and cities take advantage of temporary culture, send them to death the very moment they reached their own goals (KK). Money (exchange value) rules here over the need for culture (use value). And the city is the one to set the defnition through its acting what can be considered less or more “valuable”. But how can the city claim to know what is the “better” kind of culture? How to avoid abusing culture as land-value-in- creaser? And what is culture anyway?

Mate, Fruzsina, Jolande

49 Linnahall

Te purpose of the Palace of Culture in USSR was mainly political: the goal was to raise a new generation of working class to contribute to the new utopian society. Secondary purpose was, of course, to provide to youth places of leisure with diferent club activities, libraries and sport facilities. Tese purposes were fxed into legislation somewhere around 1925 and were not changed till the fall of the USSR. Tis created a new typology: the “palace of culture”. It was widespread, in every major city were few of them, in smaller ones one or two. Universities and factories had their own Palaces of Culture, but they weren’t exclusively only to people who worked or studied there – everyone was welcome. Tese places were multifunctional, aside from club activities and sports, they could host a concert or a movie screening, or other sort of gatherings as art exhibitions or political (party) meetings. Tus they became to be a center of social life. Te frst “bloom” of Palace of Culture construction was in 1920s, and that’s when Moscow got its most prominent examples. Te second “bloom” started around 1970s with the return of Modernist style in

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Soviet architecture. Linnahall, designed by Raine Karp, is the example of latter case. Its construction ended just before the beginning of the 1980 Olympic Games and was originally meant to host the sailing regatta, but never served that role. However, for a long time it functioned as a main concert hall since it could ft 4200 guests, and, once the ice rink was completed, it also hosted diferent sport events. Although in 1997 it was declared to be an architectural monument, the use of Linnahall started to cease slowly afer the fall of the USSR. By the end of the 20th century, a helicopter port was added in an attempt to bring life back to Linnahall, and from the beginning of the new millennia many diferent ideas were exchanged about how to make this building economically viable. Among those ideas were the reconstruction of the concert hall to make it more suitable for modern day concerts, building a tennis court on the roof or completely converting Linnahall into a science

51 and conference center. Te future of the building was in question also afer it was closed down as a concert hall. Te threat of the demolition was in the air, though in the end the fact that Linnahall was named an architectural monument never allowed that. Several competitions were held, and some of the projects proposed to surround this structure with other buildings such as apartment houses or a hotel. By the 2008 a master plan was approved, which included a yacht harbour, a promenade, service and commercial structures and residential area. Tis plan was supposed to be implemented by 2011, when Tallinn was named the cultural capital of the year, but, in the end, it never even begun. By this time, only seven employees oversaw the function of the building – a glaring decline from the over 500 employees that were working at Linnahall originally. Tis structure in its massive glory is struggling to fnd a new meaning and bring back life into its halls. So at this moment, with a still unclear future, it resembles a giant body made of concrete and limestone that is lef to slowly decay, to become nature again…

Tom, Elena, Kasparas

Text is based on the catalogue How long is the life of a building of Estonian pavilion at the 13th International Architecture Exhibition at la Biennale di Venezia; and interviews with Linnahall employees.

52 Genius Loci Walk

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54 Introduction

In the second half of the semester, we started to work with one specifed area in Tallinn: the subdistricts of Maakri and Keldrimäe. Our frst task was to gain a general knowledge about the area by investigating the history of it. In groups we researched the pre World War II spatial forms, the changes in the urban fabric during World War II and Stalinist era, the late-Soviet modernist planning practices in Keldrimäe, the genealogy, use and future of Keskturg market, the post-soviet developments in Maakri, and the post-soviet residential fabric of Keldrimäe. With all the information gained, the second task was Keskturg to fnd a topic for our interim critique walk – the frst publicly announced walk in the programme. During the research process we encountered an array of somewhat mysterious places – the areas seemed intriguing and somehow haunted to all of us. As we approached Hal- loween we decided to assemble a walk including all the haunted qualities of the area. We later discovered that day we had chosen for the walk, November 2nd, is an important day in Estonian folk culture: the All Souls Day. So what makes a space haunted, or more generally, what makes it set apart from other spaces? Is it the Genius Loci – the spirit of the place – that determines that? Our walk was based on the diferent aspects of this term, with every stop expanding the notion.

55 Genius Loci

Te term ‘genius loci’ comes from are sacred and profane places – and the ancient Roman culture, where it the genius loci is what creates this had a religious, spiritual meaning. inhomogeneity. Te genius was a spirit that existed From a literary approach, the outside the human being, but accom- genius loci means the special atmos- panied it throughout its entire life: phere of a place – a spirit radiating human life began at the very moment from a specifc place. When someone when a genius joined a human being writes about a genius of a city, he and ended when the genius depart- formulates his feelings and thoughts ed. Te genius infuenced a man’s that the place triggers from him, or character, modes of life, states of writes about the sight of the city, the happiness, and good or bad fortunes. history of it, the people who were Not just an individual man, but fam- born there, the behavior, the life of ilies, professional groups, societies, the locals unconsciously under the states, locations also had their own infuence of the genius. geniuses. From a religious perspec- From the architectural perspective, space is inhomogeneous, there tive one of the most important

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56 elements of the genius loci is the We chose to look at the districts of cityscape. Te cityscape hides a Keldrimäe and Maakri as haunted complex content: the history, the because of the incoherent immediate social and economic relationships of look of the cityscape. Tere are many the local community. According to diferent buildings of very diferent Norberg-Schultz, a place is a physical representations collected at one formation – its spirit is defned by place. Diferent ideologies prevailed its physical environment. ‘Te spaces and failed here, dwellings were burnt where life occurs are places… A place down to make room for other houses is a space which has a distinct charac- of other tastes. Te district has a dra- ter. Since ancient times the genius loci, matic shif in style within only a few or spirit of place, has been recognized blocks. Te diferent styles represent as the concrete reality man has to face diferent “ghosts” to us, places that and come to terms with in his daily tell diferent stories of diferent times. life. Architecture means to visualize the genius loci and the task of the ar- Nina, Mate chitect is to create meaningful places, whereby he helps man to dwell.’ (Nor- berg-Schultz: Genius Loci: Towards a Phenomenology of Architecture, 1980, p.5.) Te contextualist theories of postmodern urban planning say that a space becomes place if it gets a meaning from the regional and cultural context. Te sociological approach says that the genius loci contains the mentality, behavior, culture, and ideology of the citizens of a city. Te genius loci distinguishes the city from every other city and it includes the traditions and actual status of the local society.

57 Skyscrapers of Tallinn central business district

Te frst stop of our tour was on the top of a skyscraper – a sky bar of Radisson Blu Hotel. Te 105 meters high building was fnished by year 2000. Te distribution of its whole volume refers to constructivist architecture, likewise the geometric roof and divisions of the facade. Te view from the top is wonderful but obviously this pleasure cannot be the only reason for the existence of high rise buildings in the neighbourhood of Maakri subdistrict. To “fnd” the genius loci of the area we have to understand the narratives of progress of Estonia’s recent past. From the mid 1990s – afer Estonia had regained its independence – a signifcant economic growth begun. One actor behind this growth was the building and real estate sector: great number of established frms needed new ofces and families needed new homes afer the time

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58 of a depressing housing situation. A new “city” – an area of ofces, hotels and residential buildings was developed to south from Viru Hotel. Tis rapid development can be attributed toTallinn’s post-socialist urban form. Te city core has dispersed, the Old Town turned into kind of historic theme park, that attracts and traps tourists at the same time; and high rises are erected as a representation of a new neoliberal city – a free development without almost any regulations lead by private investors. As a result of the rapid privatisation process and the city’s urge to sell all its properties to private hands, the Tallinn owns just 5% of the city’s land. Te CBD area around Maakri Street never had a comprehensive master plan: skyscrapers have been built one afer another to show the economic power of the private sector – mostly foreign banks. Te Maakri area became the fnancial centre of the capitalist Estonia. Te presence of high rise buildings is merely a symbolic visual presentation, because Tallinn actually has space, so it wouldn’t really need such densely built area. Te two remarkable silhouettes of Tallinn are the Old Town with its church towers, and Maakri area. Tey are somehow competing, or, from some other perspective, complementing each other. Te unofcial regulation for the maximum height of skyscrapers is 124m (ofcially 130m); the height of the former tallest church in the medieval Europe: St Olaf church in the Old Town.

Mikko, Fruzsina, Kasparas

59 Reenacting the industries

Not all of the history lef traces in nowadays urban fabric, so it is even more important to make them visible again. During the walk we were reenacting the story, drawing and mapping it visually into the snow:

It all begun with a river making its riverside they found a place to stay, way from Ülemiste lake through the close enough to the medieval town sandy sloped hills of today´s Keldri- and giving as well the opportunity to mäe, splitting in two and reuniting in cultivate land, which begun right afer what is today called Maakri. Te river building their wooden houses. Further was given the name Härjapea (Bull’s up from here, next to today’s Liivalaia Head) and being the one with the larg- road, linen wavers used to bleach their est volume in the City of Tallinn. textiles, which gave the Keldrimäe In Middle Ages crafsmen who quarter its earlier name: Pleekmäe – could not have their workshops in Old Bleach Hill. Tanneries and watermills Town because their activities polluted are reported along the river as early as it too much or took too much space the 13th century. Dating back to the inside of the town walls, settled down same century St. John’s Almshouse, the here. Here in free nature along the most prosperous and earliest of this

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60 kind in Tallinn, was founded in this then taken to the Stockmann inner area along the trade route to Russia, yard, where they experienced papers giving shelter to those sufering from falling from the sky. One could fnd virulent infectious diseases. some pieces from prohibited books Manufactures turned into factories on those sheets. Tat commemorat- in the end of the 19th century and by ed two opposite stories: of a former the turn of the century Maakri street, paper mill that functioned for many right along the river, had Tallinn´s frst decades on this spot and also the factories lined up side by side. By the burning of forbidden books in the 1914 the highly polluted river, most chimney-place in early Soviet times. important for the nearby factories, was covered frst with wood and later Aleksandra, Jolande channelled underground. During the largest bombing in Tallinn in March 1944 a huge part of Our story is based on internet research and the district was destroyed, leaving a comparative research of historical maps. perforated fabric of wooden and stone houses behind. Still, factories continued their production till the very end of the Soviet time. In 2002 the “breakthrough of Tartu maantee” – connecting Tartu mnt with Rävala pst – was realised, which cleaned the area of from all her historical dirtiness, being the unpleasant suburb, making way for a picture perfect cowboy capitalism.

Te history of three factories nearby was then highlighted: the Birks laundry industry, soviet Linda and Kommunaar leather and shoe factories. Te audience of the tour was

61 garages WORTH MILLIONS

While standing in the center of an small, so the disputes around the undeveloped land in Maakri area we value of each plot became tense. can recognize remarkable amount In 2006, Estonian Association of of references to diferent develop- Architects planned to carry out two- ment plans for future. Te outcome phased architectural competition in could be imagined to be similar to order to have a master plan for the Sony Centre next to Potsdamer Platz whole central area. Te aim of the – having both multiple owners, a frst phase was to fnd an overall idea heritage protected building and need for a new development: sketches of to have “public” space in the centre architectural volumes, the concepts of architectural ensemble. However, for public space, parking solutions Maakri subdistrict’s central quartal and sun study. Six submitted compe- is more diverse – there are more tition works were divided into three than 50 owners due to privatization categories: the ones that proposed and further interactions in the real to develop every plot independently, estate feld. Afer 2000s, almost every one group proposed to create super- owner in Maakri wanted to built a structure for the whole central area skyscraper, but the plots were very such as Sony Center, and last catego-

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62 stopped the development process. Unfortunately, the second phase of architectural competition that had to start half year afer the frst phase (2006) has not been carried out yet (2016). If the frst phase was an idea-based presentation, then the second one was planned to be taking into consideration the diferent plot owners plans and creating a realistic detail plan for the area. Unreached agreement between owners, mis- interpretation of the frst phase ry was to create similar plot structure competition works and second phase as was already existing in the area. funding problem were obstacles that Te parking was solved by two-sto- leaded to current situation. rey underground common parking It is a pity that even though this area. Remarkably, the preconditions much energy has been put into for future competition were favoring the works of the competition, the public space. surrounding situation has changed However, the frst phase of com- drastically which have made the petition did not contain the limita- previous proposals out-dated and tion to take into consideration al- development process has to start ready 6-years ongoing design process practically from the scratch. of Maakri 28 & 30 developments.. Te competition outcome was not Anastassija favouring to build a high-rise either on Maakri 28 or Maakri 30 and the owner was against following the Pelhtovuori, P.: Elagu competition’s outcome. Furthermore, manhattaniseerumine! Maakri kvartali the garage owners were one of the arhitektuurikonkursist. MAJA, (2007) weakest link in creating the agree- [online source] http://www.solness.ee/ ment and over-priced garage plots maja/?mid=117&id=87

63 Haunted Heritage

As you can probably fgure out from the remnants and traces on the wall in Maakri 24, you are standing in a place that not too long ago was a house – a wooden one. Te kismet of this house much resembles the kismet of the rest of this district.

