HUMAN SACRIFICE AT PACHACAMAC
Peter Eeckhout and Lawrence Stewart Owens
This is a study of the historical, archaeological, and anatomical/pathological evidence for human sacrifice at thePeruvian coastal site of Pachacamac during the Late Intermediate and Late Horizon Periods (A.D. 1000-1475 and 1475-1533). It highlights theproblems associated with the identification of archaeological sacrifice, then goes on to summarize thepatho logical and cultural evidence from the site. The significance of this evidence is evaluated using not only traditional para digms but also the notion of "deviant" burial; this isproposed as a formalized means of identifying archaeological sacrifice in collaboration with?and in the absence of?other indicators. Comparisons are carried out with selected sites and peri ods, and in both coastal and inland regions. Supplementary evidence from international contexts is also considered. The anatomical and contextual findings from Pachacamac reflect a shiftfrom the somewhat sanguineous cultures such as the Nasca and theMoche, to the perfection-obsessed sacrificial modality of the Incas. The former seems to be concerned pri marily with retainer burials and the punishment of enemies or opponents, which were offered to an uncertain eternity as a gesture to some higher power. The iconographic, archaeological, and anatomical evidence for sacrifice in these groups is commensurately dramatic. In the case of the Incas, the sacrifices were intended to bless objects or missions, give thanks, or to appeal for supernatural favors or assistance. We go on to propose?for thefirst time inLatin America?a theoretical framework for identifying and interpreting "deviant" burials in theAndean archaeological record.
Este estudio trata de las evidencias historicas, arqueologicas y anatomicas/patologicas relacionadas con el sacrificio humano en el sitio peruano costeno de Pachacamac en los periodos Intermedio Tardio y Horizonte Tardio (1000-1475 y 1475-1533 dne). Se conocen muchasformas diferentes del sacrificio en losAndes Centrales, y el tema ha sido discutido por varios autores, pero sin consenso sobre su definicion. Luego de una breve presentacion del sitio de investigaciones, empezemos por estable cer criterios para definir el sacrificio humano, inspirandonos del estudio desta prdctica en una serie de antiguas culturas y sociedades a traves del mundo. Esto nos llevo a sugerir que el sacrificio humano es cualquier matanza de un individuo por motivos rituales/ simbolicos, pues las intenciones especificas se encuentran por lo general fuera del alcanze del arqueologo, en especialmente las culturas sin escritura como las del antiguo Peril. Continuamos con el problema de la identificacion del sacrifico humano en el registro arqueologico, sea: ? como identificar la practica sacrificical en base de las evidencias materi nos als i Para esto, referimos al concepto de "entierro desviante". Este conceptoprimeropropuestopor Geake (1992)para se la arqueologia medieval inglesa ha vuelto progresivamente un elemento crucial en el exdmen de la muestra antropofisica. se a En terminos cortos, refiere la modalidad de la muerte de un individuo y/o la manera con la cual sus restos fisicos se encuentran o nos a han sido usados, y que dicen estos elementos respecto las normasfunerarias en la cultura a la cualpertenece en una el difunto. Aqui enfocamos la identificacion de categoria de entierros desviantes: el sacrificio humano. La metodologia usamos que confines de identificar el sacrificio en nuestra muestra de Pachacamac combina las evidencias antropologicas y arqueologicas. Aparte de las evidencias anatomicas directas de traumatismo fisico, hay muchas evidencias de entierros "des viantes" que ayudanpara contextualizar los individuos traumatizados y tambien proporcionan un medio potencial para iden en tificargente sacrificados ausencia de evidencias patologicas. Porlo tanto sepuede usartres combinaciones: (1) Traumatismo y Entierro Desviante; (2) Traumatismo sin Entierro Desviante; (3) Entierro Desviante sin Traumatismo. Esto nos lleva a intro ducir el concpeto de Individuos Potencialmente Sacrificados (PSIs en el texto): el andlisis de la configuracion anatomica y contextual una de concepto PSI proporciona al investigador base a partir de la cual se determina la probabilidad de sacrifi cio para cada individuo. Este marco teorico y metodologico se aplico a nuestro corpus de 181 excavados en Pachacamac. la a Respaldamos propuesta de John Verano respecto la existencia de dos patrones de sacrificio humano identificados en sitios o como prehispdnicos Peruanos (niho adolescentes acompanantes o ofrendas para meta especial, y varones prisoneros sin tratamiento Por otro nuestra muestra especifico). lado, sugiere alguna forma de dicotomia entre las tradiciones sacrificiales de la Costa Norte (sangrienta) y Central (no sangrienta).
Peter Eeckhout Departement Histoire, Art et Archeologie, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, Av. F. Roosevelt 50 (CP175), 1050 Brussels, Belgium ([email protected]) Lawrence Stewart Owens Bioarchaeology Section, Birkbeck College FCE, University of London 26 Russell Square, London WC1B 5DQ, United Kingdom ([email protected])
Latin American Antiquity 19(4), 2008, pp. 375-398 Copyright ?2008 by the Society forAmerican Archaeology
375
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Central Andean evidence for sacrifice has guineous in itsuse of sacrifice; alternatively,how been discussed at lengthby various authors ever, thedistinction may be artificial and it is only (including Fleming 1983; Lyon 1995; Ver the apparent enthusiasm?and resulting high ano 1995, 2001b), forwhile some discoveries are archaeological visibility?with which they fairly unambiguous (for example, Bourget 1997, embraced thisaspect of life thatmakes them stand 1998, 2001; Bourget and Millaire 2000; Cordy out against other cultures. Collins 2001; Reinhard 1999; Uhle 1903; Verano Compared to theirnorthern neighbors, the soci 1998; Verano & Cordy-Collins 1986), some evi eties and settlements of theCentral Coast?such as dence ismore open to debate (see discussions by Pachacamac?have produced little data relat Lyon 1995 and Sutter 2001). It thereforebehooves ing tohuman sacrifice (see Burger 1992; Eeckhout us to reappraise themechanisms bywhich sacrifice 2004a; Lumbreras 1974;Moseley 1992). Kroeber is identified.In many cases, interpretationof sacri (1954) foundburials arranged inpairs atMaranga's fice has been assisted by iconographic evidence, Huaca Aramburu, from the Lima culture (con with the although even thismay be enigmatic.1 Sacrifice in temporary Early Intermediate Period theCentral Andes isknown tohave takenmany dif Moche). In reference to burials 109 and 109A, he can we ferent forms, including strangulation (Fleming states that "there be no doubt that have (...) a or 1983; Uhle 1903), throat-cutting(Verano 2001), spouse companion burial or sacrifice" rather a decapitation (Cordy-Collins 2001; DeLeonardis than retainer burial, due to the comparative mod 2000; Proulx 2001), dismemberment (Bourget esty of the accompanying grave gifts (Kroeber 1998; Verano 1986), bludgeoning (Bourget 1998, 1954:33). Other examples include several indi a Reinhardt 1999), and poisoning (Montoya 2004). viduals, including series of headless, disarticu While some of these have been attested to histori lated, and defleshed bodies and possible trophy heads from the site of cally and iconographically, they are particularly Maranga (Jijon y Caamano demonstrable in human skeletal and mummified 1949:27^12). Paredes (1999) describes four sim ilar heads same remains. In theAmericas, this isusually manifested trophy from the site, although they were a con as cutmarks (Verano 2001), cranial trauma (Standen unfortunately recovered from looted and Arriaza 2000; Torres-Rouff et al 2005; Bour text. Trophy heads were also found by Stumer at get 2001), and dismemberment/trophy taking (1953:46) Playa Grande, and by Cerulli (Andrushko et al. 2005; Verano 1986, 2001b; (1967:69) atCajamarquilla. These have been inter as Cordy-Collins 2001; Millaire 2004).2 preted evidence of human sacrifice and the rit Some of themost dramatic evidence forancient ualized offering of mortuary remains to the thus somewhat fromNasca tro sacrifice comes from the