Our research is Te area around Maakri and Keldrimäe is one of the old- based on compar- est suburban residential areas outside the medieval core ative research of of Tallinn. Troughout its history the area was mostly old maps (Tallinn composed of wooden houses: in early days for suburban Planning Reg- farmers and later for the working class. Like in many ister, xgis), old other parts of Tallinn since the beginning of 20th century, photos from the prevailing type of a wooden dwelling was so called Estonian Muse- Lenderi house with small apartments for working class ums’ public people that were build in masses at that time. In addi- portal and news- tion, some examples of the older types and newer Tallinn paper articles houses were also present. Part of the area was destroyed published online. during the March bombing in 1944. In reality, most of the wooden buildings in Maakri

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64 were demolished during the 1990’s breakthrough. and 2000’s. Although many import- Kuke street: Whole street side was ant individual buildings were destroy- demolished when the streets were ed in the bombing, much of the old realigned to give way to Radisson urban fabric still survived. Tis fabric Blu and the parking house. consisted mostly of wooden homes Lennuki 24: Demolished in 2009 of the working class. Te destruction (in hope of a high-rise), now a caused by the bombing and the dis- parking lot. order of the urban form it reportedly lef behind was used as an excuse We held an obituary for Maakri 28 to support the proftable high-rise during the walk, mourning the death development in the area. Sacrifces of a great house! We lit graveyard “had” to be made, and in this place candles, suitable to All Souls Day on those sacrifces could be easily reasoned. this plot, as well on some other empty Many times the demolitions were pre- plots, which used to be occupied by ceded with suspicious accidents or fast wooden houses before. You can fnd deterioration caused by deliberate the obituary itself and the ode of the negligence. Since those accidents are house Lennuki 26 on the next page. not investigated by the police unless the owner of the plot wants to, most Mikko, Jolande of them remained unsolved.

Examples: Maakri 24: Burnt down “by accident” in 2008 afer years of neglect, demolished in 2013, now a parking lot, no current detail plan. Maakri 34: Whole plot had wooden housing, which got demolished in 2006 (in hope for high rises), currently working as a parking lot. Rävala 2: Was still there in 2000, demolished to give way for the

65 monologue of a wooden house (lennuki 26) monologue of a wooden house (lennuki 26)

what happened to the place? what happened to the place? I once called home? I once called home? horrible bombing at first horrible bombing at first and most of us were gone and most of us were gone hit by the destruction and postwar plans hit by the destruction and postwar plans

with the 90es came with the 90es came high-rises aim high-rises aim - so far, so high - so far, so high I cannot even see the sky I cannot even see the sky where is my space, my air shell? where is my space, my air shell? where can I breathe as those breathtaking figures besiege me? where can I breathe as those breathtaking figures besiege me?

I am alone, alone, forgotten... I am alone, alone, forgotten... my neighbourhood gone, my neighbourhood gone, left over of another dream left over of another dream telling a story of century changing colour scheme telling a story of century changing colour scheme

most of what you can see most of what you can see is based on wilful destruction esprit is based on wilful destruction esprit next to deathblow are all of us next to deathblow are all of us but wooden friends - especially thus but wooden friends - especially thus stone houses are less destroyable stone houses are less destroyable more valued, more enjoyable more valued, more enjoyable

I am falling apart, I am falling apart, even my decor was taken even my decor was taken I am totally forsaken I am totally forsaken like a last standing man like a last standing man on a battlefield called Maakri-War on a battlefield called Maakri-War fighting for land value and capital fighting for land value and capital

new plans, new hassle arise, new plans, new hassle arise, we are haunted by detailplan tries we are haunted by detailplan tries my two neighbours –right away here - were just taken down my two neighbours –right away here - were just taken down giving space to 35 storage showcase giving space to 35 storage showcase further west the same will take place further west the same will take place incredible fights over garage-erase incredible fights over garage-erase

one thing that can save us here one thing that can save us here they say it’s the sticker of monument peer they say it’s the sticker of monument peer but even that one is just a farce but even that one is just a farce what happened down the street what happened down the street mates were light up, several time´ mates were light up, several time´ in particular, an art nouveau building, like mine in particular, an art nouveau building, like mine

one by one just disappear one by one just disappear leaving parking plots for years leaving parking plots for years get rid of us, destroy the story, get rid of us, destroy the story, accidently or planned accidently or planned we are losing glory we are losing glory

but do you think twice but do you think twice before you regret me before you regret me because I´m part of your nation because I´m part of your nation I´m part of your medley I´m part of your medley

66 , a seminal figure in the history of , a seminal figure in the history of In Memory of Maakri 28 Maakri 28 Estonian education and an important piece of the architecture in Tallinn, was taken on down Thursday 16. January of 2014. Suffering from a fire several times, latest ones in 2010 and again in 2012, it while was the always latest restored, burning restoration made just impossible. Built in left 1914 as ruins plastered – two-storey wood building and since then an integral part this of house served the for the neighborhood, first 21 school years building. as a Later on national a it of status The manufactures. of kinds hosted different its of honor greatest the was which monument, life, was given in 1999. It will be remembered for its richly decorated facade in Art Nouveau style with a meander girdle, awnings Nouveau toothed Art by framed entrances and cornice and metal parapet. investigated what Till caused this last devastating today it fire was – squatters not or land for the the wish expected high-rise-development. to You clear will the be greatly missed, rest in peace. In Memory of Maakri 28 Maakri 28 Estonian education and an important piece of the architecture in Tallinn, was taken on down Thursday 16. January of 2014. Suffering from a fire several times, latest ones in 2010 and again in 2012, it while was the always latest restored, burning restoration made just impossible. Built in left 1914 as ruins plastered – two-storey wood building and since then an integral part this of house served the for the neighborhood, first 21 school years building. as a Later on national a it of status The manufactures. of kinds hosted different its of honor greatest the was which monument, life, was given in 1999. It will be remembered for its richly decorated facade in Art Nouveau style with a meander girdle, awnings Nouveau toothed Art by framed entrances and cornice and metal parapet. investigated what Till caused this last devastating today it fire was – squatters not or land for the the wish expected high-rise-development. to You clear will the be greatly missed, rest in peace. , a seminal figure in the history of , a seminal figure in the history of In Memory of Maakri 28 Maakri 28 Estonian education and an important piece of the architecture in Tallinn, was taken on down Thursday 16. January of 2014. Suffering from a fire several times, latest ones in 2010 and again in 2012, it while was the always latest restored, burning restoration made just impossible. Built in left 1914 as ruins plastered – two-storey wood building and since then an integral part this of house served the for the neighborhood, first 21 school years building. as a Later on national a it of status The manufactures. of kinds hosted different its of honor greatest the was which monument, life, was given in 1999. It will be remembered for its richly decorated facade in Art Nouveau style with a meander girdle, awnings Nouveau toothed Art by framed entrances and cornice and metal parapet. investigated what Till caused this last devastating today it fire was – squatters not or land for the the wish expected high-rise-development. to You clear will the be greatly missed, rest in peace. In Memory of Maakri 28 Maakri 28 Estonian education and an important piece of the architecture in Tallinn, was taken on down Thursday 16. January of 2014. Suffering from a fire several times, latest ones in 2010 and again in 2012, it while was the always latest restored, burning restoration made just impossible. Built in left 1914 as ruins plastered – two-storey wood building and since then an integral part this of house served the for the neighborhood, first 21 school years building. as a Later on national a it of status The manufactures. of kinds hosted different its of honor greatest the was which monument, life, was given in 1999. It will be remembered for its richly decorated facade in Art Nouveau style with a meander girdle, awnings Nouveau toothed Art by framed entrances and cornice and metal parapet. investigated what Till caused this last devastating today it fire was – squatters not or land for the the wish expected high-rise-development. to You clear will the be greatly missed, rest in peace.

67 KaAsani Church

Te fgure of Virgin Mary, Mother of God is one of the most important in Russian Orthodox Church, and the icon of Our Lady of Kazan has one of the highest stature within it. Tis icon has a long and complicated history, full of mysteries and miracles. It is believed to be originally made in Byzantine Empire and then taken to Russia sometime in 13th century, but disappearing until it’s recovery in 15th century. Where and under what circumstances it was lost for two centuries remains unclear. It was ofcially copied several times, and one of the copies was made for Moscow, and another, a long time later, for St. Petersburg.

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68 Traditionally, both the original icon and its copies are believed to be miraculous, as the fgure of Virgin Mary in Russian Orthodox Church has a status of the palladium, a protector. So, the miracles tied to this icon have a lot to do with protection against various invaders during the course of Russian history. It comes as no surprise then that a copy of the icon was very much desired by the army. Military is also the reason how Tallinn gained a copy of the Kazan icon: troops of Czar Peter the Great brought the copy of the icon from St. Petersburg during the war with Sweden. Te church itself was built by and for Rus- sian soldiers stationed nearby, and it was decided to keep the icon there. Te church hasn’t changed much from the moment of its construction in 1721, though it certainly has seen its share of hardship. For example, it was robbed, burned, and the church grounds were reduced in size due to reconstruction of the Liivalaia street. Although when the fre damaged the church in 1980s, it also helped to reveal the original interiors. Te church garden have housed also a diferent landmark on Tallinn: a black poplar tree, which was believed to be planted by Peter the Great himself (it is also said that this particular czar enjoyed visiting Tallinn, then called Reval, very much). Te tree survived the bombings during the WWII, but, in the end, a storm broke it down few years ago.

Elena

69 Keldrimae: Modernism

Modernist planning characterizes the district of Keldri- mäe today: tower blocks located in vast landscape. In the time of the 1970s, when most of the buildings were constructed, the plan for this area foresaw a more moderate realisation of soviet modernist planning compared to other parts of the town that were built around the same time (Lasnamäe, Mustamäe). Because of the proximity to the city centre the houses in Keldrimäe were supposed to have a lower height and more variation in their form, but that was then only partly implemented. Before that time the area was shaped by a organically developed town structure, containing small scale wooden houses and narrow streets. Te inhabitants were mainly workers for the industries in the neighbouring districts. When afer the war the soviet government took over, Tallinn was to be industrialized and modernized. A new general plan for the whole city was developed which provided that the low density area of Keldrimäe was entirely replaced by high-rise housing blocks. In this way the Rävala pst 3 CBD Genius Loci Heritage Garages Industries Dvigatel

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70 great majority of the wooden houses were demolished, only few buildings that were regarded to have cultural importance were lef. By the time of the 1970s there were more prefabricated houses built in the USSR than anywhere in the world, since the policies for a rapid industrialisation caused a huge migration into the cities where then new dwellings were needed. Te rigid tabula rasa planning, as in the case of the big soviet housing projects, was only possible under the totalitarian regime of the Soviet Union. Socialism and architectural modernism had a quite similar agenda, namely the proclaimed aim of creating a better, socially egalitarian society. So architecture emerged as the suitable tool for this ideological purpose. From today’s perspective both socialism and architectural modernism has failed. Keldrimäe as an inner-city exclave of its “bigger brothers” seems to be out of place of the surrounding city fabric what then leads to the critic of modernist city planning which emerged in the second half of the 20th century: the monumentality and monot- ony of the place, the apparent lack of cultural facilities. We miss the functionality of a organically grown, con- textualized city structure. And in the end we perceive the place to be haunted.

Johannes

71 Dvigatel workers’ home

On the corner of Liivalaia and Tartu mnt lies an apartment block built in 1954 for the workers of the Dvigatel factory. Afer regaining independence in August 1991 many symbols of Soviet power were removed but this iconic building with its spire and star serves as a reminder of the splendour of the 1950’s regime. Tartu mnt 26 is one of the most well-known examples of Stalinist architecture in Tallinn, however the attitude towards the building today and its expression of communist ideology seems to be ambivalent, as it seems most Estonians still feel uncertain about the city’s Soviet legacy. Tis ambivalence was indicated by the results of mental mapping in the area – none of the respondents mentioned the building while being interviewed.

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72 Stalinist architecture, as seen at the site of Tartu mnt 26, was the favourable style of the 1940’s and 50’s before it was succeeded by Soviet modernism and the prefabricated urban housing of ‘Te Khrushchyovkas’. To illustrate the Genius Loci of the place we decided to focus on the ideology the building somewhat carries and how it seems to haunt the inhabitants of the city. Two important historical texts were used to enact a variation of two opposing ideologies in one combined speech – frst from the time shortly afer regaining independence, ‘Te Estonian Economic Miracle’ by prime minister Mart Laar and a second just afer Stalin’s death, the controversial ‘Speech to 20th Congress of the C.P.S.U’ by Nikita Khrushchev. Inspired by postal censorship and the method of cutting out text practiced by censors during the Soviet era both texts were cut up, combined and reassembled to create a new meaning. Te speech was held on the porch of the Dviga- tel building as part of a performance on site. Te speech was spoken in two languages simultaneously – English and Russian – and accompanied by Soviet music to confuse the audience and create an atmosphere of controversy. Te audience could follow the fery speech on the leafets handed out to the participants of the walk (see pgs 72-73). Te aim was to suggest that the current ideology of capitalism is as much an ideology as communism was and that this too is shaping urban realms. Aleksandra, Nina

73 74 75 Madame Blokhina’s Brothel

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76 While drinking the hot green/ginger/ honey tea and eating biscuits at the entrance of Mardi 3, it was time to talk about present-day unacceptable topic – prostitution. During Czarist time a brothel was a quite socially acceptable business and Mardi street was one of the most famous streets in Tallinn with rich selection of various brothels. It was socially acceptable for a girl from countryside to earn money with such way during frst years of her stay in the city. Mardi 3 building was originally used for girls boarding house, but madame Blokhina changed it to brothel. In addition, it was not an ordinary brothel but very famous for its girls who were all inspected by a doctor. Ironically, the house’s nowadays functions as an AIDS prevention centre.