coastal populations of deceased, differing northern Peru, where there is considerable evi phy head caches (DeLeonardis 2000; Paredes Proulx 2001 At the of the dence for all these forms of physical trauma in 1999:58; ).3 beginning Middle Horizon A.D. Dante addition to comprehensive iconographic data in the (ca. 600-1000), Casareto excavated one individualwho had formof murals and figurativeceramic vessels from (2005) been killed and in frontof an theMoche Culture of the Early Intermediate deposited important Period (ca. A.D. 1-750) (Verano 2001a). The building at Cajamarquilla. This young adult male had his hands tied behind his back and had been refinednature of thedata has enabled furtheranaly interredwith a a camelid sis of theosteological material, elucidating a large condor, (also sacrificed), and a series of broken vases of theNieveria amount of social informationconcerning the geo style. A recent of almost 200 Late Intermedi graphical origin of the victims and their likely discovery ate sacrificial victims social rolewithin Moche belief and social systems Period (caA.D. 1000-1450) at Punta linked to the (Sutter and Cortez 2005). However, due to the Lobos?possibly expansion of theChimu themost exacting excavation and exquisite analysis of these empire?is possibly impor tant such for some time remains, authors have relied so heavily upon them discovery (Verano 2007, The of the sacrificed women" that theMoche seems likely to become the stan 2008). "cemetery excavated Uhle in the Inca of the Sun dard against which to assess all sacrificial behav by Temple at Pachacamac is thebest-known from the ior in all Prehispanic South American cultures. It sample was san site Eeckhout may be that Moche society unusually (Benson 2001; 2004a; Fleming
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1983; Shimada 1991; Uhle 1903:84-88; Verano with ramps. The thirdline ofwalls marks the exte 2001b), and perhaps the central coast area; while riorof the site, and there is a fourthenclosure wall it is generally agreed thatthe victims were "aellas" about one kilometer north of the third. (chosen women) who were strangled as part of Permanent occupation at the siteprobably began major ritual ceremonies, a reappraisal of the orig during the Early Intermediate Period, when the inal remains is required. There is no evidence for lower Rimac and Lurin valleys were under the trophy-takingat Pachacamac, although the large dominion of a stratifiedpolity whose center was number of loose skulls?disturbed by looters? situated in the Rimac valley. This early group? may include some thatwere divorced from the dubbed theLima culture?was characterized by a bodies before interment. specific ceramic style and large adobe platform More recent excavations by theYchsma project mounds; extant examples include the "Old Temple at Pachacamac and other nearby settlementshave of Pachacamac" and the "Conjunto de adobitos," revealed a number of potential human sacrifices although a variety of other structuresand cemeter dating to the late prehispanic and early colonial ies still remain. Even during the earliest period, it periods (Eeckhout 1999b, 2004a). It therefore is likely that the sitewas already an importantreli us not to behooves only reappraise extant evidence gious center. Pachacamac came under Huari influ for sacrifice, but also to explore the definitions of ence during theMiddle Horizon, and acted as a theprocess and ascertainmethods inwhich itmay conduit for the spread of south-central highland be archaeologically visible in the absence of dra iconographyand religious ideology.The extant reli matic anatomical and iconographic evidence. The gious significance of Pachacamac?especially remainderof thispaper thereforeentails a summary relating to the prestige of the oracle and related of the site of Pachacamac, a methodological dis cult?is unlikely to have been lost on the new cussion about sacrifice in thearchaeological record, comers. During this period, the Painted Temple a an description of the finds, and interpretationof was constructed and the Old Temple was aban theirpotential significance. doned. Huari's decline at the end of theMiddle Horizon (aroundA.D. 1000)marked a reduction in The Site of Pachacamac Pachacamac's sphere of influence; however, the precise mechanics of this process are poorly under a Pachacamac is monumental coastal site in the stood because theLate Intermediate period of the Central Andes that reached its apogee afterbeing central coast is very understudied. Written sources incorporated into Tahuantinsuyu (Figure 1). It suggest that theYchsma ethnic group dominated became one of the most empire's important reli theLurin Valley at theend of theLIP, but thispolity gious, ceremonial, political, strategic, economic, has been difficultto define archaeologically (Eeck and centres symbolic (Hyslop 1990:255-61; Mose hout 2004b, 2005a). Topa Inka Yupanqui's con ley 1992:185; Rowe 1946:191, 1963; Shimada quest of the region around A.D. 1470 marked the 1991). Among other things, itwas the seat of an beginning of theLate Horizon, and Pachacamac eponymous oracular god and the focus of large (until then called Ychsma) was incorporated into scale, long-distance pilgrimages. Pachacamac is the Inka empire. The Inka carried out a series of situated half a kilometre the from Pacific Ocean, renovations and developments at the site, includ near themouth of theLurin River. The site covers ing the construction of theTemple of the Sun and about 600 hectares (2.31 square miles), of which anAcllahuasi (House of theChosen Women). The one third is occupied by themonumental sector oracle became one of themost feared and revered The latteris divided into twomain (Figure 2). parts in theAndes and also the focus of large-scale pil two concentric by enclosures. The first enclosure? grimages, which were encouraged by the Inkas. known as The Sacred the Precinct?includes Old When the Spaniards arrived at the site in January of the Painted the was one Temple Pachacamac, Temple, 1533, it of Peru's largestand most impres of the an Temple Sun, importantcemetery, and the sive settlements. However, within a few years of foundations of a large rectangular structure.The the conquest itwas completely abandoned. second enclosure includes streets, cemeteries, The site has been the subject of research into numerous plazas, open spaces, and most pyramids monumental architecture since theend of thenine
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Figure 1.Map of Peru with sites mentioned in the text.
teenth century (Bueno Mendoza 1982; Eeckhout is a focus upon monumental architecture's function, 1999a; Shimada 1991; Uhle 1903). The Ychsma chronology, and role in the site expansion, the pro Project (Universite Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium? ject brief also bioarchaeological analysis (among InstitutoNacional de Cultura del Peru) started in other disciplines). The currentpaper is the result 1999. It is a long-term,multidisciplinary project, of collaboration between the cultural and bioar which aims to understand the function, develop chaeological components of the research plan. As an ment, and influence of Pachacamac during the Late extremely important ritual, official, and domes IntermediatePeriod and Late Horizon. While there tic site, Pachacamac would seem to be an ideal
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PA0ttCAMAC2O62~2QOi^^>^^^\
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Figure 2.Map ofmonumental area of Pachacamac (2008) with complete nomenclature of buildings (Dir: Peter Eeckhout; Topographer :Valerie Decart).
locale to study all aspects of bioarchaeology, logical and anthropological evidence. In order to including sacrifice, evidence forwhich has been explore this issue and address thepoints thusraised, we to recently recovered at the site. elected explore the concept of human sacri Despite thefact thatacademics have researched fice in general terms so thatwe could propose a Andean sacrifice for over a century, there is very series of objective criteria for identifyingpossible little consensus on the nature, definition, or crite ritualmanslaughter fromother formsof intentional ria for itsaccurate identification througharchaeo or accidental killing in the archaeological record.