Anastassija

77 Keskturg

Keskturg or the Central Market, locat- a certain gone era. First steps through ed in the Keldrimäe neighbourhood, the gates and we are already in the is a busy spot for buying everything middle of clothes that are hanging from fresh grown vegetables and from the sides and fghting with the fruits to chinese imported clothing. It walkway for space. We hear, smell and is situated a bit further from the main see all that we can to fully embrace roads and thus can be called a hidden this one of a kind space. Te market gem of Tallinn. is divided into rows of and kiosks that Local inhabitants as well as people sellers rent. In some parts the rows from further parts of Tallinn have are covered with a roof. Tere is no more time in the weekend to make insulation in most parts and in a cold their shopping. Te market is situated day the temperatures can reach quite in the middle of higher modernist low. Te kiosks or stalls vary in con- blocks buildings from the 1960s struction: some transactions happen and 1970s. Te main entrance of the through a small window, some are just market has a sign that’s shaped as a for storing the goods in the nighttime potato bag and the gate is a simple and opening for the daytime while one with iron bars. Tere is an aura of sitting on a chair right next to it,

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78 and some are built in a more sturdy rather than from a supermarket. way, having a door for customer and During the 1990s the market various vendors inside. While walking changed its owners from the mu- around the market, we conducted nicipality to a private owner and the short interviews to fnd answers process turned violent. Te vice-may- about their past as a vendor there. or, Mait Metsamaa, who was at the Our approaches were mostly met by time in the market’s council, was shot Russian words and head-shakes as in a nearby block house. His assassin they were not used to being investi- – a low-life worker from the market gated. Despite the language diference, who was hired by a businessman we managed to fnd out that people named Vadim Politsuk, was interested who buy goods from there have their in buying the market without having favourite vendors and depending on to bribe the council. Te 1990s in their background they either enjoy Estonia and other Eastern European the atmosphere or they don’t. For countries was like the “wild west”and example, a young girl with her mother it seems mainly due to the lack of a just went there for consumption, proper police force. Keskturg was one one vendor enjoyed the crowd while of the hotspots for the fght for domi- disliking only the cold wind. Heading nation in this era. more towards the center of the mar- At our haunted urban walk we ket, there is a market building. Inside, reenacted the murder of Mait Metsa- there are three stories, the upper one maa through the eyes of two detec- for clothes, the middle one for meat tives. We looked for connections and eggs and the basement one solely between all the diferent persons who for meat. Te prices are lower and the were in the focus at that time tied with variety is wider and because of this, the market and the atrocities happen- there were a lot of customers. Te ing around it. main language throughout the market is Russian, but it doesn’t interrupt Kaarel, Tom the business between a non-speaker and a Russian-speaking vendor. Tis is a place for bargaining and buying things that people choose to buy here,

79 densifIcation of Keldrimae:

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80 Because of being in the inner city area of Tallinn, Kel- drimäe and Maakri districts have been experiencing a rapid transformation from the last decade of 20th century. Te districts, which were recently consisting of by wooden houses and other non-residential functions, are now being in a process to be replaced by the post-soviet residential structures. Te general characteristics of the districts change, including the housing prices. According to the Tallinn City Map in 1938. Mardi street was a continuation of Lennuki street in Maakri area. Te name of today’s Mardi street was Lennuki street, and this street had a straight access from north-west to south-east direction between Maakri and Keldrimäe areas. With the construction of the Soviet blocks and modern Liivalaia street, the street was divided and the part within Keldrimäe was called Mardi street. Te most recent and completed project on Mardi street is Mardi 9 apartments (image pg 78). Just a little more than two years ago, the plot known as Mardi 9 was three diferent plots, named as Mardi 9, 11 and 13. Tere were two wooden houses in Mardi 9 and 13 and the middle plot was used as a car parking lot. During the demolishing of the wooden houses, there were some protests from some group of people. Now Mardi 9 is one complex which is constructed for both residential and commercial purposes. Likewise, just in the opposite of the Mardi 9 project, there is a development project for Mardi 10, 12 and 14. Probably the same kind of development will be implemented there as well. Terefore, the face of the Mardi street is altering.

Güngör

81 82 Final Walk

83 Tartu mnt 17 Turisti Pood Domination

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84 Introduction

Te fnal episode of our Typomorphology studio takes place in the Maakri and Keldrimäe – just like the previous one. We have gained a lot of knowledge about the area since we frst started to research it, but this time our task is to go even deeper in some specifc topics with Real our individual projects. Te format of the project’s output Estate is free, everyone can choose what fts his/her topic and attitude the most. So there are performances, exhibitions, maps, conferences, lectures, poems, presentations, and so on. Te topics are also varied, from the future of garages and the usage of parking lots, the CBD area and the transformation of Estonian real estate market, to the Soviet tourist shops and modernist residential buildings – just to mention a few. In the following chapter you can read in detail about all the individual projects, originally presented on site in Maakri and Keldrimäe subdistricts on 7th of December 2016.

85 Paper Skyscrapers

Te center of Maakri quarter (pos. 1), bought and developed by one owner. an area full of parking lots, soviet Te question is up in the air: can garages and general emptiness, has owners decide themselves how to been a source for production of develop this overpriced area? paper architecture in last 16 years. In year 2000, one year afer com- Te original housing and street pletion of the frst high-rise build- pattern has been destroyed in March ing in Tallinn, nowadays known as Bombings of World War II. Afer SEB bank headquarters (pos. 3), Estonia declared again its independ- the owner of Maakri 28 & 30 (pos. ence in the beginning of 1990ies, the 4) started planning high-rise on its massive land privatisation took place plot. In year 2006, planning process that had major impact on the area’s was practically fnished, when the development. All garages in Maakri owners of surrounding plots and the area (pos. 2) were privatised, and Estonian Association of Architects thus even today the 1,3 ha centre of stopped the development, because Maakri has more than 50 owners. it would cause unfavourable con- Te plots are too small to be devel- ditions to neighbouring owners. oped independently, but the value It was decided to hold two-phase of the land is pushed too high to be architecture competition to solve the area with one common master plan. Remarkably, the base conditions for competition’s frst phase 3 favoured designing public space. It could be said that the importance of public use was “rediscovered” by 4 Maakri competition. Unfortunate 2 to Maakri 28 & 30 owner, there was 5 no requirement but only recommen- 1 dation to consider Maakri 28 & 30 master plan in competition projects. All submitted six design proposals did not consider specifc master plan, so Maakri 28 & 30 owner was against

86 changing their development plans submits, for example, the project to be in accordance with frst phase “Parabole” had elaborate concept, competition’s outcome. but lacked the realistic structure. Te Te situation was new to every- project “Urban Village” had created one, because it was a frst mul- realistic development strategy, but its tiple-phase competition held in foor area was twice smaller than in Estonia. In addition, the competition others’ projects. Te assessment was was done not for building project, complicated because there was no but for area’s master plan. Tis common ground in projects. How- multiple-phase competition format ever, the owners were clearly seeking favoured to have more diverse pro- for realistic plans, but the frst phase posals and to spare time for various was concentrated to give overall architects, who did not present the design idea, and aferwards, in latter fnest ideas for the frst phase. In all, stages, it was planned to work more there were no fawless competition closely with owners to reach rational

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87 Competition project rendering “Parabool” by Leena Torim, Veronika Valk, Tõnis Arjus, Kadri Klementi, Eerik Kändler.

development plan. and homeless people. Due to “post- Te second phase was planned poned” second phase of competition, to be carried out afer half year, but Maakri 28 & 30 owner carried on it did not happen. Ideally, the city the process of designing their master architect should have guided the plan for a high-rise. second phase and following situa- In 2009 the thematic plan for tion, but initiative was never taken. high-rise areas in Tallinn was Te frst phase was mostly paid by approved and this initiated various one plot owner, however, the second development processes in the sur- phase had to be sponsored by every roundings of the competition area. landowner. Unfortunately, owners Apart from progressing Maakri 28 did not have will to participate in it. & 30 plan, Estonian Business School Most owners were not potential de- started to plan a new high-rise for velopers, they were interested getting vertical campus in 2011 (pos. 5). Te the building rights to gain more prof- main issue with vertical campus is it from selling plots. Furthermore, non-existent recreational area that formed garage cooperative had a could be benefcial for the whole contract for selling the garages’ land neighborhood. Te school extension as a whole, but the price for the land is described as a business plan to was unrealistically high. Nowadays, educate and accommodate Chinese the garages are not used due to their students. In addition, quarter that is poor conditions, and instead they surrounded by Lennuki, Liivalaia, create an inner-city hub for garbage Lauteri and Maakri street has been

88 planned with additional 35-storey in second phase even if it will come high commercial/residential build- eventually. Te overall impression for ing (pos. 6). next ten years is that the competition In the year 2015, the master plan area would not be developed except for Maakri 28 & 30 was approved Maakri 28 & 30 plot, in addition, at by authorities as the objection “Let’s least two new high-rises on neigh- wait for the second phase compe- bouring plots could pop up. Maakri tition results” was not competent central quarter’s situation will last until any more as the pause had lasted far landowners would become developers, too long. Altogether, the situation because chances are very low for rea- has changed drastically not only in lisation of master plan with present- surrounding area, but also inside day strategy “selling land to develop- the competition region. For now, the er afer gaining building right”. frst phase competition outcomes are outdated and can not be used Anastassija

See Anastassija’s “Paper Skyskrapers” movie trailer from vimeo.com/196200288

My research is based on interviews with garage owner Mart Levo, a former ofcial of Urban Planning Department; Maakri architectural competition jury member Martti Preem, an architect; Maakri architectural competition jury member Tiit Trummal, Maakri architectural competition organiser and an architect; member of Estonian Association of Architects Toomas Paaver (all interviews are in the possession of author); media research of years 2000 to 2016; and comparative research of master plans from Tallinn Planning Register.

89 the Change in value of garage-scape

Te typology of the garage, or the ga- continues to be the most popular rage-city appeared and spread across and commonly used typology also the Soviet Union around 1970s, when today. In some cases the individual cars became afordable for almost cells are retained. Cells, either in the every family. Usually the logic of case of garage-cities or anthills, were garage-scape followed the same com- not used only to park a car, but they munity-line as everything else: people were also used as storage. Nowadays who worked in one place got their storage is one of the most common apartments in the same building and use for garage boxes. their garage boxes in the area nearby. Sometimes a simple car cell can Tat resulted in a special sense of even become a bar. It should be noted community – a place for leisure, that even if there is a certain sense of where people could gather and hold personal ownership, both of the ga- discussions on various topics, and, of rage typologies can function as public course, exchange helpful tips on cars space. It can be diferent kind of car and mechanics. services where the vehicle can be Naturally, there are several ex- washed and/or repaired or bars and amples of this typology in Tallinn, in some cases the garage can even concentrated in the soviet panel have a sauna. In this way, even if housing districts like Lasnamäe and the garage itself no longer inspires Mustamäe. a sense of community, these places Traditionally, garage-city con- continue to serve as a meeting point sists of several rows of garage boxes for garage owners and their acquaint- (cells), divided by inside streets, ances. which forms a version of a gated However, currently these soviet community surrounded by fence and typologies of the garage-scapes grad- in cases having an employed guards ually become a thing of the past to and janitors to tend to it. When the give way to more proftable invest- number of cars in the city increased, ments in terms of the land use, like it was thought more efcient to build renting an empty plot for parking lot garages in multiple levels, which or building a shopping center.

90 Te garage-city on Tammsaare tee tion of the area has not changed dras- Tis is also the story of the garage-city tically, since the new building stands on Tammsaare tee in Mustamäe. It on the street between previous rows is a long and ongoing matter that of the garages, replacing the former involves shady business, half-illegal grid of cells with a new confguration dealings and a tactical process of of a parking lot. demolishing the scape cell-by cell, Nevertheless, not all cases have in some cases without notifying the the same outcome as in Tammsaare owners. In 2015 on the crossing of tee. For the most part the possibility Tammsaare tee and Mustamäe tee a of a new development has a lot to do new shopping center was built, de- with how close the area in question is spite that the area already has several to the city center and, consequently, in close proximity. how high are the area’s land prices. Afer the completion of the shop- Te value of land became one of ping center, the structure and a func- the main actors in next case situated Tartu mnt 17 Turisti Pood Domination

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91 in the Tammsaare case the Garage Association is fully formed and functional since the 1990s, though they are similarly divided by the desire to sell the plots and cells to a higher bidder and leave the place as it is. Tis, combined with inability (and the lack of funds) of the municipal government to decide on a concrete plan for the area, leaves the Garaaži- linnak as it is for now.

Te row of garages in Maakri Maakri case is special in many ways. First, its location, unlike in previous examples, is right in the city center, part of the CBD area. Secondly, it is diferent in size, as it is quite small, in Northern Tallinn, in Paljassaare – especially compared to other ga- the Garaažilinnak. Garaažilinnak is a rage-cities: just three rows of garage true garage-city, as is refected by the boxes and one inner street. Another name, with over 1300 garage boxes point is that Maakri garages are (Northern Tallinn: Between potential surrounded by parking lots that took and everyday, 2014, P. 61) in regular over free space afer houses were de- grid, spread over approximately 7,5 molished. It might be the reason why ha. Garaažilinnak is near the sea this particular spot is relatively small which, in theory, has a lot of poten- – as it was surrounded by buildings tial to develop as a sea-side area. it had no space to expand. Other Tis potential was recognised and an than that, Maakri case also shares architecture competition had been some similarities with the general held in 2005 and several projects typology of the garages, like how it were proposed. However, there is appeared in 1970s for people who no concrete plan to this day. Unlike lived nearby. It was used in the same

92 way, to both park a car and store where the garages were either demol- some things, and, from some point, ished to be built over, or lef in peace it was used just as a storage space. until the budget and a new project At this moment, most of the garage are confrmed. Maakri case’s future boxes are bequeathed, and their new is, most likely, a simple demolition, owners see no possible use for it. new empty space to be used the same Tis, combined with a possibility of way the surrounding area is – as a proft, led to creation of the Garage parking lot. Union in 2006, as there were no such association before, and the frst Elena part of an architecture competition was held. Te Garage Union exists simply to prevent such situations like those in Tammsaare case, when some My research was based on interview garage owners bought out some plots with garage owner Mart Levo, com- and sold the majority of land with- parative research of master plans from out consent or notifcation of other Tallinn Planning Register and on a owners, and to sell all the plots at the book by EKA Urban Studies research same time, dividing the proft. How- group 2012/2013: Northern Tallinn: ever, this case is quite problematic Between potential and everyday, 2014. from several points. For example, its size does not allow for a wide range of possible reconstruction, unless the surrounding plots were to be used as well. Next, even though the location promises a lucrative deal, not many investors are interested in it as the Garage Association asks too big of a price for a plot where no high-rise can be built. In the end, it is widely believed that there is not much to be done about the area, unlike in the cases that were previously discussed,

93 Mobile morphology

In the last 20 years, large changes parking must be regulated. Since have occurred in the spatial structure the availability of parking spaces in of Tallinn and its transport systems. the outskirts of cities has been one Te number of private cars increased reason for the suburban sprawl, rapidly in the early post-soviet con- parking must be regulated not only dition, which resulted in changes and by limiting the amount of parking formations in the urban landscape. spaces in cities, but also by making Although the number of people sure that enough parking spaces using car has decreased since the es- are provided for the urban dwellers tablishment of free public transport, inside the central city. Te city of Tal- the average length of a car journey linn has means of governing, limiting has gone up, which manifests in in- and permitting parking spaces for creased presence of cars in the urban citizens in the planning level, but not environment. all urban space is subject to planning. Te number of people in an aver- In this condition, a peculiar form age car in European cities is just 1,2 of temporal typology has emerged. in home-to-work journeys. An av- Whereas parking is in most cases erage car is parked 90% of the time. under strong administrative supervi- Tus, 90% the time car is stationary sion, in the case under investigation and totally empty, and even when in here, it has escaped the governmental motion, only 76% of it is occupied. intervention by utilizing a legal void. Whether in or out of motion, it re- It is created by the lack of regulations quires vast amount of space. Te area thought necessary by state author- of a single parking place is roughly ities. Besides taking advantage of 12 square meters, and with the space the legal void, the form also intends required to manoeuvre the car, the to create a void in urban space and size increases to 25 square meters. In operates in it. Te phenomenon in order to be able to use an automobile question is the emergence of numer- in the frst place, parking spaces must ous private of-street surface parking be available. lots, visible especially in the heart of Tis is where cars become Maakri subdistrict. problematic in terms of urbanism. Te legal void emerges partly To maintain the density in cities, from economically creative use of

94 urban void. Estonian urban plan- of-street private parking lots, the ning’s only concern are permanent activity happening on the plot cannot structures that are constructed. A be ofcially entered into the frame- thing that is described as a “con- work of governmental intervention. struction” according to the law is Terefore, parking in this case is not something more substantial than just legally framed as parking, but an act a land plot covered with gravel (soil defned by a common agreement has to be removed 30 cm in order to between client and a customer. Te erect an object for it to be consid- city’s tools of controlling parking and ered a “construction”). Terefore, fnding the person to be fned do not these parking lots are not subject to apply here. urban planning tools. Also, because Urban space always has a price there is no register for temporary tag, so in a sense, it is rational to

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95 capitalize every moment of its voids are not “non-places”. Tey are existence. In this case, the basic voids only in the physical space. process of capitalizing is simple. If the static physical space itself First, creating the void: the owner of fails to connect urban elements, the the plot clears the land of buildings. activity that takes place in the space Second: the owner rents the plot to might do it in an intricate way. Te one of the companies that operate realm of a parking space might seem in the parking business (EuroPark, vacuous for the casual observer, but Ühisteenused, Citypark). Tird: the the nature that parking one’s own operator then levels the ground, adds car contributes to an environment a layer of gravel (if necessary) and can be described even as intimate. adds the signs and ticket machines to A car is a delicate part of someone’s the area. Although the parking lot es- possession. Already the car itself and tablished this way is expected to exist the condition of it tells much about only for a short period of time, such the owner’s social and economical parking lots ofen remain in place for status and the position of the parked years, or as in Maakri case, for over a car maps where the said conditions decade (from the year 2006). meet. If the parking ticket is visible Instead of making large invest- behind the windshield, the duration ments in building something new, of the parking event can be directly the proft in this case is made by read from it. carving out of existing space, creating Te inside of a private car could an urban void. Tese voids are places be described almost as private as that disrupt the urban tissue, leaving home. Te privateness was observed it incomplete and put into question well in feldwork: when asking people the use of them. It can be interpreted to draw a map of their commute or as an urban area being without per- trip, people were usually very reluc- meability and social realm. Accord- tant to let unknown person to sit in ing to Roger Trancik, urban voids their cars, and rather drew some- fail to connect elements in a coherent thing by leaning on the car roof and way. Still they are not nothing: they holding the paper on it (if they were ofen provide a place for diferent even willing to take part in the draw- forms of urban life. Moreover, urban ing at all, which was not frequent:

96 only four maps and two interviews but driving is what makes the ends were acquired). In addition to the meet in the fastest way. people travelling in it, the cabin hol- Te urban scene that parking feld ds many everyday objects, that can creates, still lacks the pleasantness have signifcant practical value and in comparison to the residential personal meaning to the driver. Even structure (the old wooden structure religious symbols (usually hung from that existed in Maakri, described in the rear-view mirror) are not uncom- the chapter Haunted heritage). Te mon; consequence of the essentially fundamental diference arises from perilous nature of driving a car. the fact that the people who use the If the parking lot does not con- space do not have to live there. It is nect spatially the physical environ- just a temporary storage for a car. ment surrounding it, is connects the Te number of people occupying commuters mentally to other places. the parking lot is low, and no major In the destination, the key in the human activities are carried out in pocket of a driver connects the owner the place. Making damage to a car to the place the car is stored, and the is fairly easy, so every other activi- car itself connects the parking place ty than parking is seen suspicious. to the home of the owner. Commut- A car can also be stolen and taken ing by car reduces the diferent steps to another place, whereas a house taken for a commute and is in Tallinn cannot – although breaking into both ofen the fastest way of travelling. is possible. Even just looking inside Te time-space-compression can also someone’s car is as suspicious as be seen from the maps, where the looking inside someone’s house from commute was expressed as very short a window. Yet, car does not have a in comparison to rest of the environ- yard, which fades sensing its limits. ment. Te amount of concentration Te land on which a car is parked, one uses when driving a car could becomes common the moment the also be read: the lanes, turns and the car is removed from it. directions of driving were usually Te morphology of a parking expressed in a very detailed way. An lot changes every day and through- urban void is created in the mind of out the day, and is at the same time the commuter during the commute, diverse and depressingly grey and

97 generic. Te personal connection to the place is ofen forgotten or ignored, although the place holds high practical value to its user. Te void of a parking lot is the one that cars carry with them from the noisy grayness of highways and intersections, which the car encloses out from the highly private world of an urban mobilist.

Mikko

Resources: Tuvikene, Tauri: Freedom to park: post-socialist automobility in Tallinn, Estonia, 2015 Augé, Marc: Non-places: An introduction to supermodernity, 2008 Harvey, David: Te Condition of Postmodernity, 1989 Trancik, Roger: Finding Lost Space: Teories of Urban Design, 1986 Elliott D. Sclar, Måns Lönnroth, Christian: Improving Urban Access: New Approaches to Funding Transport Investment, 2016 I. Salomon, P.H. Bovy, J.P. Orfeuil: A Billion Trips a Day: Tradition and Transition in European Travel Patterns, 1993 + commuter interviews, mental mapping, personal observations

98 Site of the sound installation. Listen it here: goo.gl/1cL9zZ

99 Quest for Domination

Maakri is the frst area in Tallinn that aimed for the workfows of growingly is primarily meant for skyscrapers, global corporations. Te early sky- in Estonian terms. Te skyline of scrapers were seen as something ro- Tallinn has been steadily flling up mantic, something that was reaching with new tall buildings and that can for the sky, but now that romanticism be accounted to the regaining of the has started to fade. In the case of Tal- independence and the onslaught of linn, the city is mostly remembered the neoliberal mindset. Some have by its old town with its curvy ancient said that this process is turning parts streets and medieval architecture. of Tallinn into a kind of Manhattan. Te skyscraper had no part in there. My research’s aim was to look more Tat is also the reason every tall into the ideologies behind these building in Tallinn has the maximum dominative building types. building height which is the same Te corporate ofce tower is as the highest church Oleviste with nowadays dominating the skyline its 123 meters high tower. Tere is a in most major cities. It is aimed for thematic planning made especially the workfows of growingly global for the construction of buildings that corporations. Te early skyscrapers exceed 27 metres – i.e the thematic were seen as something romantic, planning of Tallinn’s high-rises. Te something that was reaching for the planning is fxing the locations where sky, but now that romanticism has these buildings can be built under a started to fade. In the case of Tallinn, strict control that they take into con- the city is mostly remembered by sideration the view corridors to Tal- its old town with its curvy ancient linn’s old town. Maakri area used to streets and medieval architecture. have a diferent potential with its old Te skyscraper had no part in there. wooden buildings and quiet streets, it Tat is also the reason every tall used to be a suburb. Tere was a po- building in Tallinn has the maximum tential to be used in some other sense building height which is the same as but now all the projects foresee only the highest church Oleviste with its an area with the most highest and 123 meters high tower. Te corporate shiniest buildings. Te land value is ofce tower is nowadays dominating high because it is the only area in the the skyline in most major cities. It is center of Tallinn with the permission

100 to build high-rises and the gas pedal Te more height the building has has been pushed to the ground on the more symbolic power it demon- that aspect. Te land is owned by strates. Te building’s image is taking multiple owners and that has had its a new economic importance. Tere is efect. Its central location makes the a growing need to produce signs and land valuable and generates a wish images rather than use value and so to use its full potential, more stories the building grows taller. Te adver- are built. One of the new possible tising portrays a series of beautiful ways to tackle the problem of more and powerful images, displaying the and more buildings in the area is to tower in diferent angles while fading conjoin the diferent plots, which can its neighbours. Te prospect of the lead to better building regulations. perfect workplace is polished to

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101 look better than the competitors and Te process that is happening in provide the renting company its edge Maakri is viewed as a branding in the market. Tere is a competition process of the city. Te economic to construct the most memorable situation has made possible for landmark of the city. Maakri is yet landowners and companies to not full of skyscrapers and there is practice their power in this part a more clear distinction between and it can be said that it is the most them, but the SEB building with its growing part of the city. Te brand triangular sky piercing shape has of Tallinn is strongly afected by put its mark on the city forever. Te these skyscrapers and it is a symbol quest for visual distinction is also of neoliberalism process. In my pursued through the use of materials project, i will talk about some of the and regard to the environment. Tis more hidden meanings behind the is used to normalize and show the construction of skyscrapers. skyscraper as a building that respects the surrounding city. Kaarel

102 Pelhtovuori, Panu. “Elagu manhattaniseerumine! Maakri kvartali arhitektuurikonkursist” Maja, Jan. 2007 Dovey, Kim: Framing Places: Mediating power in built form (1999)

103 Liminal space of CBD

I try to understand the role of the and infexible. For Koolhaas the new in-between, liminal, transitional city is like a huge airport: “a her- spaces of Maakri district by the theo- metic system from which there is no ries of “non-places” (Augé) and “Ge- escape, except to other airports”. Te neric City” (Koolhaas). I reveal the “Generic City” is privately owned; similarities and diferences between the private investments generate the the new urban form of western cities development. Te most important and Tallinn’s high-rise area. elements of the new type of cities – According to Marc Auge and the infrastructure of bridges, tunnels Rem Koolhaas the contemporary and roads – clearly show the concept urban landscape is becoming more of fexibility and transportability. In and more generic. Auge argues in his other controversial essay Kool- his theory of “non-places” that the haas talks about urban planning as a main components of the new urban disappearing discipline. According to form are changeable and anonymous him the “Generic City” is developed places. Inhabitants do not connect without urban planning and any kind emotionally to the non places; they of regulations. are just users, customers, passengers At the World Architecture Festi- or listeners of them. Non-places val in 2016 Patrik Schumacher – the are transitional localities such as (new) head architect of Zaha Hadid places of transportation, leisure and Architects – called for the end of commerce institutions and the mixed public space and social housing as a space of communication and trans- solution of London’s housing crisis. portation; the virtual space. Like Koolhaas, he advocates private Architect Rem Koolhaas linked investments – he even suggested pri- the term of mobility to the contem- vatizing streets, squares and parks to porary cities, and the same did Auge. create a “real” real-estate market. Ac- Due to the globalization and the cording to Schumacher regulations rapid exchange of information, cities are “stifing creativity and progress”. are trying to position themselves One can say that Auge’s and Kool- apart from other cities by creating haas’s idea about cities may be some- an image. According to Koolhaas a thing that it is the opposite from city with a strong identity is static the term of genius loci. For both

104 Auge and Koolhaas the undefned Experiencing the “in-between” elements – the “non-places” – can Te process of continuous change is “defne” a new globalized city. Tere a base condition for contemporary is a diference between their theories: cities. Due to the fux of people and Auge as an anthropologist is more information new type of spaces are interested in the “users” and not the created; the spaces of going, transi- architectural form of the places like tion and circulation. Te locations of Koolhaas. And Koolhaas’s argument everyday life are the liminal, in-be- clearly shows that cities should po- tween spaces. Te main characteristic sition themselves as “Generic City” of “in-between” is temporariness. to be competitive and successful. It Where can we fnd “in-between” seems Schumacher wants to actu- within city spaces? According to alize Koolhaas’s theory in a case of Ana Luz’s classifcation; the borders London by creating a market-based – doors, windows, fences, thresh- urban form. olds – present spaces between two