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While we developed thesehypotheses with thehelp viewed as themost basic of operational definitions. of thePachacamac sample, we also used samples In thecontext of humansAlbert etal. (2005:23) sug from other periods and areas in order to address a gest thathuman sacrifice can be defined as "therit wider Andean perspective. ual killing of living beings within a religious context." They add that "one will call religious? in the sense of the term?any Defining Criteria forHuman Sacrifice general practice implying the representationof supernaturalbeings Human sacrifice is a worldwide practice thathas or powers" (2005:24). Ifwe follow thisproposal, been attested to historically since thebirth of writ positive identificationof sacrifice in the archaeo tenrecords, and archaeologically from theNeolithic logical record is somewhat problematic, forwhile period onwards (Davies 1988; Tierney 1989). The violence may be identifiable frombioarchaeolog temporal and spatial range of sacrificial practices ical and pathological studies of skeletal remains, results in a highly diverse series of behavioral sig differentiating violence (including what would natures that reflect the role of sacrificewithin any forensically be described as "murder" or given population. Itmay be a marginal and rare "manslaughter") from human sacrifice and other aspect of life, such as in the exceptional and often forms of ritual killing is a largely semantic issue questionable cases of the IronAge (Brunaux 2000, that relies heavily upon contextual (including his 2002,2005;Cadoux 1996) to thewell-attested mass torical, epigraphic, artefactual, and spatial) evi sacrifices regularlyperformed by theAztecs (Car dence. Indeed, the difference between human rasco 1999; Gonzalez Torres 1985,2001; Graulich sacrifice (as defined above) and manslaughter lie 1988,2000,2005). There is archaeological and his in the intentionsof thosewho performed thekilling. torical evidence for human sacrifice in ancient Many authors consider that retainers, for example, Mesopotamia (Moorey 1997;Wooley 1934), Egypt cannot fall in the human sacrifice category as the (Dreyer 1992;Maisch 1998;Maish and Friedman victims were not consecrated: they were not offered 1999; Petrie 1900-1901; Reisner 1936; Wright to a god or other supreme being but as companions 1979; Yoyotte 1980-81), Sub-Saharan Africa and/or servantsof a special individual. In our eyes, (Heusch 1986), Greece (Bonnechere 1994; Burk such a distinction is acceptable when correspond ert 1983; Hugues 1991), Rome (Beard et al. 1998; ing ethnological or documental data is available, Dumezil 1970; Rives 1995; Van Haeperen 2004, since itprovides a directly observed social context 2005), China (Hay 1973), India (Vesci 1986), South thatcannot be approximated by archaeological evi easternAsia (Valeri 1994, 2000; Wessing and Jor dence alone. Therefore, an archaeologist can?with daan 1997), and Oceania (Kirch 2000; Spriggs or without the help of anthropology?record vio 1997; Valentin 2005; Valeri 1985). For the present lent death and infera series of explanations as to at purpose, data from various cultures of the New itscausation, but it isusually impossible (or least World such as thePawnee (Hyde 1974), theMaya premature) to discover themotivation behind the a (Helfrich 1973; Najera 1987), the populations of killing. It is for thisreason thatwe propose broader Teotihuacan (Sugiyama 2005), and other definition of human sacrifice,which would be any Mesoamerican cultures (Boone 1984) and a wide killing of an individual for ritual/symbolic pur range ofCentral and SouthernAndean societies are poses. In this sense, we follow the proposals of all of particular relevance. Bonnechere (1994) andVan Haeperen (2004,2005) Anthropological theories about sacrifice and its concerning human sacrifice in ancient Greece and definition are abundant and highly diverse (Bloch Rome. A series of criteriamust be selected inorder 1997; Girard 1972; Godelier 1996; Hubert and todetermine, ineach case, themost plausible inter Mauss 1899; Leach 1980; Sahlins 1985), based as pretation of each given situation. are an set of they upon exceedingly disparate and archaeological, anthropological ethnographic Identifying Human Sacrifice data. Sacrifice make [Lat. Sacrificare?to holy] in theArchaeological Record can roughly be defined as a form of gift to super a inter natural beings inwhich theoffering is consecrated Since the 1960s, there has been growing buri through its destruction, although this should be est in the study and interpretationof atypical
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or no als, i.e., those showing unusual body position ognized thatmany forms of killing either leave or treat on placement, special location non-normative observable traces the body (i.e., poisoning), ment of the body (Aspock 2007; Baiter 2005; leave lesions thatonly affect soft tissues (i.e., lig or Buckberry 2007; Geake 1992, 2002; Reynolds ature strangulation), only produce minor osteo 2009). Originally designed toanalyze "burials dif logical effects (i.e., hyoid fracture inmanual ferent from the normative burial ritual of the strangulation cases) and are thereforemissed on are a respective period, region and/or cemetery" skeletal remains, especially if they not in good (Aspoeck 2007) inAnglo Saxon populations, the state of preservation. applicability of the notion of burial deviance? Death by sacrifice tends to be the exception originally proposed by Geake (1992)?has tran ratherthan the rule inany given society.By perusal scended its original purpose and is becoming an of ethnographic and historical information,it would increasingly important variable for examining seem reasonable to suggest that sacrificed persons skeletal samples. In short, it pertains to the man were treateddifferently from thosewho met a less ner inwhich an individuals' public persona and/or dramatic?and, arguably, less socially manner of death may be expressed in how?and significant?demise. In theAndes, thecapac nucha where?they are disposed of. intermentscould be described as "deviant" insofar Typically, the subjects of deviant burial had wit thattheir location andmanner of burial is so out of tinglyor unwittinglyprovoked social censure. His the ordinary for the population as a whole; these torical examples include stillborn/unbaptized burials thereforereflect something about the indi children, suicide victims, lepers, and executed vidual in life, and theirdeath's role in the social criminals. Archaeologically, IronAge bog bodies order (Brown 1995; Rowe 1995; Verano 1995). It some may reflect censure for perceived social should be possible, in some cases at least, to iden transgression, possibly homosexuality (Rives tify sacrificed individuals on the basis of contex 1999:13:2), while the exclusion of sick individu tual information in collaboration with (or even in als fromcentralized burial plots in theBritish Early the absence of) anatomical evidence. As noted Neolithic may indicate either spiritual exclusion above, while sacrificed individuals may indeed or?more charitably?special treatmentreflecting appear as deviant burials in the archaeological their infirmities (Baiter 2005). As far as we are record, it is not by anymeans theonly reason that aware, however, this is the first time that a for burialsmay be presented in an unconventionalman malized deviant burial scoring system has been ner. Some of the most common alternatives are pre deployed inLatin America. sented in Table 1. The better the contextual Rather than examining grave wealth or tomb evidence, obviously, themore likely our interpre the of of human tations are to we elaboration, "patterns disposal be plausible. The methodology remains in thepast" (Reynolds 2009:41) should be used in order to identifysacrifice in our Pachaca assessed in relation to the "eight causal factors" that mac sample combine both anthropological and might account for unorthodox burial practices in archaeological evidence. the archaeological record: "battle, execution, mas Sacrifice differsfrom other violent acts by being sacre, murder, plague, sacrifice, suicide and super almost invariably successful. Furthermore, as sac stition" (Reynolds 2009:43). While being alert to rifice is?in theAndean region at least?typically all of these potentialities,we will here focus on the under strict social control (Swenson 2003), it is identificationof one category of deviant burials; likely that the lesions sustained as a result of sac namely, human sacrifice. rificewould differfrom those sustainedby accident, The firstpriority is to accurately identifynon combat or othermeans. Itwas thereforedecided to natural death?killing?and todistinguish between contrast the fatal and non-fatal lesions in the sam accidental and deliberate agency; thisunderscores ple. As well as thisdirect anatomical evidence for the importance of including a physical anthropol physical trauma, there is considerable evidence for or ogist bioarchaeologist in any serious field team "deviant" burial thathelps to contextualize the trau (Buikstra 1977). While anatomical/pathological matized individuals and also offers a potential evidence may be the single-most importantdis means for identifying sacrificed people in the criminator available to us, however, it should be rec absence of pathological evidence.We can therefore
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Table 1. Evidence and Hypothesis Related to Human Sacrifice in theArchaeological Record (modified from Albert et al. 2005:30).
Evidence in favor of sacrifice_Alternative hypothesis_ Traces of violent death War, battle, murder, accident, capital punishment Non-standard body position or burial pattern Special status of the individual Simultaneous burial of several individuals Catastrophic burial Hierarchically linked body placement Non-sacrificial hierarchy Placing of the individuals with/instead of offerings Space limitation in deposition area "Special" setting of the individual Accidental death Peculiar in the related to bias population profile_Bias aberrant hyper-mortality_
utilize three combinations: (1) Trauma and sites such as Pachacamac is uncertain (Eeckhout "Deviant" Burial; (2) Trauma Without "Deviant" 2008). Likewise, the point at which such habits Burial; (3) "Deviant" BurialWithout Trauma. Each became apparent is unknown, and while analyses case was considered individually and all possibil based upon the presence of exotic goods (i.e., ities taken into account. In concrete terms, we first Spondylus shells from the Ecuadorian border, selected the burials that corresponded to one of Andean textiles)may be indicative, it is impossi these threepossibilities. ble to differentiatemigration from trade on this The firstcombination is of course themost obvi basis. For the current paper, however, we are con ous, even if an interpretationother than sacrifice cerned primarilywith thenature of sacrifice and its has tobe considered (cf.Table 1).The second sce definition in cultural terms,which would not have nario is themost difficultto interpretwith certainty, been affected by having ascertained the individu numerous can since alternative explanations be pro als' place of origin. Further work on the applica posed, as stated above. The last scenario refers to tionof scientificmethods to these remains shall be all those individuals inunorthodox burial or depo forthcoming indue course. sition contexts?the contention being that numer The anatomical/pathological evidence for ous ways of killing leave no observable traces in trauma was evaluated on the basis of 181 mum the anatomical record. For all these reasons, we mified and skeletal individuals from the site. The have introduced the notion of Potentially Sacri basic information about the individuals is pre ficed Individuals (PSIs): analysis of the anatomi sented in Table 2. Related contextual and strati cal and contextual configurationof each PS Iwould graphical information is detailed elsewhere in give the investigator a foundation fromwhich to corresponding reportsand publications (see Table determine the likelihood of sacrifice for any given 3). The remainswere aged and sexed using devel individual. opmental, pelvic, and dental methodologies as summarized inBuikstra and Ubelaker (1994). The unsexed individuals are predominantly subadults Corpus Analysis thatcannot usually be sexed (the exceptions being areas At the present time, around ninety excavations mummified remains with retained soft tissue). as are have been opened by theYchsma Project, and Individuals classified "adult" or "subadult" human remains have been forthcoming frommost com of these.The project design includes plans for Table 2. Sample Used in the Present Study. prehensive studies of these?notably for biodis order to tance, isotopic, and aDNA analyses?in _Male_Female_Unknown 1 2 41 establish the geographical origin and biological 0-10 11 to 18 7 3 4 of the individuals.This is especially impor affinity 19-40 14 33 3 tantwhen one of themain thrustsof the addressing 41 + 4 1 0 currentresearch project?that ofmigration. While "Adult" 21 15 10 historically attested in the fifteenthand sixteenth "Subadult" 1 0 19 centuries, the extent towhich people traveledover "Unknown" 0 0 2 large distances for thepurpose of visiting religious Total_48_54_79
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Figure 3. Partial 3D numerical reconstruction of Pachacamac (2005) with indication of the places where PSPs were encountered.
were cra either badly preserved or were incompletely ana All the postcranial lesions healed. The lyzed at the time of writing. Potentially Sacrificed nial lesions were predominantly small, depressed Individuals (PSIs) were encountered inPyramids fractures, oval to round in overall shape. A single 3A, 3C (also called Temple of theMonkey, for rea maxillary process injurywas noted, resulting in the sons explained below), 5,13 and in theeastern cor loss of all the upper front teeth.The postcranial ridor of theCentral Plaza (Figure 3 and Table 3). lesions includedmisaligned longbone fractures,rib a In all cases, the PSIs have been subdivided into fractures, and single femoral neck fracture. those with peri-mortem traumatic lesions, and Lesions were distributed across the cranium with those individuals who we believe may have been particular emphasis on thefrontal and theparietals. sacrificed based on themanner inwhich theywere There were no lesions to theoccipital or the facial interredor deposited.