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105 opposite identities. Second type is rise glass buildings of Maakri. the “empty” spaces within the urban Between the single buildings fabrics; streets, squares, parking of Maakri area there are narrow lots and green parks. Finally Auge’s pedestrian lanes and streets, bus “non-places” – the places of transi- stops and empty plots as temporary tion – can be called “in-between”. parking lots. Due to the area’s lack What is really happening in these of designed public places people places? I try to answer to the ques- just stay there for a short time; for tion in case of the “lefover” places instance waiting for a bus or smok- of Tallinn’s CBD area. For this it is ing cigarettes in front of the build- necessary to understand the (short) ings. To experience the transitional history of the Estonian “contempo- in-between places of Maakri we have rary city of high-rises”. to see what is happening “behind the scenes”. Te semi-public or semi-pri- Te liminal spaces of Maakri vate backyards are usually parking Afer Estonia has regained its in- lots with other service functions. Te dependence skyscrapers have been buildings are unrecognisable from erected – in a concentrated area – as the “other side” and the backdoors a symbolic presentation of the local lack of representative attributions. and regional frms. Without a com- Te backyards are the places of short prehensive master plan the area of stay; for a smoke during lunch break high-rises has been developing as a or parking your car. bumpy carpet of the private inves- In a case of the whole city Maakri tors. Te neighbourhood around area itself is “in-between”– located Maakri street became the core of next to the old town and residential the contemporary neoliberal city areas, a core of public transport and because of its central location. As full of Auge’s “non-places” – usually higher buildings were built there people just go across it. already during the soviet period (Olümpia and Viru hotel) the sil- Te aforementioned theories use the houette of the city can now be clearly western metropolises as examples. In divided into two parts: the density of the case of Maakri district the area is church towers of old town and high- really small – we can just talk about

106 few streets. Yet the glass buildings time; not a planned grid: the urban of the area redefne the whole city form of Maakri has several layers centre as representations of the – old wooden houses present the neoliberal urbanization policy of a former slum, modernist and stalin- post-soviet country. Tese new high- ist blocks are there from the soviet rise buildings are not special in any period, the empty plots functioning way – they are the “generic” as most as parking areas show contempo- of 21th century glass skyscrapers. rary “tensions”. Maakri area is a Can Maakri be called “unde- “historical mixture” with a mean- fned urban structure” with generic ingful past and present, despite the elements? I think it is more compli- more and more high-rises, shopping cated than that. Firstly, these new centers and reconstructions which buildings represent the economic try to “cover” the past; the district and cultural freedom of the coun- – or even Tallinn – never will be a try. Secondly, the structure of the Generic City. area – the location of the streets and building plots – is old, from another Fruzsina

Resources: Ana Luz: Places In-Between: Te Transit(ional) Locations of Nomadic Narratives Marc Auge (1995): Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity Rem Koolhaas, Hans Werlemann, Bruce Mau (1998): S M L XL

107 Modernist Living

Please enter the door to you right, Tallinn was lef under the control of take the steps and turn lef. Soviet Union. Parts of the town were Ten, follow the arrow up the destroyed or damaged in the course stairs to the ninth foor. of the March Bombings in 1944 and By now you should be the new government put big efort on the third foor. into industrializing the region. On By now you should be this account a general plan for the on the sixth foor. whole city was developed in 1964. When you arrive at the ninth foor For Keldrimäe this new planning follow the next sign to the roofop. provided that the entire area with its When you are outside on the roofop wooden houses was to be torn down turn lef and wait for the piece which and replaced by high rise housing is about to begin. blocks. In two periods of demolition You can enjoy the view. the general plan was started to be implemented in 1967. Not only all of the Introduction buildings were removed, but also the Te History of Keldrimäe street structure was changed, so that When we look at Keldrimäe, as it is almost every were or removed. At the today, we see big greyish tower blocks end of the process, in the formerog- surrounded by greenery, few streets, anically developed urban area, hardly and some smaller houses. Tis appea- any stones were lef unturned. rance was mainly created in the second half of the 20th century. Before Chapter One has just ended. this time the district would have been Please follow the stairs back towards hardly recognizable for our eyes. Small the starting point of the tour. wooden houses characterized the area, By now you should be on loosely spread in a rather chaotic order, the sixth foor. narrow streets were running through By now you should be on the territory. Te inhabitants this time the third foor. Keldrimäe were mainly workers for When you arrive at the ground foor, the industry and factories settled in leave the building through the entrance the neighbouring areas, like Maakri. and turn to the right. Afer the Second World War Follow the signs.

108 Part I this planning and building process Te transformation of Keldrimäe was too time consuming. was frstly regarded as a showcase By the time of the 1970s there project for soviet housing in Tallinn were more prefabricatedfacto- because of its close proximity to the ry-made houses constructed in the city centre. Te single buildings were USSR than elsewhere in the world, supposed to be planned as individual since there was a huge need of projects, public facilities should have housing, caused by soviet policies made the area more liveable, but that lead to a rapid industrialisation only 50% of the intentions of original and migration into cities. Within this general plan were implemented due framework, the building activities of to fnancial shortage and the fact that the soviet Union can be regarded as

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109 the greatest realisation of modernist and richness of social networks and urban planning. And it did not take human interaction in comparison to place in the West, where it was origi- the inhabitants’ former experience. nally invented, but in the East, name- And indeed there was the ideolog- ly in the suburbs of Prague, Krakow, ical aim for standardisation and Riga, Tallinn and many others. All conformity, which tried to organize, that leads to the assumption that subdivide and squeeze labour and only a totalitarian regime can make social activities i.e the everyday life as use of this kind of totalitarian plan- a whole into timetables. ning. And in fact soviet socialism and architectural modernism had Chapter Two has just ended. a quite similar agenda. Both stated Please enter the door in front of you, the creation of a better world, both enter the elevator and go to the top praised the ideal of an egalitarian foor. society. And so architecture became When the elevator door opens, leave the suitable tool, or method, to real- the elevator and turn lef. ize the socialist state and society, to Follow the sign and take the stairs. realize the utopian reality. Te belief When you arrive at the ground foor, prevailed that buildings and neigh- leave the building through the entrance bourhoods, even entire towns can be and turn to the right. the foundation for a new society. But When you are outside on the roofop in the end both, soviet socialism and turn lef and wait for the piece which architectural modernism, failed. is about to begin. Tese Soviet cities were charac- You can enjoy the view. terized by their monotonous architecture and master plans, by their Part II insufcient social facilities and public Today we look at the wooden transport, the absence of urban life, houses of Keldrimäe in a nostalgic the uniformity of the social milieu, way, romanticizing the time and its by geographic separation between people, but for the inhabitants, those the residential quarters and the zones houses were simple accommoda- for activities and maybe most impor- tions, without any comforts. And at tantly, the decrease in the extension the time when the frst demolitions

110 started lot of the houses were in such block these buildings are strongly a desolate condition that they were stigmatized. In the 1960s the con- hardly habitable. Tey were dwellings sensus on the goodness ofmodernist from another time and the inhabit- design began to fracture, which was ants longed for appropriate housing, partly politically intended to justify for housing with central heating, the withdrawal from public provi- electricity and warm water, in which sion. But also sociological critiques families would not have to share started to diagnose social patholo- rooms and fats with other ones. gies and a loss of community in the In many cases the great modernist new estates, and that resulted in a housing estates was all about this, negative image and eventually in a the provision of decent housing for a stigmatization that is prevailing even huge amount of working class people today. so that they didn’t need to live in Tis stigmatization in our time is shanty towns anymore. And in fact questionable. From a pragmatic point the people for whom the new houses of view the existing housing estates’ were intended,regarded them as a potential for revaluation should be blessing, ofering the prospect of a acknowledged. In the last decades better life. new types of families have been Tere is a controversial dealing emerging in contemporary cities that with modernist large-scale housing difer from the traditional nuclear estates all over the world. Many of family: single parent families, couples them were and are demolished in without children or single residents. Western Europe and North America. Tese new urbanites have totally dif- In other regions of the world, where ferent priorities and concerns: they cities still grow rapidly like Shang- don’t need as much private space as a hai or Mumbai, modernist housing large family, but they especially enjoy is still the suitable way of creating public spaces. Modernist housing accommodations for huge masses. possess the possibility to combine Also the block bulding districts in domestic and public space, ofering Moscow have led to a special form of the fexibility for its inhabitants to post-soviet urbanity. But especially enable layouts adopted to their spe- for people from the former West cifc needs. It seems on this account

111 as if the former critique regarding the drastic changes in everyday life is not reliable anymore and will die out with the generation of our grandparents or parents that had to cope with it. New generations already have absorbed those transformations. Te layout of modernist housing seems to rather correspond to today’s new kind of urban life. Another point that at frst glance might seem to be marginal is the enormous expense of the building’s demolition. Concerning the promotion of sustainable urban development, renovating the housing estates makes much more sense. 19th century housing is massively renovated all the time, so why shouldn’t modernist housing have the same future?

Part III Modernist housing estates seem to ofer great potential for contemporary and future challenges. Should we then just continue to construct them? From an aesthetic point of view the houses of both eras look similar, but the ideas behind them are totally diferent. Te construction’ activities of the 60s and 70s were driven by the idea of modernization and the vision to provide decent housing for masses which used to live in shanty towns. Tis social agenda is missing in the case of the newly constructed buildings that have been placed in Keldrimäe in last decades. On the contrary they use the proximity to the city centre to ofer cheaply built space for a relatively high price. Tis kind of development is only motivated by private interests and confrm with market interests instead of dealing with the question of living.

112 Chapter Tree has just ended. Please take the stairs back to the elevator. Take the elevator and go down to the ground foor. Outside of the building Máté is waiting for you. Tis tour fnishes here. Tanks for your attention.

Johannes

Listen to the Audio-guide to Keldrimäe from here: goo.gl/TZot2K

113 Mapping the sacred

Te Inhomogeneous Urban Space example, privileged places, qualitative- Te inhomogeneity of space has a ly diferent from all others – a man’s religious origin, as Eliade writes: “For birthplace, or the scene of his frst love, the religious man, space is not homo- or certain places in the frst foreign geneous; he experiences interruptions, city he visited in youth. Even for the breaks in it; some parts of space are most frankly nonreligious man, all qualitatively diferent from others”[1]. these places still retain an exceptional, Tis duality of sacred and profane a unique quality; they are the “holy spaces is still observable although the places” of his private universe, as if it meaning of sacredness has a much were in such spots that he had received wider content. In my project, my goal the revelation of a reality other than is to map these diferent layers of space, that in which he participates through and make an analysis based on them. his ordinary daily life”[3]. Before I continue with my analy- Another aspect of sacred space is sis, the frst question is what I mean that it connects our world with the by sacred? Originally, the word “sa- transcendental world – originally, cred” comes from the Latin “sancire”, in a religious sense, the world of the “which means to enclose, to encircle, god(s), but again it can be interpret- that is, to delimit an area or district, ed in a wider sense. It can simply while what is outside of the district (fa- mean something that gives meaning num) is referred to as profanum”[2]. to someone’s life. For example, for Tis explains how sacred space may someone whose only interest in life be something that is diferentiated is to collect money and get rich, the from every other space surround- most sacred place can be the stock ing it. It has a special meaning for a market where he’s spirituality is group of people – or at least for one celebrated by trading – even if money person, who refer some places to be casually is a part of his everyday life. sacred and some not. It is important By everyday rituals the space gains to emphasize that sacredness is not extra meanings for its user, it flls up necessarily a religious term, someone with symbols – it becomes a symbol- doesn’t have to be religious to have ic universe that is the feature of the a personal connection with particu- “anthropological place”. It is charac- lar spaces of his life. “Tere are, for terized by the social bonds and col-

114 lective history of the users. A typical diferent layers of space in Maakri example for the anthropological place and Keldrimäe area. In order to map is the place of birth that defnes the it, I recorded diferent functions identity of many people. “Te spatial of all the buildings in the area and position one is given, situates one in a con- distinguished seven layers (living, fguration of relations and loyalties.”[4]. shopping, working, leisure, nature, Te inhomogeneity of space is religious, cultural, and business). based on these diferent symbolic Aforementioned layers are possible universes. Every place has its own way to interpret the sacred in con- meanings for its user depending on temporary urban environment – but what kind of connection they have it doesn’t necessarily mean that all with it. Te same place can mean of the marked places are sacred for something totally diferent for two someone, and for sure not for every- diferent persons. What interested one. Te maps show that the same me in my personal research is to area – the same fragment of space understand the general image of the – can bear diferent meanings. Te Tartu mnt 17 Turisti Pood Domination

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115 sacredness of space is a concept that In the other half of the building there I use to understand all these diferent is a library, that adds the layer of kind of relationships. culture to the building – and in the Putting the maps together and meantime it is also a working place. seeing the diferent layers one of the Libraries always have a special aura most diverse areas is the Liivalaia 40 – the combination of silence and the building. It is a residential building, books all around us – that makes a living space for many people. In the this place the closest to the original ground level we can fnd shops and meaning of sacred space here. Right small businesses, like a beauty salon next to the building, there is the and a health salon. Tese are working Kaasani Church which is literally a spaces for the owners and employees sacred place for the believers, and of the premises, who probably have also the surrounding green area a diferent approach to the whole with a mysterious stone circle on building. For the customers these are the ground. Tis is just one example shopping places, and probably there from the area that represents the are a few of them who are frequent- inhomogeneity of space. ers here – they have a deeper connection with these places. Máté

[1] Mircea Eliade: Te Sacred and Te Profane, 1959, p.20. [2] Liliana Gómez, Walter Van Herck, ed.: Te Sacred in the City, 2012, p.3. [3] Eliade, 1959, p.24. [4] Gómez, Van Herck, 2012, p.17. based on Marc Augé: Non-places: An introduction to supermodernity, 2008

Te research of the maps is based on the quoted theoretical texts and observational feldwork in the area. Further readings: Justin Beaumont, Christopher Baker, ed.: Postsecular Cities - Space, Teory and Practice, 2011; Ferenc Jankó: A hely szelleme, a településimage és településmarketing (Te Spirit of Place, Settlement Image and Settlement Marketing), in. Tér és Társadalom, 2002

116 117 Tree tales Trees and old ladies as antitheses to rapid urbanization

In 2015 Te European Arboricultur- colorful berets. Both trees and elderly al Council (EAC) awarded Tallinn women seem to be sharing the same with the title of ‘European City of narrative of being old and wise. For the Trees’. As of May 2015, Tallinn the fnal walk I wanted to explore the is home to 52 listed trees, the major- correlation between trees and women. ity of which grow in the city center. Te trees function as a green Tallinn’s oldest tree, a linden near counterweight to the trafc that dom- St. Nicholas’ Church was planted inate the Tallinn infrastructure. Both around 1680. Tere are recorded 1275 visually and biologically, as a 20 year diferent taxa of trees and 800 trees in old pine tree actually absorbs a daily Tallinn have a perimeter of 300 cm. amount of 9.35 tons of gases, and Te presence of wild growing greens produces 7.25 tons of oxygen every in Tallinn, especially trees, is clearly day. In recent plans it has been decid- visible. So are the older inhabitants of ed that for each tree that is felled in Tallinn with their grocery bags and Tallinn a new one has to be planted.