Table 4. General for Trauma and Pathology Comparisons Pachacamac Trauma Prevalence. Of the 181 individuals assessed for the current were % study, 19 affected by traumatic lesions (10.5 Population_Sample Affected - percent). In order to contextualize this in a global Danish Mesolithic 43.8% Rodeo Riders 71/181 39.2% context, this figurewas compared with data from (USA) Neanderthals 29%5/17 Larsen (1997:116-154) and Owens (2003) (see Swansport, Australia 31/11029% Table 4). The trauma rate has been calculated on a Prehispanic Canary Islands 106/560 18.9% sex or side. by-individual basis, disregarding site, RapaNui 31/271 11.4% Of these, six individualshad multiple lesions,while Nubians 17/160 10.6% Pachacamac 19/181 10.5% 13had single lesions; the totalnumber of traumatic Danish Neolithic - 9.4% lesions was 26. Nineteen lesions were cranial; seven Libben (N.America) 6/946.4% were were postcranial. Six cranial lesions peri - Danish Middle Ages 5.1 % mortem and the remainder were - possibly fatal; Danish IronAge 4.7% healed and had occurred well before timeof death. Viking Period_-_4.3%
This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 384LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 19, No. 4, 2008
bones, save for the maxillary process. The peri This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Eeckhout & Owens] HUMAN SACRIFICE AT PACHACAMAC 385 Figure 4. PSI1 i/i s/ta. come same from the general sector of the site: the spondylus beads in the layerof fine sand covering periphery of theCentral Plaza. It isworth describ his body. The posterior aspect of the rightparietal ing this sector since this helps to understand its was crushed with at least a single blow, with radi across importance and perhaps the presence of thePSIs. ating fracture lines emanating out the skull. The North-South Street thatpermits external access The blow would thereforeseem tohave come from to thesite terminatesat theentry of theCentral Plaza above and to the right?perhaps while the individ (Figure 2), giving rise to a three-way junction: ual was kneeling. The apex of the instrument(pos straighton to enter the Central Plaza, to the left sibly a club) lefta distinctivemark superoanterior through the Eastern Corridor (toward the South to themain lesion. The hyoid was undamaged; as eastern part of the site), and right throughthe West however, this is not necessarily significant the ernCorridor all along theexterior side of theCentral hyoid bone and/or thyroidcartilages are rarelyfrac Plaza, leading into thefamous Pilgrim's Plaza. The turedin cases of strangulationusing a ligature (Ube are stone was huge corridor walls made of irregular laker 1992). The lower right leg absent from blocks with tapia basements. This peculiar circu theknee downwards. As thiswas theonly burial in lation layoutwas designed by the Incas inorder to the area and the locale was otherwise undisturbed, control the fluxof visitors to the siteduring theLate thiswould suggest that this occurred to the indi Horizon (Eeckhout 2004d, 2008). vidual at or around the timeof burial although there were no or PSI 1 was a highly atypical burial, located in signs of pathology, trauma, cut-marks the southern part of theEastern corridor from the on the distal femur.This intriguingtreatment and as Central Plaza (Figure 4). The remains were of an the archaeological context are suggestive, PSI1 adultmale (about 35 years old), recovered from the was found within the abandonment layer of this seems southern corner of the corridor. The body?which important corridor. Both elements sufficient was skeletal ratherthan mummified?had been laid to reject the simple murder/execution hypothesis, an no to a out supine and in extended position, with bur and the conjunction of features point sacrifice ial goods except for tracesof red pigment and loose related to the abandonment itself,probably at the This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 386LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 19, No. 4, 2008 liHBiiiii^ ^WBBflMBBMBBfflHBBMBHMfflliiillll^ Figure 5. PSI 2 under excavation (the skull has been consolidated with bandages). very beginning of theSpanish Conquest (when the out Trauma" section, below. Pachacamac Idol was destroyed, itscult prohibited Trauma Without Deviant Burial and thepopulation forcefullymoved to theRimac Valley to construct Ciudad de los Reyes [Cobo One of the plazas associated with Pyramid 3 is a numerous 1964 (1653), 11:285-286]. It should be noted that large, open area with fragmented buri the test pit inwhich PSI1 was encountered mea als dating to theLate Horizon and the early colo sured only 4m2, so that it is possible that further nial period. Of the20 thathave so farbeen analyzed, similarly deposited individuals may be found two bear peri-mortem trauma that strongly resem nearby. bles that of the individuals described above. It The second case comes from theWestern cor should be noted that this material cannot be ridorbut seems to correspond to the foundation of assessed forburial traditionsas all individuals have this structure. PSI 2?a young subadult? been partially or totallydisarticulated by the activ demonstrates oblique cutting/slicingwounds to the ities of looters. leftside of the frontal,and possibly a large crush PSI 3 displays a non-healed double trauma,with ing injury to the right rear parietal (similar to that a linear depressed fractureon the right side of the of PSI 1,above),4 although preservation of thisarea frontal (3 cm longby .5cm wide), associated crack was runs to a is not good (Figure 5). PSI 2 buried in the tapia ing that the coronal suture, and 2-x-2-cm basement of theSouthern wall of the corridor, thus crushing lesion on thedorsal aspect of theright pari obviously associated with the construction of the etalwith cracks radiating to the lambdoid and coro latter. Interestingly, a tumbaga tumi (sacrificial nal sutures. The position of the cracks and their knife) was found in a cache beneath the opposite orientationmakes it likely thatthe frontal lesionwas wall in the same layer,not far fromPSI 2 (Figure sustained first,followed by theparietal lesion. 6). All these evidences suggest a sacrifice founda Another male skull (PSI 4) of a similar age tionperformed at the verymoment of building the demonstrated a 3 cm round healed lesion on the rear a cm corridor. It is interesting to note thatother infant 1/3 of the sagittal suture, and 3.4 crush burials were found in the same layer and thus ing injury on themiddle of the right side of the related to the same event; as these did not exhibit lambdoid suture (mainly on theparietal) with radi across traumas, theyare listed in the"Deviant BurialWith ating fracture lines across the occipital and This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Eeckhout & Owens] HUMAN SACRIFICE AT PACHACAMAC 387 Figure 6. Sacrificial knife in a cache near PSI 2. to the leftparietal. Although these individualsobvi wall as itwas constructed. There is no lamination ously died from a violent death, similar to PSI 1 of sedimentbetween thebody and the lowest course and 2, the disturbed nature of the context does not of stones, implying that thebody was purposefully permit us todiscard nonritualized murder or lethal placed below thewall as itwas being built. Finally, battle injuries as possibilities. thebones are deformed and bent, but not crushed and powdery,which would seem to suggest thatthe Deviant Burials Without Trauma bone was fresh at the time thewall was built. The PSIs in thefoundation layerof theWestern cor Itwould thereforeseem likely thatthe body was ridorare all subadults ranging from4 to 8 years old deliberately placed beneath thewall, possibly as some or (see Table 3, PSI 5, 6, 7). They have no burial form of homage, sacrifice, request for goods, with the exception of a guinea pig buried benediction of the construction works. These three with PSI 5. Body position ranged from supine and infantburials and theone described above (PSI 2) extended (PSI 5,6) to flexed (PSI 7). They are all seem to form a group that is stratigraphicallyand closely associated with the architecture, to the chronologically related to the construction of the extentof being locatedwithin the tapia bases of the Western corridor walls, and thus possibly related main walls. to itsfoundation rituals. Indeed, in addition to the PSI 7?a flexed subadult of around 4 years of evidence cited so far (burial characteristics, the age?was buried immediately under thewall with trauma/sacrificial knife, and the architectural asso the lowest course crushing the body and deform ciations), it isworth noting that thiscorridor faces ing the skull (Figure 7). Other than this, thebody theTemple of Pachacamac (thegod of earthquakes, no covers a bears apparent traumatic lesions indicative of among much else), and huge pre-Inca context seems to sacrifice, but the suggest that its cemetery spreading from the Temple's foot toward disposal?and possibly demise?may have had the north (Eeckhout 2009; Eeckhout and Farfan some specific social function.The level of thewall 2004, 2005; Uhle 1903).We believe itplausible to base is actually below the level of the skull due to suggest that inorder to sanctify theirown building as the body being depressed by itsweight; the indi to please the god Pachacamac and calm the pos vidual was thereforeprotruding from under the sible wrath of the ancestors buried beneath, the This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 388LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 19, No. 4, 2008 Figure 7. PSI 7 in situ under the lower course of a wall of theWestern Corridor. Incas performed a series of child sacrifices. This wrapped with bandages and was buried inan angled were would be consistent with the archaeological evi crouched position. Suspicions first aroused dence, and also resonates with ethno-historic when the body was partially unwrapped to reveal records (see below). a very unusual burial position; the legswere partly PSI 8, found near Pyramid 5, was a highly but unequally extended (the lower half of thebody unusual case The pyramid is situated between the was badly preserved), and the right elbow was was was second and third enclosures, and probably thrustout at a right angle to the body, and modified by the Incas (Eeckhout and Farfan 2004). partly out of thebandages (Figure 8). It should be A series of Late Horizon funerarybundles were dis remembered thatarm position is invariable in the western covered by the main platform's external other burials at the site, being drawn into the chest wall, buried into superficial sand and without for under the chin, sandwiched between the legs and are torso. mal funerary structures. Associated textiles all the Further investigation revealed the pres no were ence a plain, and grave goods associated. This of coprolites inside themummy wrappings, were sample of burials includesPSI 8, a lateperiod infant unique finding at the site. No marks of trauma (<1 year) interment.The mummy was loosely present on the body of the individual. This speci This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Eeckhout & Owens] HUMAN SACRIFICE AT PACHACAMAC 389 Figure 8. PSI 8, an infant probably buried alive. men or dates to theLate Horizon Colonial period, tural and other evidence clearly shows. No trau which is in itselfsuggestive as the Inca are known matic lesions or cutmarks were noted on the bones. to have practiced live burial. However, the clearest The age and apparent status of the individual and cases originate in locales that were more conducive theposition of theburial within thepyramid seems to soft-tissue preservation. While taphonomic cir to suggest special treatmentthat is possibly linked cumstances do not permit a definitive diagnosis, to sacrificial deposition, which would perhaps best therefore, there is considerable circumstantial evi be described as deviant sensu lato. In the absence a more asser dence to suggest that this individual represents of compelling evidence, however, this live burial of an infant. tion remains speculative. The lastcase comes theTemple of theMonkey The results of our analysis has be summed up that lies to thewest of Pyramid 3, and which isdis inTable 5. It should be noted thatall the sacrifices tinctive in terms of both architecture and occupa date to the Inca period of occupation. We will see tion (Eeckhout 2003; Farfan 2004). Itwas built this has some interesting implications in the gen occupied in the Late Intermediate Period, proba eral framework of human sacrifice in the ancient bly between A.D. 1300 and 1460 (Eeckhout 2004c; Andes. Michzincky et. al.2007). One of theplatforms con tained the beneath eponymous monkey mummy: Discussion this,within the layerof constructivefill of the struc ture,was thebody of a young child lyingon itsright Possibly themost comprehensive analysis of the arms side, oriented east-west, with legs and flexed phenomena underlying sacrifice in theAndean and face turnednorthwards. The body was resting region was carried out by Swenson (2003), who on a fine layerof selected sand with tracesof maize linked sacrifice with the evolution of power rela (Figure 9) and was covered with a textileand was tions and stated that the "elite areas of ritual vio associated with a pointed staff80cm long, broken lence" (2003:257) were integral to the as as into several pieces, well several ceramic copies establishment and maintenance of political con of poisonous Nectandra seeds (Eeckhout 2006; trol,especially when linked with the exercise of Montoya 2004). The burial is related to the foun ritual and religious power. The archaeological evi as dation of the Temple itself, a series of architec dence is notable for its lack of consistency, as This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 390LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 19, No. 4, 2008 >..:.^BJM|^^^^S^^MKl^Wi^^^^^^^y^, r-".'| f i''^yfj?P^iiwiM^ m j / //: *ii - ^^^^^B^^^M?yj& ^ Figure 9. PSI 9 in situ in the constructive fill of the Temple of theMonkey. human sacrifice appears to have served different retainer to the main deceased personage, notable functions at different times and in different cul examples ofwhich include theMoche culture of the tural groups. North Coast's Early IntermediatePeriod (ca A.D. sources Contact period frequently make refer 1-750: see Alva 1988, 1990; Alva and Donnan ence to ritual human sacrifice in the prehispanic 1993;Donnan 1995:150-151; Donnan andMackey Central Andes (Cieza 1994:11: ch.28; Cobo 1978:200-207; Hecker and Hecker 1992; Strong 1964:XIII: ch. 13 to 18,31,32,36; Molina de Cuzco and Evans 1952:150-167; Ubbelhode-Doering 1943:69-78; Murua 1946:III:ch.44, IV:ch.2; Polo 1983:53,90, 107-13), theSican culture of theMid 1917:ch.9), when most of theAndes was under the dle Horizon to Late Intermediate period (ca. A.D. control of the Inca Empire. Rowe (1946:305-306) 600-1000 to ca. A.D. 1000-1475?Shimada 1995) were states that human sacrifices performed only in and the laterChimu culture of theLate Intermedi exceptional circumstances, citing the example of the ate Period (Conrad 1981:13, 1982:100; Pozorski a a Capac Hucha, complex ceremony involving 1980;Verano andWalde 2004). Other contexts sug series of rituals that included the sacrifice of chil gest ritualkilling of captives, probably warriors, at dren (Du viols 1976; Salomon 1995;Velasco de Tord Pacatnamu (Verano 2007, 2008), El Brujo (Verano 1978). This traditionhas been confirmed archaeo 2006), and theHuaca de la Luna (Bourget 1998; logically (Ceruti 2003; Dorsey 1901;McEwan and Montoya 1996, etc). It is possible that the latter VandeGuchte 1992;Mostny 1957;Reinhard 1992, were performed within the framework of cere 1997, 1999; Schobinger 2003), although such evi monies related toexceptionally devastating climatic dence is scarce. Indeed, most archaeological evi events such as the ENSO phenomenon, although dence forhuman sacrifice in theancient Andes dates iconography and other finds suggest also that the frommuch earlier periods (Benson 2001; Benson ceremony included theritual killing of enemies cap and Cook 2001; Verano 1995, 2001b). In many tured in combat (Alva and Donnan 1993). seems a cases, the victim to be playing the role of Sacrifices were not common inWari archaeo This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Eeckhout & Owens] HUMAN SACRIFICE AT PACHACAMAC 391 Table 5. Sacrifice Evidence at Pachacamac. n?