118 One could argue that the aforemen- as “monuments of nature”. In many tioned women serves somewhat as ways the continuation of the protec- counterweights as well. Tey function tion of trees in Tallinn can be seen as as a reminder of the past in a city that a part of a socialist programme that is rapidly transforming and distancing survived the political transition in itself from its Soviet heritage. 1991 contrary to the focus on wom- In the act ‘On Land’ of 1918 Te en’s issues, that was not fully adopted Communist Party declared all trees into the new governmental structure. to be possession of the state and to be Studies show that women’s issues are protected from damage. In 1948 the poorly represented in parliaments of ‘Te Stalin Plan for Transformation of former Soviet states, due to negative Nature’ was implemented and resulted connotations of the egalitarian legacy in many new trees being planted in all of Socialism and the re-emergence of Soviet States including Estonia. Gen- nationalism and conservatism. Wom- erally the Soviet Union regarded trees en in the age group of 65+ that cur-

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119 rently live in Tallinn, have lived most to fgure out how the women in this of their active lives during the Soviet age group lead their lives despite a low era. Tey are the last generation of income and how their specifc usage Estonians that fully experienced the of the city afects the urban landscape Soviet way of life and with them also – where these women are becoming practices and values of the past are living typologies that shape the city as disappearing. Like the trees they will much as the built environment. be replaced with new ones, that do not have the same deep roots. Pragmatic usage of the city According to the Social Insurance In Tallinn it is possible to spot an Board in Estonia the state pension is older lady leaning against a tree. €167,50 per month which is the base Especially during warmer seasons. rate. According to Estonian statistics When encountering this sight for the the average wage in 2016 is €1,129 per frst time it is difcult to fathom what month. Women live up to 10-12 years this practice entail. Some will lean longer than their spouses and adding for quite a while, others will just stay to this Estonia has the biggest pay- next to a tree for a couple of minutes. gap between genders in the European Among other practices, I wanted to Union. Consequently this results in fnd out whether this is a form of some women living alone and for little contemplation, sacred ritual or just means for the last years of their lives. a practical way of pausing without Instead of this being a political project sitting down. focused on social injustice I wanted Both trees and elderly women are

120 surrounded by diferent myths. A place that is important to mention I was unsure of how to approach them is ‘Energia Kohvik’ – a café of the past as a focus group. As I have learned and frequently visited by 70+ wom- social interaction is diferent here en and also the place where I found from where I come from: “A hierarchy most of the informants. Opened in exists in Estonian society, and people 1964 and situated near Keldrimäe and tend to respect their elders with age, Maakri on the busy shopping street position and experience. People in Kaubamaja, it has survived the gener- Tallinn act very smooth and quiet. al westernization of the café culture. You will gain more respect if you Te waiter explained that many of the act calm and rational, like others in women have been coming there most general, speak quietly and not draw of their adult lives and enjoy the low attention to themselves” (SimplyTal- prices, the regular cofee, their famous linn.com). ‘apple bombs’ as well as the atmos- In order not to be disrespectful or phere. Only time will show whether too intruding I started out by follow- ‘Energia Kohvik’ will survive its clien- ing the women around Keldrimäe and tele – it has the possibility to endure Maakri, mapping where they went, by falling into the category of ‘Soviet who they talked to and what they did. Chic’ in the eyes of next generations. I noticed that many were well-dressed One source answered that what she and that everyone was wearing a enjoyed most about the district of hat. Many went to the surrounding Keldrimäe and Maakri was the many bus stops, to Maxima on Tartu mnt bus stops and bus connections also and some went inside the Keskturg taking her to the café as bus nr. 1, 3, Market. During this data collection I 23 & 42 stops right outside the door. did not encounter any leaning against Te women that I asked knew trees – I realised that I had to talk to nothing of the practice of leaning the women instead of keeping my dis- against trees, I therefore turned to tance in order to have my questions Estonian literature and the internet answered. As I don’t speak the lan- to see if I could encounter the habit guage I provided each of my sources there. Nor in ‘Purge’ by Sof Oksanen with prepaid envelopes containing my were there traces of it, even though questions translated into Estonian. many birch trees almost function as

121 supporting roles, yet in Aliide Truu’s use the city’s trees as comfort zones. character I found the same pragmatic With the interviews I realised that I approach and sturdiness that domi- have been asking for information that nated the behaviour and answers of would confrm my assumptions of the women that I observed and asked. the women I have encountered in the Many of my questions were answered cityscape. Like the trees they allude with yes or no answers and when I to something natural and authen- asked about the amount of hats I got tic that contrast the globalized and very precise, yet elaborate answers: fast urbanization that prevail in the “I wear my hats according to the city and is perhaps therefore easily weather. I have two black hats misinterpreted and mythologized. (favourite colour) that I wear in the My presentation taking place in the Autumn – for summer I wear one woodlands next to Kaasani Church with a fower”. When asked about and the modernist apartment blocks safety and possible troubles of being of Liivalaia will be an elaboration a woman over 65 in Tallinn, I simply both visually and methodologically got “Ei, ei” (no, no). One woman of my fndings and assumptions about answered that because she “is born elderly women as living typologies in and raised in Tallinn, a die hard city Tallinn. dweller, she doesn’t know how to re- spond to aching backs” and does not Nina

Resources: Connolly, E. & Ó Beacháin Stefańczak, K. (2015) Women’s Political Representa- tion in Post-Soviet Republics. STSS Vol 7 / Issue 1 Studies of Transition States and Societies. Pp. 41-58. McCauley, M. (1988) Te Soviet Union 1917-1991. Routledge. Pp. 178-188. Oksanen, S. (2015) Renselse. Rosinante. Pp. 9-355. Weiner, D (1988) Ecology in the former Soviet Union. In: “Models of Nature: Ecology, Conservation, and Cultural Revolution in Soviet Union,” Indiana University Press.

122 123 Real Estate Market

Once the Baltic countries became the new market system. Terefore, independent afer 1990s, the real this process inhibited the develop- estate market was re-activated in the ment of a real estate market, because beginning of this period with the im- people were able to privatise their plementation of ownership reform. dwellings for much lower prices than Tis reform, implemented ofcially market prices, so there was no need to from 1991 to 2004, gave possibility obtain real estate from the free market to buy land, privatise dwellings and (Kolbre, Kallakmaa-Kapsta, 2006). return properties expropriated by A big change in the real estate the Soviet power to their rightful market in Estonia happened afer the owners. Tis created a large num- replacement of previous Soviet peri- ber of private owners. However, the od laws on purchase-sale transitions Baltic real estate market was in the with the new Law and Property Act early years relatively passive and adopted in December 1993. Tese price levels were quite low (Kolbre, contemporary legal bases contrib- Kallakmaa-Kapsta, 2006). Due to the uted to vitalization of real estate low purchasing power, inaccessibil- market by leading to a fast growth in ity and expensiveness of loans and subsequent years. Tis period wit- the privatisation process itself the nessed the construction of frst new activity of the market was quite low, apartment buildings, but most of the especially in regards of transactions transitions in the housing market between locals. were still made on used apartments. In Estonia, the state created a pri- Additionally, at that time, bringing vatisation voucher (EVP) to privatise new development projects into mar- real estate and other state-owned ket was limited due to the under- properties. Dwelling and land priva- developed fnancial market and the tisation transitions were performed big diference between prices of new in many times lower prices than the dwellings and used apartments. market prices of that time. It was an Housing market prices and trans- important move to help along in the actions had been increasing until the privatisation, as private property was autumn of 1997. At that time, global the only asset considered to be a seed stock market crashed (mini-crash), capital for every individual entering and this infuenced the number of

124 transactions in a negative way. How- 30% year by year. During that time, ever, there were no big falls in the the most rapidly developing part of price levels, because the price levels the real estate market in Estonia was in the real estate market at that time housing market. Before 2002, devel- were even lower than the construc- opers had mostly focused on the city tion costs, so there was no possibility centre of Tallinn. However, the de- for bigger falls of prices. Afer the velopment activity started to spread market crash, stagnation period all over the city. Terefore, housing for the real estate market lasted for prices rose up to 35% from the end of couple of years, and years 1999 and 2001 to the beginning of 2002 (Kol- 2000 can be regarded as a period of bre, Kallakmaa-Kapsta, 2006). Te recovery for real estate market. development process also reached Afer 2000, the frst faster growth Tartu and Pärnu with a time shif. occurred in Tallinn and Harjumaa However, the activity didn’t reach to with the price increase rate of 10- Narva and Kohtla-Järve, even though

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125 they are major towns in terms of the using latest construction methods population, mostly due to lower than and materials. In 2006, around 50% average standard of living there. of the housing stock dated back be- From 2000 to 2007, real estate fore 1970, and the stock of low-qual- price increase exceeded 500% at the ity Soviet era apartment blocks built peak of the bottom in the mid-2007 during 1971-1989 was around 44% of compared with 2000. So, the fast- the total housing stock. Additionally, est-growing property prices among around 20% of them were in very European countries occurred in poor quality. Terefore, dwellings less Estonia. However, with the mortgage than 15-year age accounted for only and securities market crisis in 2008, 6% of the total housing stock, and a the number of property transactions large share of total transactions was and the price levels fell sharply. accounted for by modern buildings Te real estate market boom within this 6% of stock. Te fourth between 2000 and 2007 can be reason was the growing external explained with supply and demand interest for property in Estonia, par- conditions and fnancial dynamics. ticularly from the retiring citizens of Tere were several reasons explain- Nordic Europe, Central and Eastern ing the housing demand during the European residents working abroad boom time. Te frst reason was that and global real estate companies. the number of households increased. Additionally, there was an interest Over the 1997-2009 period, the to acquire second residence from number of residents declined in Esto- Estonians. nia but increased in Tallinn. In total, Moreover, fnancial conditions the number of households in Estonia also contributed to the expansion of increased 3% (Lamine, 2009). Te the boom during the frst years of second reason was that the average 21th century. Mortgage interest rates household income increased. Rapidly declined slowly from 1999 to 2002 growing wages and progressive re- in Estonia. Te fall became dramatic duction in income tax rates played a in 2003, and mortgage rates stayed role in increasing demand. Te third at very low level for years. As a result reason was that there was an increas- of low interest rates and increasing ing demand for new dwellings built income, housing loans expanded by

126 almost 60% per year between 2000 have recovered from the bust that and 2006. Also, the decline in interest followed the boom, and stay below rates was more in Estonia than in the 12-year average level now. Briefy, OECD countries. Additionally, the whereas in 2007, the average worker 2000-2005 period was also a period needed to pay 2.5 times the average of credit market liberalisation. Te net salary to buy one square meter Estonian fnancial market opened of apartment space, s/he now needs its doors to foreign owned banks, only 1.7 average net wages in that which are mostly Nordic banks. Tis given region. brought retail banking expertise 2000-2007 and 2010-2016 time and strong competitive approach. periods can be comparable in terms Terefore, the maximum maturity of of supply and demand dynamics. housing loans was extended, and the During 2000-2007, demand was so average maturity lengthened beyond high, and supply was not enough 30 years. for the demand, so the price levels Afer the 2008 crisis, Estonian always increased more than it should real estate market prices and tran- have been. However, during 2010- sitions dropped sharply, and the 2016, the supply side started to in- market entered into a new recovering crease more, and nowadays, because period. Years 2009 and 2010 can be of the surge in supply and increasing regarded as the recovery period for number of advertisements of new the housing market. Afer that, the dwellings, price growth has almost prices and transactions in the market stopped and price levels are stabi- started to increase again, but the lized. Tis is positive for households, situation is diferent from 2000-2007 whose income increase higher than period boom. In 2016, apartment the real estate price growth average. prices are close to the level of the Even though the prices of new 2007 real estate boom in nominal apartments have decreased or been terms. Tey are only 12% lower on stable, the prices of older apartments average. However, the situation is not have continued to growth. Te gap even close to the conditions of 2007 between newer and Soviet-era apart- boom when prices are compared to ments has decreased subsequently income. Prices relative to income during the last year. A newer apart-

127 ment is only 25% more expensive real estate boom times. Keldrimäe than Soviet-era apartment. Just be- area has been also infuenced with fore one years ago, newer apartment the transformation of Maakri and the was 43% more expensive. real estate market, and many devel- Hence, the efect of the real estate oping projects was completed within market is visible in the urban space. that area. Even though the develop- Te last 25 years of period brought ment projects in Keldrimäe is mostly new development projects to Maakri residential purpose, the character of and Keldrimäe areas. Te character the district is also changing by new of Maakri mainly changed, and it commercial facilities brought by became a center of commercial activ- these projects. ities, and many landmark buildings were located to that area during the Güngör

Resources: Cocconcelli, Luca and Francesca Romana Medda. “Te Estonian Speculative Real Estate Market: Te boom and bust cycle.” UCL, (2013). Eesti Statistika. “Eesti Statistika Aastaraamat 2016” Tallinn. (2016). Isküll, Siim. “Te Estonian Economy.” Swedbank Newsletter: Macro Research, (2016). Kolbre, Ene and Angelika Kallakmaa-Kapsta. “Housing Market Development in Estonia: Is Tere a Real Estate Boom?” Working Papers in Economics Vol. 20 (TUTWPE No 146). Tallinn: Tallinn University of Technology, (2006). Kolbre, Ene, Angelika Kallakmaa-Kapsta and Taavi Ojala. “Estonian Housing Market: Searching for Origins of the Boom.” Research in Economics and Business: Central and Eastern Europe Vol.1 (28), No. 2, (2009). Lamine, Baudouin. “Estonia: Analysis of a Housing Boom.” Economic analysis from the European Commission’s Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Afairs, Volume VI, Issue 07, (2009). OECD. “Economic Surveys: Estonia.” (2015).

128 Güngör’s public lecture in the newly built Mardi 9 apartment building.

129 Where have all the kids gone

Restlessly drawn to the irrational, in we learnt that some parents living search for the forces that cannot be in Maakri bring their kids to play in harnessed with rules and planning, Politsei park, which is not that close I found children’s issue quite an to the area), Keldrimäe may be seen interesting case for the fnal project. as a playing paradise. Adults, who Kids are hardly ever asked what they participated in mental mapping, want in the city, they just come out agreed on that. When I learned the and live the space in their own way. participant has children, I asked him/ What is that way? You never know. her how he/she fnds the area for However, the forms we construct for kids. All answers were positive, fo- children are quite evident: play- cusing on “quietness and safety”. One grounds, adventure parks, kindergar- of the respondents admitted that his tens. All mostly fenced. We suppose granddaughter was happy to move we are making a perfect place to hide from Old Town to Keldrimäe because for children, but instead we may be of the ghosts. Children were asked to imprisoning them. take part in mapping too, however, Keldrimäe district is that very the results usually showed their rich example of an area of “closed islands” inner world, but not preferences in for kids. During my feldwork none urban surroundings. of the children was spotted using Continuing to fgure out what any of those constructions made for is wrong with kids or service struc- them. Usually they tend to prefer tures for them in Keldrimäe, I visited snowdrifs and grass to swings and Mardi kindergartens to trace their sand boxes. Kindergartens seemed so stories. Tere I was told all the unwelcoming that at frst I thought archives were drowned in a food. they are not operating. However, But the very visit gave me a lot, as something caught my eye from the suddenly that sense of ambivalence very beginning: compared to the lim- appeared. Mardi kindergartens (two ited number of “places for children” buildings), constructed in 50s-60s, in other Tallinn central neighbour- have the usual soviet construction hoods (from our mental mapping type, but are used in a new way: it

130 is read everywhere, from the interi- forgotten or used as a storeroom. Te ors and activities (comparing to my opposite interplay of meaning and own kindergarten experience in a form is presented in the local system post-soviet town where soviet tra- of playgrounds. Here the soviet urge ditions are still strong) to a such an to provide every yard with a play- interesting form as veranda, which ground is preserved, while the form is still extremely popular in Russia is changed completely. Although the as a shelter for raining or too hot talk on comparing soviet standard noon promenades and group games playground with today’s renovated (the veranda is also usually a piece design can be endless, something still of mural art and an iconic place for feels wrong. While safety require- punks to gather in the evening), here ments of the latter are enhanced in

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131 geometrical progression and the some urban characters from diferent structure is not metal anymore and centuries appear trying to interact cuter by its outlook, its mini-fences with the structure in their own ways. really add a weird sense to them (like Here the attempt to readapt the a kid closes himself inside) killing its structure and re-bring it to market is former total freedom and hiddenness hidden in hyperboles and metaphors. in vast urban nature. What is more, Tat efort fails on stage, but would it they seem to have lost their universal fail in real world? character. Passages like “any worker Besides bringing out some dis- enjoyed a swing returning home putable issues, I wanted to compile afer a hard working day” are usual all the available information on what for witnesses recollecting earlier were the tendencies of using space times. Today due to the size of built by children over time in the district structures adults are excluded from (or more common data applied to it), playgrounds. Only kids are welcome or if more precise, what structures to the stage. and activities connected with them In Keldrimäe all cases of play- the state, planners and municipali- ground locations and designs draw ties ofer to kids in diferent times of attention. For me they all resemble a history. For presenting those types prison, a stage or a prison on stage. and their morphology the form of So, I decided it would be appropriate a children’s book was chosen, as it if uncertain feelings about play- needed to be appropriate enough to grounds were expressed in a per- let anyone get into a child’s shoes and formance piece. Here the audience join him for his time travel. is invited to experience a series of happenings and absurd twists where Aleksandra

132 Pages from Aleksandra’s children’s book “Something Immense and Me” of being a child in Keldrimäe through diferent times.

Resources: Aino Ugaste and Tiina Oun (2008) “History and current situation in the Estonian early childhood education” Colin Ward (1978) “Te Child in the City” Ellen and Peter Jacobs (1980) “Children as managers of urban space” История советской архитектуры 1917-1954 гг. Учебник для архитектурных вузов. Под общ. ред, Н.Б.Былинкина и А.В.Рябушина. Изд. 2-е. - М., 1985. + Collective mental mapping

133 Nothing and a bit of something

Non-places through these areas. In the end, I I labelled my fnal project as would say that 40 out of nearly 60 “non-places”. Tose are places not maps produced were helpful for me. noticed by citizens in their everyday To get a more attributable result, life, places that have no historical val- more people need to be asked and ue or places that are so full of stimuli, also the possibility for translation sameness, that the individual human would be elementary. Translation can fnd himself struggling in express- in this case means both translating ing his individuality and uniqueness the task language wise, but also in them, like a metropolis. translating the task from what we as urbanists and architects want from Mental Mapping them into something that is under- To spot these places in the Keldrimäe standable also for people who are not and Maakri area, my colleagues related to these felds. As the second and I used the technique of mental step, we asked people to mark their mapping. Mental mapping means favourite point in the area and to basically that citizens, not necessarily mark a point which they dislike or locals, are asked to sketch certain city simply do not like. Tis was easier situations out of their memory. Fur- for most of the respondents, because thermore, legibility is fundamental they had feelings for certain plac- for the city, but mostly unquestioned es independent from where were and rarely regarded in the planning these places located. Stockmann was process.We walked around with the basic landmark for orientation blank sheets and pencils and asked for the Maakri area and Keskturg people to draw an aerial perspective was the basic orientation point for of Keldrimäe and Maakri. A bigger Keldrimäe area. Even though most part of the respondents had serious people accepted these places as im- difculties to do it, mostly because portant for their orientation, a lot of of the language problem or by their them disliked Stockmann and Nor- general inattentiveness in passing dea. Keskturg was mostly disliked

134 by Estonians. Tis is also true for by Estonians but this argument needs the Stalinist quarter across the road more research into the theme of why from Stockmann. Tis residential one building is considered and the area for workers of Dvigatel factory other one is not. Many respondents is ridiculously ofen not noticed and sketched Keldrimäe’s unobtrusive does not appear on most of the maps, apartment buildings massive, simply although some respondents were because they live there, they work 100 metres away from it. Anyway, around it or they know someone this may be a good example showing there. We can also guess that, if we the efect of emotional preference in will continue the survey, in the end perceiving the urban space. I think it we would have at least one image is sometimes deliberately neglected of every building, and if there will

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135 be still a building which was not is fun to use the method of mental sketched once, it has some serious mapping, but I learned that one has problems towards the citizens and to consider its limits and restrictions. needs a makeover concept. Surely, the interviewer would need more time with the participants to Depicting the places also understand their personal past. As a next thing I elaborated on these One’s afections and past are strongly results. I went through all maps over interlinked and linked to space. It is and over again and wrote down the a signifcant diference if people de- consensus perceptions, areas which liberately not notice a place or really are not perceived and everything don’t have it in their inner map. Also which reveals something about the basic question of scale is impor- people and their space. When one tant on more than one level. Why can area got perceived by fve or more be the R-Kiosk as big as a skyscrap- participants than I was willing to er? Is it totally random or is there a work with that space. Te courtyard reason? Another scale aspect is that behind Stockmann is one of those adults who were given one A4 piece not-perceived places. Tere is also of paper need usually more than one, the area behind Keskturg, and the because they basically start sketch- area between Lastekodu street and ing in an exaggerated scale or they Tartu mnt that shows some lack of just stop at the edge of the paper. consideration. Additionally, it was Children usually needed an A5 page, harder for people to sketch the west- maximum. Teir scale of perception ern part of Keldrimäe since there is is smaller and more clinged to details nothing for consumption or to spend which has to be considered in plan- one’s leisure time at. Simple questions ning and arrangement of space. It can get the most interesting answers: may be also that people tend to form “Do you know this empty space there round, curved streets and buildings or where is the star building?” and it into rectangular, geometrical forms. helped us the most when we ap- It is hard to decide whether this peared calmed and serene to the peo- should be accepted and not regarded ple. Even sometimes, longer discus- or if it is important at all? It seems to sions about these areas evolved due be basically an archaic element of hu- to our general survey. I admit that it man mind to think rectangular even

136 though, compared to the real city several reasons.(2) As we have now map, it will look dramatically wrong. connected these authors to the places I can at least orient myself better in lef unmarked onmental maps, I add- rectangular grid. ed a third one. Georg Simmel wrote a famous book about the mental life of Conceptualizing Non-places the metropolis in 1903 which seems In between these processes and ideas to be very relevant even today. He rising from dealing with mental discovered a lack in the individuals maps, I read about “non-places” from of expressing themselves and being two diferent perspectives. Marc sensitive for afections. Most of the Augé (1995) defned non-places as people who are living in the center the places without history, without of a metropolis are quite indiferent identity. Tey are mostly transit plac- and in a state of blasé. Tey disap- es like intersections, streets, roads, pear in the mass.(3) Tis is my hook paths, highways, gas stations, air- to this topic connected to the mental ports, bus stations and so on. When space. In contrast to Foer, Simmel we consider identity as important, it described the metropolis as a unity in can be understood fast by the reader which one can be easily drif with the that these places are only a measure- crowd. Elaboration on Simmel also ment of our time, not of ourselves. gave a base for the concept of Flan- Tey have their own fast, hectic lan- eur in the 20th century. Te Flaneur, guage and are built not for the pleas- which was a dandy for self-display ure of being there.(1) Jonathan Foer in the 19th century, shifs in the 20th described these places in his book century to a walking connoisseur of Extremely Loud and Incredibly Close the mass. (2005) as places people may need Outcome to hide in. Places in which someone Afer I clarifed these things for can disappear and places in which myself, I designed a mental map someone can be forgotten. It seems that shows all the places with these to me that Augé places concern on three concepts by totally diferent the infrastructure and Foers plac- authors. One side of the map showed es concern on the “not perceived” these three places by authors, and space, a space in which someone may map on the other side goes one step walk to be completely alone out of back and shows the space as people

137 did the mental mapping in form of For my fnal walk presentation I did the collage. Whoever may wander this with the help of a live perfor- around with this map, it may cause a mance. A small text, spoken by the lot of disorientation. Tis is done on appearing fgures Simmel, Foer, purpose: the map on the backside has Augé and the Flaneur shall bring wrong scale and streets for people to attention to an intersection and the discover space quite randomly. Once words should be even longer in the they arrive somewhere, they should air around it, so that “non-places” connect it to one of these three theo- gain identity for the ones who visited ries or one of these collages from the the tour. backside. Tis is another approach to give the “non-places” their identity. Tom

I based my research mostly on the mental mapping process. Local’s perception and conception cleared the way and the direct conversations with them were most helpful. I also red Simmels Metropolis and Mental Life, Augés Non Places and Foers Extremely Loud and Incredibly Close.

138 AU discovered. can be secretly can be secretly is an island in between which but Maakri Street but Maakri Street Stockmann Stockmann mann is unknown mann is unknown area behind Stock- area area behind Stock- area no courtyards. The AUGÈ no courtyards. The street side. There are are side. There street street side. There are are side. There street 8 The world behind Maakri area contains Maakri area Maakri area contains Maakri area mostly buildings on the mostly buildings on the

Keskturg AUGÈ 3 4 Soviet 1954 4 Soviet and less for tourists. and less for and less for tourists. and less for AUGÈ

AUGÈ place, at least a lot of them. The Russian place, at least a lot of them. The Russian disappear in the hectic. Estonians dislike this disappear in the hectic. Estonians dislike disappear in the hectic. Estonians dislike this disappear in the hectic. Estonians dislike 7 The R Kiosk get anonym in the main building of the market and get anonym in the main building of market get anonym in the main building of the market and get anonym in the main building of market early years, the market was near Tammsaare Park, was near Tammsaare early years, the market early years, the market was near Tammsaare Park, was near Tammsaare early years, the market The city market exists now for over 70 years. In the 70 over now for exists The city market The city market exists now for over 70 years. In the 70 over now for exists The city market Estonians. where nothing is today besides greenery. People can nothing is today besides greenery. where where nothing is today besides greenery. People can nothing is today besides greenery. where was, is, and will be in Russian language market by not perceived Building is a Star The Soviet statement. It's radical deliberately often Building is a Star The Soviet statement. It's radical deliberately often was, is, and will be in Russian language market function as cogs, anonym and steadily. function AUGÈ as cogs, anonym and steadily. function KELDRIMÄE The R Kiosk is the well-known blue kiosk The R Kiosk is the well-known blue kiosk the cases, but they are friendly all the time. friendly the cases, but they are the cases, but they are friendly all the time. friendly the cases, but they are

2 need. The employees know english in 50% of need. The employees know english in 50% of which offers small items for the immediately small items for which offers which offers small items for the immediately small items for which offers The procedure is taylorized and the customers The procedure The procedure is taylorized and the customers The procedure

3 FOER

AUGÈ FOER

FOER 4

AUGÈ FOER AUGÈ AUGÈ

to feel lost and small. to feel Rävala Puiestee/Tartu Mantee Rävala Puiestee/Tartu AUGÈ

FOER 5 1

AUGÈ 6 2 FOER 6 Soviet Barrier 6 Soviet is open and friendly.

AUGÈ is open and friendly. AUGÈ and turns into a race road at night. It's the directest way to the directest road at night. It's and turns into a race and turns into a race road at night. It's the directest way to the directest road at night. It's and turns into a race The Tartu Mantee consists of 4 lanes and is mostly impassable The Tartu The Tartu Mantee consists of 4 lanes and is mostly impassable The Tartu walk and street. The intersection at Stockmann is a good place The intersection at Stockmann walk and street.

Tartu. Here is nothing special, besides the chains between side- Here Tartu. Tartu. Here is nothing special, besides the chains between side- Here Tartu.

FOER

8 AUGÈ

AUGÈ The Soviet prefab house is the unmistakable threshold between house is the unmistakable threshold prefab The Soviet The Soviet prefab house is the unmistakable threshold between house is the unmistakable threshold prefab The Soviet Maardi and Keldrimäe. In the early years neighbourhood mee- Maardi and Keldrimäe. Maardi and Keldrimäe. In the early years neighbourhood mee- Maardi and Keldrimäe. tings were numerous. It offers today mostly anonym living without offers numerous. It tings were tings were numerous. It offers today mostly anonym living without offers numerous. It tings were

responsibility for others. Besides that, the library in the ground fl oor in the ground fl others. Besides that, the library for responsibility responsibility for others. Besides that, the library in the ground fl oor in the ground fl others. Besides that, the library for responsibility FOER AUGÈ

MAAKRI AUGÈ AUGÈ 1:12000 G IN P The big unknown space between The big unknown space between through the big Soviet apartment through the big Soviet P apartment through the big Soviet 5 Between Juhkentali and Maardi 5 Between Juhkentali unexplored. Only a few humans dare humans dare Only a few unexplored. unexplored. Only a few humans dare humans dare Only a few unexplored. A is the Juhkentali buildings. The street Juhkentali and Maardi street is nearly and Maardi street Juhkentali Juhkentali and Maardi street is nearly and Maardi street Juhkentali border of Keldrimäe in south diirection. border of Keldrimäe

1 STOCKMANN clothes to items from offers The 1993 built store independent from kitchen goods. Customers are The guard everyone. is not for employees. Stockmann homeless people. Anonym shopping is pre- withdraws sented in the anonymity of one's social class. People unwatched, tumble goods and use the toilet, feel free. which is for M L TA EN M ING APP MENTAL MAPPING MENTAL MAPPING MENTAL MAPPING MENTAL M TALLINN MAAKRI DISTRICT

KELDRIMÄE

FOER FOER FOER FOER FOER FOER FOER

AUGÈ AUGÈ AUGÈ AUGÈ AUGÈ AUGÈ AUGÈ AUGÈ AUGÈ EXTREMELY LOUD & INCREDIBLY CLOSE// BUILDINGS METROPOLIS & MENTAL LIFE//

NON-PLACES// GEORG SIMMEL culture our today's world, where These non-places coming from than the individuum. The ongoing time doesn't faster develops with the mass. participation, but one can drift active require The ones who cial with a judge-like-attitude. People become superfi The human vs. carry the state of blasé and indifference. resigned behavi- ght and the strange fi nature) ght (early human vs. human fi and apartment houses. in stores our of humans can be perceived MARC AUGÈ The supermodern life created non-places. These non-places have no non-places. These non-places have created The supermodern life ne not important to defi therefore and are historical layer, no relation totally completed. They grow, they get de- never one's identity. They are of our time. the measure molished and they grow again. Non-places are or than Flaneurs ned destination use them rather Passengers with a defi to minimum and they don't language is reduced The spoken Travellers. change their ID- communicate too much. Users of these places often ned with solitude and defi licenses. They are driver Card to park tickets, similitude. JONATHAN S. FOER for some only exist places to hide. Places where These non-places are the places else. This are of being somewhere the reason his own and for It the intimate touch of sadness inherent. solitude and they have for Users have Users have they exist. they exist. by people who know where by people who know where can be only found can be only found togetherness togetherness problems coming from problems coming from to solve to solve the wish to be alone there the wish to be alone there people in people in by asked by asked perceived perceived solitude. These places weren't solitude. These places weren't or also from or also from only only These places were These places were which came before. which came before. the mental mapping survey the mental mapping survey white, empty space. NON-PLACES

139 Soviet Shopormophology

Te “Turisti Pood” (Tourist Shop) currency as possible. While hard is not just any spot, any place. If we currency possession was a crime, pass by we notice the weirdness of wages or remittances from abroad the building: totally closed of and a were substituted into checks certi- bit lost in between all the high-rises, fed by “Vneshtorgbank” (Foreign but we do not question it. For some it Trade Bank). It was a try to satisfy will not even necessarily catch their the new class equipped with enough attention. But if we start digging, money, but without any privileges, there is so much to read in this little by ofering sacred and ofen defcit piece of urban fabric which gives us consumer goods to them. In this way hints about other historical urban the state wanted to overtake the huge layers and social constructions nowa- black market trade. Additionally, days and in other times. the aim to provide a positive image of the USSR to visitors, while trying Beriozka to extract as much hard currency as In Soviet times Tartu mnt 17 was one possible from them, led to the rise of of the so called “Beriozkas” (lit. little numerous souvenirs shops. As trav- birch tree), the shops that served elling in USSR was quite restrictive only people with foreign currency or (e.g. tourists were not allowed to talk equivalent coupons. In the second to locals) and highly organized by half of the 1950ies the USSR raised Inturist (the USSR state-run tourist its heavy curtain a bit, which led to agency) shopping in perfectly created a higher number of tourists, and spaces was a way to quarantine tour- also to more soviet citizens working ists and ofer a pretty picture to show abroad and receiving their wages in the eforts of a planned economy. foreign currency. In order to channel On the walk postcards with old this money fow, foreign currency pictures and the hard facts of the stores (and also corresponding res- building, the name origin of Berioz- taurants, cafes and resorts and hotels) ka and the other locations of foreign were opened to amass as much hard currency shops in Tallinn were is-

140 sued. In addition, a play on the stage vouchers from the black market. Te of the night club, the current renter actual access was limited and it was of the building, was performed, in controlled if you had suitable pay- which characters of 1986 appeared. ment, but seldom if you had the right Trough these characters we got to possess such checks. Te customer introduced to diferent “users” of that base shifed through the years from kind of shop: tourists for sure; people western tourists to eastern residents, who worked abroad or acquaintances who enjoyed shopping in those plac- of them equipped with “Vneshpo- es where goods had a better quality, syltorg” checks; black marketers also western goods were available who dealt with those checks; as well and no queuing took place. as “illegal” customers who bought Even though these stores ofered

Tartu mnt 17 Turisti Pood Domination

Mobile M. Liminal Space Paper Skyscraper Non-Places Garages Maakri 30a Liminal Space

Modernist Living Modernist Living Kids Modernist Living Sacred Places Real Tree Tale Estate

141 a wider range of customers “better” same time a kind of magnifcent aura goods, it was still widely considered through its curved walls and Alvar improper to have access. Te idea of Aalto like form language, visible e.g. providing hidden places for selected in the fan-shaped ground plan. consumers goes clearly against the It was designed by Henno Sep- equality approach of soviet society. mann and Peep Jänes and parts of the Te fact that people got reasonable interior by Aulo Padar and frst in- wages but had not had the same tended to be a disco hall. Te quality options to spend it, and that there was excellent, as a Finnish company were stores in the country where one took over the construction works could not buy anything with the local and gorgeous materials like certain currency, caused great resentment. In clinker were chosen. Inside, one can order to foster social justice, Berioz- fnd a three-story showroom with ka stores and Vneshposyltorg checks sales premises arranged in galleries were announced to be abandoned in and a separated room used as bar, a January 1988, but never disappeared conference room and occasionally till the end of USSR. as another showroom. As the name says, it was specifed in serving for- Tartu mnt 17 eign tourists, but locals with coupon Tis closeness and exclusion can be could also enter. Still, the range of read in the architecture of the shops: goods was clearly tourist-focused: to avoid jealousy they were located photo albums, native handcraf, jew- at remote alleys, new ones had no ellery, clothes, local food products, display windows, while other shops Russian romances and gypsy folk covered their windows with blinds, music. and some had hidden entrances or Tere were other stores in town: misleading signs. Te one in Tartu frst one that was later extended was mnt 17, is a perfect example: having located at Gagarini Boulevard (today a brick facade without any windows Toompuiestee) 29/31, and another and looking like a fortress. It is one at Tehnika 2 opened its doors in outstanding, as it shows such clear 1965. Afer the opening of the Ferry isolation and insignifcance in its ar- Line to Helsinki and Hotel Viru in chitecture while demonstrating at the 1972, the demand for hard currency

142 shops increased and new ones were e. g. specialists even went abroad opened at Terminal A and Narva working in countries of the global mnt 6. Later, originally planned for south for a while, motivated by the the Olympics in 1980 but only to be fact that on their return they will fnished in 1983, the one at Tartu receive their wages in coupons and mnt 17 was opened. Furthermore, could go shopping in Beriozka´s. there were other hard currency Tose stores reminded citizens shops, not aiming at tourists, but at that the planned economy failed in mariners and fshermen (Vase 10) meeting the people´s wishes and or military personnel and diplomats could not catch up with the west. (Pärnu mnt 8) and common articles Te stores itself were considered as in these stores were clothing, food “consumer paradise” and once the and electronic equipment. culture around Beriozka, including checks, black market, tourist economy (Inturist itself was a very commercial business) arose, there was no way back. Consumerism had its breakthrough. Logical consequences followed when Estonia gained its independence again and a wave of naked capitalism overrun the central locations, bringing newer and bigger department stores and shopping malls. Tose were following the western “art Shopormophology of shopping”: more anonymity, less Shopping in Beriozka stores created sales-ladies and more self-service. It a new phenomenon in the USSR: a was the time when“supermarket” re- consumer society. Access to these placed specialist trades and basement stores was something which defned shops, retail spaces widened into im- a new elite. A class in which the de- measurable stretch and shopping or sire for buying fashionable goods was malling became a hobby on its own. determining their life decisions – Department stores were not an

143 invention of the west, but soviet ed various night clubs. Te owner ones were ofen half empty or had bought the plot in the wild 90s and limited access, so afer 1991 the was given the permit to completely well-equipped stores gave and give reshape the facade with a Titanic this freedom of choice and equally ship like construction. Even though freedom to consume to everyone. It this never happened, the owner surely could be questioned if a store could from now on have legitimate like Stockmann, also designed by expectations to rebuild the building Peep Jänes just 10 years later under however he wants. When in 2005 the diferent circumstances, with securi- detail plan for a high-rise was initi- ty guards and surveillance cameras ated, the building was immediately allows access to each and everyone. put under temporary protection (for Undesirables are most probably been 6 months, and for the next 10 years thrown out – nowadays stores also no deconstruction). Nevertheless, segregate society by determining the former Minister of Culture did their customer range. Nevertheless, not confrm it as a national monu- a lot more of people can wander ment. In 2009 and 2010 new eforts around, having a look at luxurious were undertaken to push forward the goods, even if they cannot buy them. high-rise planning and also to list the building and one year later it was Future Plans put under protection. But right away Afer serving as tourist shop, the the owner went to court. He won the building was used as a bank ofce, session and detail planning is now retail store and since 2004 it has host- ongoing and an architectural comple-

144 tion planned for a 42 storey residen- important architectural monument tial and commercial high rise, which does exist, but the possibility was nev- would then be the tallest building in er used before, as the Estonian state Maakri and in Estonia. does not consider taking care of it Te court annulled the previous with public money, and also interfer- decision of the heritage department ing private ownership is disfavored – and the ministry admitted defeat – the shadows of communism are still a wake-up call. Although over time around. the value of the original building increased and the court´s decision Te Turisti Pood is just one piece of can be questioned as disproportion- the city, but it is worth noticing. Te ate. Te building is one of the few City is a story, thousands of little preserved soviet modernist examples narratives that make our daily life. in its original form and interior, it is It is like bringing a souvenir home: a good example of the hard curren- it looks like a simple thing, but the cy store system in Soviet Union. It story behind might be much greater. contributes signifcantly to the mixed streetfront of Tartu mnt Maakri Jolande quarter. Te option to nationalize an

My research about Beriozka´s in general and the history and future plans of the building on Tartu mnt 17 is based on Internet and archive research, as well as on Interviews with Triin Talk (state´s heritage department), Timo Aava (city´s heritage department), Karin Paulus (Art Historian) and Aleksei Morozov (current tenant). Furthermore I dealt with following resources: Anna Ivanova: Shopping in Beriozka: Consumer Society in the Soviet Union, online 2013 and Shawn Salmon: Marketing Socialism - Intourist in the Late 1950es and early 1960es in Turizm - Te Russian and East European Tourist under Capitalism and Socialism, Ithaca 2012.

145 Special Thanks to...

Interview Partners: Timo Aava Marten Esko and Johannes Säre Elo Kiivet Mart Levo Anni Müüripeal Toomas Paaver Peeter Päeske Karin Paulus Teele Pehk Martti Preem Tõnu Prööm Triin Talk Tiit Trummal Tauri Tuvikene and all the people who took part in the mental mapping and citizen interviews

Locations: Cathouse Nightclub EKKM Keskraamatukogu Liivalaia 40 Liivalaia 40 Garages in Maakri

Our tutors Andra and Keiti. Tank you!

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