_Sacrifice_ModusPSI operandi_Possible motivation_ 1 Yes Blunt Impact (?Strangled) Ritual abandonment 2 Yes Skull Cut (?Blunt Impact) Foundation sacrifice Uncertain3 Skull Blunt Impact / Uncertain4 Skull Blunt Impact / Probably 5 Undetermined Foundation sacrifice Probably 6 Undetermined Foundation sacrifice Probably 7 Undetermined Foundation sacrifice 8 ProbablyBuried alive Retainer/ Offering to Pachacamac 9_Uncertain_Undetermined_/_ logical horizon (Kaulicke 2001:509). At Con ranking soldierywho died of combative wounds. chopata, for example, Isbell cites only one case of This highlights the importance of examining the a mass burial comprising 5 young females, thathe corporeal distribution and nature of lesions within considers as a probable group of sacrificial victims the site (or period, or region) as a whole. (Isbell 2004:16). Indeed, themost notable formof Insofaras itcan be determined, thePachacamac possible sacrifice is the collection of trophyheads individuals do fall into these two categories, recovered from two ritual structures at the site although theprecise implicationsof thefindings are (Cook 2001; Tung 2007, 2008). The Incan sacri debatable (see below). Within the later Sican tra fice of children on solemn occasions?such as the dition, Shimada (1995) excavated elite burials con eve of war or to cast benediction upon some other tainingfemale and children retainers,none ofwhich notable event?has been documented both histor demonstrated any trace of peri-mortem violence. ically and archaeologically (Rowe 1946:305-306). Our data on Ychsma practices during pre-Inca and Severed "trophy"heads fromSouthern Coast Nasca Inca times seem to follow the same general pattern culture are also likely to be related to the sphere of as theirChimu contemporaries on theNorth Coast, war as a common (Silverman and Proulx 2002) and were prob perhaps regional variations from as are ably removed from vanquished opponents, coastal pattern (see Eeckhout 1998, 2005b). the severed forearm "trophy" bones reportedupon One major difference seems to be the form of byAndrushko (et al. 2005). However, in themajor sacrifice?the way inwhich people were killed. As ityof Andean cases the vanquished opponent was stated above, Peru's best-known sacrifice cases are humiliated through mutilation and execution probably thosepertaining toCupisnique andMoche throughformalized sacrificeprocedures (Swenson society. Indeed, in all North Coast cases (also 2003) and incomplete interment,with much less including the Sican and Chimu), the dramatic on emphasis trophy-taking(Verano et al.1999). nature of the activity marks out sacrifice as a san Verano states are (2006:9) thatthere twodistinct guineous, punishment/execution process, involving patternsof human sacrifice identifiedat Prehispanic decapitation, massive trauma and mutilation Peruvian sites: "(1) carefully-arranged burials of (Cordy-Collins 2001; Verano 2005) carried out children or adolescents accompanied by elaborate against captive enemies and hostages (Sutter and as to or grave goods offering temples retainers in Cortez 2005). The difference between these san high status tombs, and (2) male captives buried in guineous (it is likely that extravagant blood-flow contexts without or was non-mortuary (...) grave goods themain aim) sacrificial phenomena and the considerate treatmentof thebody. Evidence of vio Pachacamac individuals ismarked: blunt force lentdeath is commonly found in the latter,but not trauma is present, but only one demonstrates evi in the former."This is certainly trueof all situations dence of slicing wounds; curiously, cutmarks on where victims of combative contact have been pos cervical vertebrae and other bones, so common itively identified,although thereare times inwhich among Moche sacrifice victims (Verano 2001a, it is impossible to ascertain the identityof the vic 2001b), are totally absent from our database. We and we tim, by definition may be missing less know that ligature strangulation was a common dramatic examples. It is also importantto consider formof execution inUhle's cemetery of sacrificed the possibility that the individuals represent low women (1903), although poor preservationhas pre This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 392LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 19, No. 4, 2008 vented us fromfinding any more such evidence.We ods used onmany noncombative sacrificial victims also suspect live burial as a likely sacrificemethod. (strangulation,poisoning/drugging, and choking). While it is of course possible thatwe have yet to Respect for thebody is something thatappears very sample the full range of sacrificialmethods present clearly in the famous Inca "ice maidens" and other at the site, these two techniques account for the sacrificed children found by Reinhardt and his col majority of observed cases. leagues on differentmountain peaks of Tahuan Early Colonial writings make frequent refer tinsuyu territory(Ceruti 2003). Ceruti explains in ence tohuman sacrifice in the terminal Inca period: details the reasons why these individuals inpartic "themost valuable sacrificewas of human beings, ular were chosen: age, physical beauty (manifested who were offered to themost importantdivinities by an immaculate skin), and social originswere the and huacas on the most solemn occasions, such as most importantcriteria. Causes of death include war at coro pestilence, famine, and reverses, the some cranial trauma,strangulation (Reinhard 1997, nation of a new Emperor (when 200 childrenwere 1998; Schobinger 2001) or undetermined (Ceruti sacrificed), when the Emperor went to war in per 2003). son, or when he was sick" (Rowe 1946:305-306). From the broadest heuristic perspective, there Children are believed to have been buried alive as seems tobe some formof dichotomy inhuman sac sacrifices at Pachacamac (Cobo 1964:XIII:ch. 36), rifice traditionsfrom theNorth (sanguineous) and while Santillan (1879:32) notes that young girls Central Coast (nonsanguineous), suggesting spe were offered toPachacamac, and were buried alive cific symbolical meanings related to cultural pecu for this purpose. Guaman Poma (1989:265) indi liarities hardly accessible in the present state of cates thatchild sacrifices in honor of Pachacamac research, considering the reduced sample of related were regularly performed following the Inca ritual data in both areas. However, this shift inmortuary a a an area calendar, fact confirmed by native of the area, practice with regards sacrifice is thatshould Avila's informant: be addressed. Todos los anos le ofrecian un capac hucha [sac Remarks and rificandole]gente [de todas las provincias] del Concluding Further Recommendations Tahuantinsuyo, mujeres y hombres. Cuando a Pachacamac, enterraban vivas [a las llegaban The traumatic lesionswere restrictedto adult ? large victimas de] ese capac hucha diciendo: Helos individuals (males), the lesions of PSI 2 ?. man cutting aqui; te los ofrezco, padre De lamisma being an exception to the restof the corpus.While era, [le ofrecian] oro y y no [de plata dejaban were recov most of the specimens unfortunately sacrificarle] llamas y de hacerle ofrendas de ered from mixed or looted contexts, the consis ? bebida y comida en la epoca de la luna llena tencyof theperi-mortem lesions (positioned on the [Avilal987:ch.22:331]. posterior aspect of the parietals and the occipital) manner Another source notes the traditionof casting young seems to infer a more regularized of deliv accom of healed girls fromelevated spots inorder for them to ery than the fairly random distribution pany curacas in death (Polia 1999:296). Pachaca lesions found in the remainder of the sample (see mac's attributes include fertilityand fecundity.He above). The remaining PSIs were subadults, with is, among other things, related to earth and agri no physical evidence for sacrifice; their identifica culture (Calancha 1975:I:ch.22; Cobo tion thereforerelied more stronglyupon the posi 1964:XIII:ch. 36; Jerez 1965:96). Babies were sac tion of the body and theburial context. we rificed in order to obtain a good harvest (Polia On the basis of the Pachacamac evidence, 1999:449-50); theywere traditionallyburied in the would supportVerano's assertion that sacrificed two main fields in question. Such practices denote a desire individuals do fall into groups we to literallyprovide life for theearth: feeding it live (infants/childrenand adult males). However, that the adult male human beings. also recognize defining group It is interestingto note the correlation between as vanquished combatants isbased largelyupon the the Inca tradition of physical perfection in their pioneering work carried out on the sacrificedmales child victims and the low-impact sacrificemeth atMoche sites (Sutter and Cortez 2005), and it is This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Eeckhout & Owens] HUMAN SACRIFICE AT PACHACAMAC 393 only throughdental or isotopic/genetic studies that tion)will always produce a more balanced view of geographical disparity can be ascertained. At the ancient lifeways than any of these in isolation. present time, therefore,PSI 1 and the2 male skulls We have several recommendations for future (PSI 3 and 4) cannot conclusively be demonstrated study of deviant burial, in theAndes as much as a tobe exotic to the site. In thecase of PSI 1, the iso elsewhere. First, every team must include phys lation of the individual and the careful (if atypical) ical anthropologist, ifone is to avoid missing impor mode of burial adjacent to the scared precinct is tant informationabout burial traditions and their unusual when compared to the largeand chaotically significance. Second, great attentionmust be paid deposited Pacatnamu sample (Verano 1986). Inci to theprecise position inwhich human remains are dentally, it should be noted thatthe variety in form interred,with a fullwritten description being per of sacrifice in the current sample may reflect the formed by the physical anthropologist in addition deep stratigraphy,and that temporo spatial trends to extensive field notes, drawings and photography more may become apparent with wider exposures of the remains, theirburial context and all associ at the site. ated elements (offeringsetc). Third, the data con We thus endorse Verano's theory and propose cerning burial position should occupy a key role in that researchers take active measures to broaden the analysis of burials, along with cultural vari theirperspectives on PSIs by considering thatmany ables such as trauma and the quality/quantity of individualswho died in such a manner may not dis grave goods, as well as demographic factors such play skeletal (or soft tissue) trauma, and that the as age and sex.All the specialists should indepen only indicator of the reason behind their demise dently produce their evidence and merge it; only might lie in the fact that theirdeposition falls out thenwill a "diagnosis" of deviant burial be viable. side the remitof burial practice for the site, culture, Acknowledgments. The at Pachacamac were or population. We would also propose that the investigations funded by the Universite Libre de Bruxelles, the Fonds anatomical and contextual findings from the site of National de la Recherche Scientifique and the Fonds de la Pachacamac reflect a shift from the somewhat san Recherche Fondamentale Collective (Belgium), the as guineous cultures such the Nasca and theMoche, Committee for Research and Exploration of the National to the perfection-obsessed sacrificial modality of Geographic Society (Washington) and the Mary G. and Curtiss T. Brennan Foundation In seems (Santa Fe). Peru, the the Incas. The former to be concerned pri research was authorized by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura. marily with retainerburials and thepunishment of We wish to acknowledge the support and help of Carlos enemies or which were offered to an opponents, Farfan, Peruvian codirector of theYchsma Project, all our uncertain as a to some eternity gesture higher field staff, and also theMuseo de Sitio de Pachacamac for its assistance and Valerie Decart power. In the case of the latter, the sacrifices were logistic support. (CReA topog to or rapher), Nathalie Bloch and Francois Degesve (ULB-CReA intended bless objects missions, give thanks, infographic staff) deserve our warmest thanks. Thanks are or to for favors or assistance. appeal supernatural to also due Edeltraud Aspoeck, Jo Buckberry, Tiffany Tung, Central and Latin America is the perhaps region and Andrew Reynolds for providing us with copies of their of theworld that ismost stronglyassociated with forthcoming work. Finally, we wish to express our greatest toMichel human sacrifice. In a sense, therefore, the fact that gratitude Graulich, John Verano, and the anony mous reviewers for their insightful comments on earlier ver there is such extremely dramatic evidence for sac sions of the errors are, of our rificeon theNorthern Coast manuscript; remaining course, and elsewhere inhibits own. the reporting and even identification of more transient?yet stillvalid?evidence for sacrifice. It References Cited should thereforebe made explicit thatevidence for sacrifice does not exist solely in decapitated and Alva, Walter mutilated corpses, for in a wider context these are 1988 Discovering theNew World's Richest Unlooted Tomb. National Geographic 174(4):510-55. as exceptional as Capacocha burials. Furthermore, 1990 New Tomb of Royal Splendor. National Geographic burial convention a more is far sensitive barome 177(6)2-16. terof social attitudes that the sacrificed/nonsacri Alva Alva, Walter, and Christopher B. Donnan 1993 Royal Tombs of Sipdn. Fowler Museum of Cultural ficed dichotomy, and careful analyses of combined History, University of California, Los Angeles. relevant factors demo (including health, diet, Albert, Jean-Pierre, Eric Crubezy, and Beatrix Midant-Reynes 2005 du sacrifice humain. Problemes et graphics, trauma, inferred wealth, and burial posi L'archeologie hypotheses. In Le sacrifice humain en Egypte ancienne et This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 394LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 19, No. 4, 2008 ailleurs, edited by Jean-PierreAlbert and Beatrix Midant tiken der Kelten in Nordfrankreich. Mitteilungen der Reynes, pp. 20-33. Editions Soleb, Paris. 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Annu Verano, JohnW aire de I'EPHE, Ve Section 89:31-102. 1986 A Mass Burial ofMutilated Individuals at Pacatnamu. In The Pacatnamu Papers, Volume I, edited by Christo pher B. Donnan and Guillermo Cock, pp. 117-138. Notes Museum of Cultural History, University ofCalifornia, Los Angeles. 1.The precise significance of the somewhat gory reliefs The of Human 1995 Where Do They Rest ? Treatment at the site of Cerro Sechin, for example, is open to interpreta and inAncient Peru. In Tombs the Offerings Trophies for tion (see Burger 1992:77-80). Andean Mortuary Practices, edited by Tom. D. Living: 2. Recent evidence for gunshot wounds and impalement Dillehay, pp. 189-228. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library have also been forthcoming in recent excavations on the cen and Collection, Washington, D.C. tral coast area 1998 Sacrificios humanos, desmembramientos y modifi (http://news.nationalgeographic.com/ caciones culturales en restos osteologicos: Evidencias de news/2007/06/070620-first-gunshot.html). 3. has also been noted from other North las temporadas de investigation 1995-96. In Investiga Trophy-taking form of Inca ciones en la Huaca de la Luna 1996, edited by Santiago and South American sites, taking the trophies Uceda, Elias Mujica, and Ricardo Morales, pp. 159-171. such as flutes and drinking vessels made from human bones Nacional de at Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad (Verano 1995:192), trophy radiuses taken from individuals La Libertad, Trujillo. Pacatnamu (Verano 1986), to drilled and polished forearm Death in theMoche World: 2001a War and Osteological bones taken from enemies and worn as ornamentation Evidence and Visual Discourse. InMoche Art and Archae (Andrushko et. al. 2005). ology inAncient Peru, edited by Joanne Pillsbury, pp. 4. This general pattern is repeated in Pachacamac 111-125. Studies in of Art, 63. National Gallery History a Museum Specimen 1539 (a 30-35 year-old male), surface of Art,Washington D.C. find of uncertain and with some surface weather 2001b The Physical Evidence of Human Sacrifice in provenance a cm unhealed lesion on the Ancient Peru. In Ritual Sacrifice inAncient Peru, edited ing. The skull shows 2x3 poste a crack by Elizabeth Benson and Anita Cook, pp. 165-184. Uni rior portion of the leftparietal, with large peri-mortem Austin. versity of Texas Press, running dorsally to the lambdoid suture. 2006 Human Sacrifice at El Brujo, Northern Peru. Report on 2005 Summer Field Research. Report to theNational Geographic Society's Committee forResearch and Explo 2007. ration and theRoger Thayer Stone Center forLatin Amer Submitted August 27, 2007; Accepted October 29, This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:57:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions